Josko Caleta

Josko Caleta
Trends and Processes in the Music Culture of the Dalmatian Hinterland
The basic intention of this paper is to draw attention to the processes and changes taking place in the music practice of
the Dalmatian Hinterland. The music culture of this part of Croatia is characterized by specific style of music-making,
which has been retained up until the present day by the people who live in this rural region, or originate from it.
The specificity of this system, described in literature as a style of narrow intervals (Bezic, 1981:33), untempered singing
or the most primitive phase of Croatian music (Dobronic, 1915:3,25), can be observed on diverse levels. In this case, I
am interested in music practice, which comprehends music in both the performing and the social context. Music practice
represents not only organized sound but also the level of the music phenomenon as a system made up of the following
components: the music model, the manner of performance, the context of the conception and use of music, performers,
the context of music-making, and the mode of its reception and evaluation (Baumann, 1989:82). Practice is a respective
category whose "other pole is a global, abstract entity, most frequently referred to as a system" (Ceribasic, 1997:7). The
modern understanding of the theory of practice is unified in acceptance of all three sides of the theoretical triangle:
society is a system; the system is powerfully restrictive; and the system can be created and deconstructed by human
action and interaction (Ortner 1994:402).
All the conclusion are based on research to date and my personal fieldwork. My aim is to broaden and to explain the
specificity and endurance of a music system which is slowly disappearing, taking into account the broad cultural, social
and historical context, that is, the cultural model which represents a network of mutually linked, acquired and learnt
mechanisms that act upon each other, inherited individually or as a group, and subsequently passed on (Baumann,
1989:82). In this, I join the majority of ethnomusicologists who, particularly from the 1980s, have been showing
increasing "interest in the study of processes and of music as process rather than simply as a product" (Nettl, 1992:381).
1.Historical Overview - Official Reports and Travel Accounts

2.Historical Overview - Ethnomusicological insights
3.The Music System
4.Processes in Music Culture (Social Yugoslavia Period)
5.In the Guise of 1990s
6.Public Performances of Contemporaneity
7.Endnotes
8.References
9.Sources
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1. Historical Overview - Official Reports and Travel Accounts
The Dalmatian Hinterland, an integral part of the southern Croatian region of Dalmatia whose music culture I am
studying, has been the scene of tumultuous historical events, which have directly influenced the music culture of its
people. It is largely inhabited by a population called Morlaci [Morlachs or Morlacchi] or Vlaji [Vlachs or Wallachs] who
engage in cattle breeding for a living. The term Morlacchi was first mentioned in documents in 1352 (Novak, 1971: 580;
Gulin, 1997: 82), both as a toponym and as the name for the native population, first Romanized and then Slavenized,
which is distinctive on several levels: it designates Christians (as opposed to Muslims), peasants (as opposed to urban-
dwellers), and inhabitants of hinterlands (as opposed to the coastal and island populations) (Gulin 1997:82) (1). It is a
fascinating to learn how many wars have swept through this relatively small region over the last two thousand years,
how many people have settled there, moved away or simply disappeared, and how many cultures have left their traces in
the population which is of Illyrian, Romanic and Slavic origins. One must not omit the religions, which have been
present in this region throughout history - polytheism, Roman Catholicism, Christian Orthodoxy and Islam. The traces
of that can be witnessed even today in villages whose names such as Islam Grcki and Islam Latinski (2) designate
inhabitants of diverse religious and, indirectly, of diverse ethnic affiliation. However, these factors did not influence
their mutually very similar modes of communication through music.
To gain a better perception of Hinterland culture I began, at the outset, to examine travelogues and
official reports from the 18th and 19th centuries. The original objective of these writings was political in nature - to
inform their writers' governments (either Venetian or Austro-Hungarian) about the way of life of the people living
alongside the unstable Venetian-Ottoman border, and to try to predict what their reactions would be in the event of
military operations. The reports usually speak of three groups who live in the region islanders, coastal-dwellers (Boduli),
and mountain-dwellers (Morlaki, Vlaji). The last one are depicted as having the typical characteristics of Rousseau's
imaginary "noble savage" (Gulin, 1997: 84): they are strong, tough, hearty - but sincere, hospitable, honest, noble, and
reliable.
