Tully 1 Camb Arch Rev 2011

A r c h a e o l o g i c a l R e v i e w f r o m C a m b r i d g e - 2 6 .
2 - 2 0 1 1
Gemma Tully
Junior Topoi Fellow, Humboldt University and Freie University Berlin, Department of Ancient
Egypt and the Sudan
gemmatully@hotmail.com
Re-presenting Ancient Egypt: Reengaging
Communities through Collaborative Archaeological
Methodologies for Museum Displays
C
ollaboration is the word on everyones lips. Whether it be social
scientists seeking new avenues for research, or governmental initia-
tives such as David Camerons Big Society, it is clear that working togeth-
er across cultural, economic and disciplinary boundaries is a formative
strategy for the twenty-first century. In many cases, however, while col-
laboration dominates ideological debates it has been difficult to translate
such collaborative approaches into practice. The struggle between ac-
knowledging the benefits of working with new partners and reluctance
to relinquish traditional power roles is particularly acute in the field of
archaeological museum display. As a discipline built on the foundations
of elitism and empire, current museum policy promotes working with au-
diences, source communities and underrepresented visitor groups. The
resulting changes in display, however, are painfully slow.
138 Re-presenting Ancient Egypt
A r c h a e o l o g i c a l R e v i e w f r o m C a m b r i d g e 2 6 . 2 : 1 3 7 1 5 2
The last decade has seen the growth of audience and interpretation
departments in museums throughout the world. With the aim of making
museum spaces and exhibitions more accessible, personally meaningful
and ethically aware, excellent work is taking place in a number of institu-
tions, but collaborative suggestions are predominantly edited out by cu-
ratorial and design teams who have the final say. As the full transformative
potential of collaboration in the museum context rarely makes it through
to the gallery floor, it is unsurprising that individuals, such as the British
politician Eric Pickles, Communities and Local Government Secretary,
have branded roles such as audience development officers as non-jobs
and a waste of taxpayers money (Atkinson zo:o: p). If collaboration in
the museum continues in a tokenistic manner then Pickles may be right.
However, working in partnership with diverse audiences and stakehold-
ers should not cause alarm for governmental budgets or museum profes-
sionals. Instead, the potential of combining diverse museological needs
and expertise should be embraced to reveal how collaborative approach-
es to museum display can be mutually beneficial to curators, academics,
visitors, source communities and even governments.
Focusing on the representation of ancient Egypt in a number of
Europes most prestigious museums: the Louvre, the British Museum, the
Museo Egizio and the gyptisches Museum, this paper will work from a
practical example to explicate a methodology for genuine collaboration
in archaeological museum display. Addressing the socio-political agen-
das of current museology, I will discuss how the collaborative approach
can help reconfigure the traditional formula for Egyptological displays.
Through the case study, I hope to offer wider solutions for recurring is-
sues in twenty-first century heritage debate and challenge the notion of
the museum as an objective temple for answers dislocated from both
the present and from the problems of the world.
The Legacy of Egypt
Of all the ancient civilizations, Egypt holds a special place in Western
memorialization. From the ancient Greeks to the modern day the same
sense of mystery and awe surrounds perceptions of ancient Egyptian
139 Gemma Tully
society and culture (see Strassler zoo;). This legacy of wonder is largely
the result of historical circumstance. Ancient Egypt was re-discovered
by the modern West at a time of exploration, colonialism and nation
building. While object-based riches from ancient Egypt acted as symbols
of power within European politics from the sixteenth to eighteenth
centuries, scholarly knowledge was hindered by the impenetrability of
the hieroglyphs. Whereas research into ancient Greece and Rome was
strengthened by linguistic accessibility, other than occasional Classical
accounts concerning ancient Egypt, the first forays into Egyptology
were highly speculative. The most powerful influences on perceptions
of ancient Egypt before Jean-Franois Champollion deciphered the
hieroglyphs in :8zz were predominantly biblical (Trigger :pp: z).
Concepts of divine wisdom (Acts ;:zz) therefore came to form lasting
impressions of ancient Egyptian culture in popular and scholarly doctrines
(Assman zoo: (z;). When the first pharaonic Egyptian artefacts went on
wider public display with the birth of national museums in the mid-:;oos
(Reid zooz), this lack of knowledge manifested in a focus on mysticism
and grandeur. Parts of monumental sculptures, mummies and temple
reliefs crammed into darkened or sometimes opulently painted rooms
created a towering spectacle which overwhelmed but could not be
processed by visitors (Moser zoo6). This exhibition experience was part
of a wider movement of Egyptomania, incorporating sculpture (Herzer et
al. :p86), painting (Clayton :p8z; Jacobs :pp), architecture (Curl zooz) and
diverse elements of popular culture (Reid zooz), that was sweeping both
sides of the Atlantic (Curl :p8z, :pp(). Egyptology as a discipline, however,
was not established until after the hieroglyphs were deciphered, which
interestingly coincided with the introduction of the first ancient Egyptian
everyday items in Western collections. This meant that for the first three
centuries in which ancient Egypt had been entering modern Western
consciousness the sensational aspects of mystery and elitism were the
sole narratives.
In terms of Egyptology today, the specifics of pre-hieroglyph cultur-
al memory is evident through the focus on epigraphy, iconography and
architecture. This lead to the production of long histories of art, politics
or philology, and made an academic focus on religion and the elite in-
evitable. Although the last two hundred years has seen our understand-
ing of ancient Egypt increase exponentially, real encounters with Egypt
play a very minor role compared to the memorial legacies of wonder
that have been imprinted on the Western consciousness since the time of
the ancient Greeks (Assman zoo: (z). Western Egyptomania is still very
much alive and public perceptions are little changed. From historical fic-
tion to films and exhibitions, powerful pharaohs, towering monuments
and bizarre rituals continue to hold our attention.
The re-emergence of the ancient culture into the modern West at a
time of colonialism, industrialization and academic enlightenment also
tainted Egyptology with another important legacysocial evolutionism
(Spencer :p;z). Working from a self-proclaimed position of superiority,
those in roles of Western authority made use of eighteenth-century so-
cial Darwinism to ideologically divorce ancient Egypt from its modern
inhabitants, and to dictate archaeological fact to be unquestioningly
absorbed by the uneducated Western masses. What began as a means of
justifying Western removal of ancient items from Egypt, by suggesting a
break in Egyptian culture with the coming of Islam, translated over time
into the exclusion of Egyptians from mainstream Egyptology. Similarly,
enforced education of Western museum audiences led to the devel-
opment of a museum system that does not provoke audiences to think
for themselves, but spoon-feeds curatorially dictated display with little
consideration for what visitors actually want. Although political action
by post-colonial communities and the development of postprocessual
archaeology at the end of the twentieth century has led to a growing
belief that archaeology needs to start with people today, groups that are
not considered ethnographically linked, such as museum audiences or
modern Egyptian communities, continue to be neglected in museum
consultation. However, if we agree that museum display is interpretative,
collaborative approaches involving diverse stakeholders are necessary to
ensure that created knowledge is as inclusive as possible. Acceptance of
this does not mean compromising the scientific nature of archaeology,
but rather acknowledges how research integrates with society (Pardoe
141 Gemma Tully
:ppz: :p) and how it can be used to challenge the inequality of dominant
historical paradigms (Schmidt and Patterson :pp: 6).
While there are numerous issues surrounding the technicalities of
collaboration, postprocessual approaches to museum display are, at least,
a departure point in the relinquishing of claims of authority over the past
and can act as negotiators in the communication of a plurality of mean-
ings (Smith zoo(: (6). In terms of Egyptology, current museum displays
are not fulfilling their communicative potential. It is clear that the specific
circumstances of ancient Egypts re-emergence into the West played a
significant role in creating the problem. However, new exhibitionary
strategies centred on collaboration and cross-disciplinary knowledge are
necessary if Egyptology is to secure a more meaningful place in modern
society.