Carnival group from village of Gliev (Sinj)
European readers discovered the culture of the Dalmatian Hinterland at the end of the 18th
century through a travel accounts. The term Morlacchism infers the European reception of information on the Dalmatian
hinterland of the 18th century, that is, of its customs, beliefs, the way of life of this population, and their music culture
(3). Alberto Fortis' Viaggio in Dalmazia [Traveling Across Dalmatia] and its chapter Manners of the Morlacchi, dating
from 1774, and Ivan Lovric's Biljeske o putu po Dalmaciji opata Alberta Fortisa [Notes on the Journey Across Dalmatia
by the Abbot Alberto Fortis] dating from 1776, were the first capital works of this kind of literature. They contained
detailed descriptions of the life of the Morlachs and were translated into several European languages. This barbarian
people was described with terms such as natural, untouched by civilization and unspoiled, old, original, uneducated and
inverted, hospitable, warm, fond of weapons, fatalistically oriented and superstitious (4). Reading these texts one can
learn about the Morlacchian stance towards music, which was part of their everyday lives. The most common founds in
these works are descriptions of singing and situations in which there is singing. All the authors emphasized the attitude
of the Morlachs towards singing, which they practiced with enthusiasm:
"they sing when they travel, eat, work or speak, you can always hear them singing... traveling by day,
and particularly at night, all the Morlachs always sing, but when there are a lot of them together, they
usually singing alternately" (Lovric, 1948 [1776]: 65).
The writers admired the Morlach songs full of lively images and imagination, which had a powerful effect on the souls
of listeners. All the writers of that period gained the same impression of this music - a wild and primitive, undefined
music style, which could not be compared with the music phenomena they were used to. While Fortis noticed "a unique
phenomena of poetry and music" (Fortis, 1984 [1774]:185), Yiarte described their music-making as an "amorphous
artistic phenomenon" (Yiarte in Dobronic, 1915: 8), Noe's impression was of "something which cannot be described"
(Noe in Dobronic, 1915: 8), Petter describes "music different from yodeling and piping" (Petter, 1857: 200), while
Carrara "noticed oriental elements" (Carrara 1846: 183) in this mountain folk singing. As a man whose origins were in
these areas, Lovric showed a meticulous approach to the singing and music-making of the Morlachs, also describing the
behavior of listeners during the performance and their attitude to other musics:
"Their ears - as regards harmony - are organized in such a way that in order to feel comfortable with
music they need sound such as that which they have become accustomed to by habit, and this habit
has become part of their nature. And the truth of this can be seen in the fact that Italian music of the
highest level is boring to them, in just the same way that Morlach music is boring to Italians" (Lovric,
1948 [1776]: 194) (5).
Lovric also criticized Fortis about his failing "... to notice that some customs are changed" (Lovric,1948: 58). Lovric
saw change in many aspects of life, and also recognized the time dimension (then - in olden times, recently - today),
claiming that some customs had changed, while others had been "abolished". Besides, Lovric emphasized changes more
in the possession aspect than Fortis did - those changes reflect in cultural as well as in social life.
More attention to style and the music traits of singing is given by researchers at the end of the 19th and beginning of
the 20th century, although they did not discuss the changes in music forms and music-making during that period.
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2. Historical Overview - ethnomusicological insights
The Czech researcher and collector, Ludvik Kuba, was the first to annotate chromatic tunes and
instrumental melodies from the Dalmatian Hinterland (Kuba, 1899: 4). Kuba differentiated samacko and
putnicko - solo singing and two-part male and female singing, characterized by quite clear chromatic
intervals, prevailing seconds, unison and minor thirds. Kuba also drew attention to newly-emerging
transitional forms in which "all the fog regarding rhythm and periodicity is blown away and an endless
trill gives way to a cut-off and full tone" and the appearance of tempered major key singing (Kuba, 1899:
8). Jerko Bezic joined in this opinion (Bezic, 1968: 213) at the end of the 1960s, suggesting the existence
of two parallel music worlds, that is, bi-musicality - acceptance of new influences at the same time as the
maintenance of the existing manner of music-making.