Methodology: Transforming Ancient Egypt through
Collaboration
In order to redefine ancient Egypt in public consciousness, a
collaboratively led three-part methodology was formed that would bring
together the needs of Egyptian communities, Western museum visitors
and Egyptology curators. Inevitably, I played a facilitative role. However,
the genesis of this work came from conversations with my Egyptian
partners during a visit to Egypt as part of the University of Southamptons
Community Archaeology Project in Quseir (henceforth CAPQ) in zoo6
(Moser et al. zooz). I had recently met Dr Richard Parkinson from the
Department of Egypt and the Sudan at the British Museum. Dr Parkinson
and I discussed the museums plans to redisplay the Eighteenth Dynasty
tomb-chapel paintings of Nebamun. The aim was to use the tomb-chapel
scenes, which contained lifelike depictions of a broad spectrum of social
activities, from elite festivities to peasants herding cattle, to begin to
bridge the division in public knowledge and museological representation
between daily life for ordinary ancient Egyptians and elite lifestyles. In
acknowledgement of the potentially idealized nature of the tomb scenes,
the mortuary data was to be used alongside contemporaneous daily
life objects, elite and mundane, to illustrate both similarity and division,
and to act as an introduction to the museums other Egyptian galleries.
Inspired by this fresh approach to Egyptological display, I took images of
Nebamuns tomb-chapel to Quseir to gain local insight into the British
Museums plans and to investigate further Egyptian perspectives on the
representation of ancient Egypt in the West. What emerged from various
discussions centred on five key points:
- worklng wlth Lgyptlan communltles and western museum vlsl-
tors could help advance Egyptological display methods
- Greater conslderatlon of famlllar aspects of anclent Lgypt (l.e.
daily life) could be presented alongside mortuary data to make the
ancient culture more accessible
- Dlverse people's llves ln anclent Lgypt should be represented by
combining tomb-chapel scenes and artefacts which would find
meaning in the present, reduce cultural and historical distance
between Egypt and the West, and between elite and mundane
lifestyles
- Personal, atmospherlc exhlbltlons should be created to revlve the
museum experience and enable audiences to make connections
with their own lives
- Anclent Lgyptlan narratlves should be contextuallzed wlthln
wider Egyptian history and the present to reflect a continuum of
Egyptian life as opposed to temporally fixated Egyptomania
All of these elements focus on evocative, peopled narratives within
Egyptological displays that challenge stereotypes by highlighting rel-
evance to life today. These themes, which are strikingly similar to those
raised in recent Western museological debates surrounding archaeology
exhibitioning (Flynn zoop: zoz), guided my research. Thus, beginning
with the comments of the Quseir community, the suggestions of each
community group with whom I collaborated came to shape each succes-
sive stage of the methodology. This led to a more organic explorative ap-
proach and was vital to maintain the multivocal collaborative integrity of
the wider research project.
143 Gemma Tully
The natural next step was to work with a wider section of the Egyptian
community. This both fulfilled the most pressing suggestion made in
Quseir, and built upon general heritage issues such as accountability and
the remit of the new museology (Hooper-Greenhill zooo; Kaplan :pp(;
Peers and Brown zoo). Collaboration took place over a six-month period
of residency in Egypt, from January to June zoo;, and followed the princi-
pals of cross-cultural, heritage-based partnerships (Tully zoo;). During this
time I formed links with students from the American University in Cairo
(henceforth AUC) and diverse members of the Egyptian public. Access
to the AUC was possible as I was taking an intensive Arabic language
course at the institution. This decision was based upon my support for
the sentiments of anthropologists and community archaeologists such as
Shankland (:pp6) and Clarke (zooz: zz) who promote participation in cul-
ture and society (as far as is possible for an outside researcher). Though I
was far from fluent, and used a translator when necessary, speaking some
Arabic helped me bridge numerous social barriers and played an impor-
tant part in the success of the collaborative approach.
Due to the more formalized nature of the university environment,
the collaborative process was divided into two formats. Outside the uni-
versity, I carried out over (o hours of interviews with : individuals based
loosely around the themes of Egyptian identity, and perceptions of an-
cient and modern Egyptian heritage. I aimed to see if the issues raised in
Quseir would be articulated elsewhere, and if opinions varied between
Egyptians working within museology/Egyptology, and those outside of
the professional realm. Often beginning with museum professionals,
I formed relationships in cities, towns and villages, from Alexandria to
Aswan, with individuals who classed themselves as one or a combination
of Egyptian, Arab, Nubian, Bedouin, Muslim, Coptic Christian and atheist.
I communicated my interest in personal perceptions; I hoped to under-
stand perspectives on how each individual viewed ancient and modern
Egypt, how they felt both aspects were regarded by the West and how,
if at all, Egyptian culture should be represented in Western museums.
Through this form of archaeological ethnography (Meskell zoo;) I hoped
to make it clear that each person to whom I spoke was in the position
of expert, that any opinions were valid and that with consent I intended
to incorporate their views within museological strategies for change. The
approach led to the establishment of a relaxed setting as interlocutors
realized that I did not want to quiz them on their knowledge of the past,
but talk with them about their personal feelings concerning heritage and
representation. This fluidity was essential as it allowed research to grow
organically as conversational boundaries shifted and new issues were
raised.
At the AUC I wanted to access the student voice on issues of heri-
tage, identity and representation. Through a seminar and questionnaire
format I met :o students across :: classes, (( of which were international
students. I was interested in incorporating their perspectives into my re-
search for comparison with their Egyptian classmates and to assess how
their perceptions of Egypt, ancient and modern, had changed since living
in Cairo. I tailored the questionnaires accordingly as I felt that these kinds
of boundary-crossing responses would help draw out the intricacies of
Egyptian and Western (mis)understandings of modern Egypt and its past.
While acknowledging that the collaborative process only involved a
small section of the Egyptian community, diverse individuals were pres-
ent from multiple economic, religious, professional and regional groups.
Considering this diversity and the multiplicity of Egyptian understand-
ings of the past, common ground was expressed through an emphasis
on the importance of a clearly defined set of features in the shaping of
Egyptian identity and representations of Egypt both within and beyond
the countrys borders. The need for collaboration between Egyptians and
museum professionals, Egypt and the West, and between Western cura-
tors and Western museum audiences was strongly voiced.
Egyptians suggested that their views should be used to challenge
stereotypes and relate ancient Egypt to modern life through themes that
interest audiences outside the country. This led to the development of
the next phase of the methodology; collaboration with Western mu-
seum visitors. Addressing the compatibility of these seemingly disparate
145 Gemma Tully
groups was vital for the development of new exhibitionary strategies that
would unify the needs of both source and visiting communities. With
the British Museum as a case study, I began to explore visitors opinions
on the theme of Egypt and the display of ancient Egyptian artefacts
in the institution. To obtain a statistically representative sample (Kinsey
zooz: ), Personal Meaning Maps (henceforth PMM) and interviews were
carried out with :oo members of the visiting public over a four-month
period, between March and June zoo8, to determine:
- Visitor profile
- Motlvatlon for vlsltlng
- vlsltor perceptlons of Lgyptanclent and modern
- vlsltor levels of understandlng of Lgyptanclent and modern
- Orlglns of vlsltor knowledge concernlng anclent Lgypt
- Levels of flrst-hand experlence of Lgypt
- Areas of greatest vlsltor lnterest ln anclent Lgyptlan culture and
history
- Areas vlsltors felt were lacklng ln the anclent Lgyptlan narratlves
represented in the British Museum
The methodology was bounded largely by the regulations of the
British Museums interpretation department. Nonetheless, flexibility re-
mained essential. Through a two-tiered approach formative, informal
evaluation was carried out. The first stage of this methodology involved
the creation of PMM as they are a useful tool in the exploration of knowl-
edge and perceptions of a subject, and can be carried out by adults and
children, either alone or as a group exercise (see Falk et al. :pp8; Leinhardt
and Gregg zooz). Visitors were presented with a single sheet of paper con-
taining the word EGYPT at the centre of the page. Participants were then
asked to add words, phrases, pictures, song lyrics or even poetry that they
associated with the target word and were encouraged to expand upon
any points which they felt could be further developed. To ensure that
visitors understood what was required of them, an example PMM, based
around the word summer was shown and explained. When finished, visi-
tors were asked to clarify their choices and to fill out demographic infor-
mation (first language, country of origin, sex and age category).
Based around accessing immediate reactions to the word EGYPT,
the PMM activity helped focus visitors minds upon Egypt. From this
springboard I created a more specific questionnaire formulated for com-
parison with the themes raised in Egyptian community collaboration that
addressed visitors preferences in terms of:
- Types of Lgyptologlcal narratlve
- Areas of knowledge 8rltlsh Museum dlsplays were lacklng
- Suggestlons for lmprovements
- Oplnlons on the Nebamun gallery (at the tlme a work-ln-progress)
The collated results provided both quantitative and qualitative data
for comparison with the research conducted in Egypt. The combined
analysis revealed extremely narrow understandings of ancient Egypt
both for British Museum visitors and Egyptians themselves. Museum
critique centred on the lack of diversity between display types and in-
formation, and the difficulty for Western individuals to conceive of an
Egyptancient or modernbeyond mortuary practices and pharaohs.
This revelation led to the final part of the methodology, the visual analy-
sis or museography of numerous existing Egyptology exhibitions to in-
vestigate whether there was a unified formula for display that was con-
tributing to the problems evident during Egyptian and British Museum
collaboration. My focus was on Europes largest collections and leading
institutions as they are at the forefront of research, have the largest ex-
hibition budgets and have acted historically as role models for develop-
ing institutions: the Louvre, the British Museum, the Museo Egizio and
the gyptisches Museum. However, to counter the fact that they are all
national museums and thus embroiled in highly specific historical, politi-
cal and economic agendas (Wright :pp6), I also included numerous other
Egyptology exhibitions in Egypt and the West, from private collections to
university museums, to create a more representative picture.
Visual analysis focused on the messaged contained in eight, seem-
ingly arbitrary, features of display (after Moser zoo6):
:. Overarching method of displayaesthetic and/or thematic and/
or chronological
147 Gemma Tully
z. Display furnitureage, type, positioning within exhibits
. Lighting and use of colour
(. Architecture and decoration of exhibition rooms
. Space dedicated to different themes/specific collectionshier-
archy of display
6. Spatial relationships between objectslevels, heights,
juxtapositions
;. Interpretive aidstext panels, dioramas, guide books, audio
guides, tour guides, who speaks in the text/the tone of other in-
terpretive aids
8. The architecture of the museum building itselfhow it fits in
with the surrounding architecture/location/community
Pulling together the diverse threads of analysis, although there
were variations, the data revealed a general homogenization across
Egyptological displays. This reflects the extent to which exhibitions of
Egyptology remain tied to eighteenth and nineteenth century traditions
of communication and the problem of academic specialization breeding
uniformity (Huyssen :pp). Thus, while institutions now function theo-
retically within the framework of post-colonialism, the relative continuity
of display space and techniques prevents Egyptology exhibitions from
escaping outmoded epistemologies. For example, aesthetic display con-
tinues to dominate over clear chronological or thematic presentation by
marginalizing text and using lighting and internal architecture to focus
on the beauty of objects over interpretation (fig. :). As part of this, exhibi-
tions often build up to and then fade out from a central spectacular room
containing the largest or star objects associated with elite life and/or
death. These items are also usually awarded the majority of the museums
floor space which enhances notions of greater importance over daily life
themes. By use of lighting and colour, some objects are prioritized over
others and the linking of darkness with death is also a common trait. In
terms of interpretive aids, expert-led, factual methods continue to domi-
nate the majority of museums world-wide. Passive absorption of academ-
ically accredited knowledge is promoted to such a degree that visitors are
rarely encouraged to think for themselves. This passivity reflects back on
the artefacts creating an environment dominated by disengaged viewing
as opposed to inquisitiveness. As a result of these factors among others,
while museums are actively attempting to further knowledge through
the inclusion of a wider range of artefacts and up-to-date text, wonder,
elite life and death continue to be subconsciously prioritized.
Strategies for Change
With an understanding of current Egyptological displays and the
compatibility of Egyptian and Western concerns for Egyptology in place,
I looked towards specific strategies for change. The focus on ancient
Egyptian mortuary practice and the elite at the expense of ordinary
people and daily life had to be addressed because, although museums
are presenting more complex narratives, subtle changes in exhibitioning
cannot challenge historical systems of representation which continue to
create tunnel vision. Therefore, to make visitors actually see and think
Fig. . Sculpture Gallery, Museo Egizio, Turin (photograph by Gemma Tully).
149 Gemma Tully
differently in Egyptological displays, more overt shifts in curatorial practice
are necessary. It is only through encountering something unexpected
or out of the ordinary that thought can be provoked. Thus, through the
collaborative process, it became clear that diversity not homogeny is
what the discipline needs to cure museum blindness.
Focusing on Egyptian suggestions for change, the creation of more
atmospheric museum displays which challenge traditions of compart-
mentalization within Egyptology, such as the separation of the elite and
the mundane, and life and death, were proposed by numerous individu-
als and supported by British Museum audiences. Repopulating Egypt
by developing daily life narratives and incorporating perspectives from
Egyptians living in the country today were points also frequently voiced
as a means of rectifying current stereotypes of both modern and ancient
Egypt, such as the notion that slaves built the pyramids or that contem-
porary populations live predominantly in isolation in the desert. However,
by far the most groundbreaking suggestion, which revealed how collabo-
ration can generate ideas beyond the capacity of a single curator, was the
promotion of contemporary Egyptian art which incorporates elements
of ancient Egyptian visual language within a modern context as a means
of bridging cultural and temporal divides within Egyptological displays.
While the intricacies of this approach cannot be detailed here, the uncon-
ventional display method is visually striking, atmospheric and promotes
a more multivocal, open approach. Found to be popular with museum
audiences and Egyptian community members during a separate study
into contemporary art, this creative tactic refocuses display on first per-
son narrative. Transforming the museum visit from impersonal absorp-
tion to personal experience, contemporary art among Egyptian objects
helps recast interpretation at the centre of the archaeological enterprise
(McCarthy zoo: :). This approach shifts the museums role away from
the presentation of data to the telling of compelling stories supported
by material evidence that creates a tangible connection to the human
past (McCarthy zoo: z:). While this example illustrates only one avenue
for exhibitionary change focused on ancient Egypt, the general principles
of the collaborative methodology set out here present feasible strategies
through which curators may begin to challenge the history of archaeo-
logical museum representation and encourage further innovation in the
wider realm of museum display.
Acknowledgements
This research could not have been carried out without the input of the
Egyptian individuals and museum visitors with whom I collaborated. The
invaluable support of the British Museum helped make these connections
possible. I would like to thank Dr Richard Parkinson from the Department
of Ancient Egypt and the Sudan, and Rebecca Richards (now working
elsewhere) from the Department of Audience and Learning, for allowing
me to consult them on the development of the Nebamun gallery and for
providing me with access to the museums audience. I would also like to
thank Stephanie Moser and Alex Reall for their intellectual support and
the Arts and Humanities Research Council for their postgraduate funding.
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