Cobansko, samacko pjevanje (mp3 file, 92 kb, 0.31 min)
Stani mala na opanke moje (mp3 file, 76 kb, 0.25 min)
The term ojkanje which is use for the manner of singing in this region was put forward by the musicologist and
composer, Antun Dobronic (1915: 1). According to Dobronic, ojkanje (oykanje) is the "music language" in which "there
is no sign of clearly defined intervals" differing from urban music with its "embryonic nature and amorphisms"
(Dobronic, 1915: 2) . Ojkanje is the local term for the music type characterized by singing on the vowel o or the oj (oy),
aj (ay), or ej (ey) syllables in the manner found in the majority of music genres in this region. Dobronic regarded
ojkanje as "untempered singing", suggesting that this manner of singing was "the most primitive phase of our [Croatian]
music art" (Dobronic, 1915: 3, 25).
The theory that ojkanje singing is probably pre-Slavic - an Illyrian stratum in traditional music - is also put forward in
the work of Cvjetko Rihtman (Rihtman, 1958:99). Jaap Kunst, too, in his study of cultural and historical relations
between the Balkans and Indonesia suggests the hypothesis that the cultural stratum to which ojkanje belongs makes up
part of the ancient "Neolithic-Megalithic culture" which is "older than Sumerian and Babylonian, Illyrian and Greek,
older than the Sythian, Slavic, Indian, Chinese and Arabian cultures" (Kunst, 1953: 310).
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3. The Music System
According to data collected from the available literature, particularly travelogues, official reports and ethnographic and
ethnomusicological research, the inhabitants of the region are not familiar with the term music in the western sense of
the word. The corresponding terms they use are singing and playing which have the same meaning as music. When
making arrangements between themselves about singing and when describing the form, they use their own terminology
to describe the role of the singer -goni, vata, konta [leading, catching, counting]; for dynamic -slaba pisma [weak song]
as opposed to jaka pisma [strong song], rhythmic procedures -otegnuto pivanje [slow singing], brzo pivanje [fast
singing], as well as the formal structure of the tune -duga [long](rera) and kratka [short](rera).
The melodies are based on limited tone sequences, largely chromatic, with intervals whose size does not correspond to
present tempered system. A large number of vocal forms is polyphonic in structure, in a texture in which the major
second interval dominates. Tunes often end in a major second perceived as a consonant interval. There are several styles
and several music forms within them.
The ganga female singers
The song - that is, a vocal performance and vocal-instrumental singing to a gusle accompaniment dominates in relation
to instrumental performances. Vocal performance is socially accepted by both genders , while instrumental
performance as a rule is connected with men. Songs differ in texts but not in music form. Singing of a new text (in
decasyllabic couplets) to the same or a similar music form is regarded as a new song. It is also possible to perform
several times one and the same song (with the same text) with variation of the music form and the textual model, as
well as the tone relations. This leads one to think that the function of the tones in relation to one another cannot be
precisely explained as part of the enclosed music system, without reference to the structure of the pertaining social and
cultural system (Blacking, 1974: 75).
The concept of performance does not entail a process of prior practice and coordination. Each performance has just that
character and it can be adjudged as being good or inferior (tanko [too thin], visje [high], ne slaze [out of sync]).
Performance requires a certain attitude, position and order among the singers, many of whom cover one ear with their
hand as they sing. The performance is evaluated by both singers and listeners, who usually concur in their opinions of
the performance. Both groups aspire to a preconceived harmony, equally enjoying their particular functions - the singer
is pleased to be able to enjoy his own singing, just as the listener does, who actively listens and evaluates the
performance. One of the pre-conditions for a good performance is loud singing which requires certain physical effort,
which is exceptionally pleasing to both singers and audience.
A typical position of the hand during the singing
Loud and often incomprehensible singing in high registers reminds the "passive listener" (6) of plain noise. The parallel
performance of several vocal and instrumental performances which are tolerated by both singers and listeners can also
be described by outsiders as noise. The fact is that this singing invokes opposing reactions - from extremely pleasant to
extremely unpleasant. To many urban-dwellers this singing is coarse and discordant, reminiscent of shouting and
yelling, and in many instances it is not treated as music at all. Such an attitude towards this music creates (and is created
by) a series of cultural stereotypes. The entrenched opinion is that everyone who lives or originates from this region
knows how to sing in this way, that is, engages in this type of singing. The insults to which they are exposed because of
their origins range from the verbal - with imitation of howling - to the visual - covering the ear and part of the face with
the palm, in that way imitating the typical performance pose of the singers from the Dalmatian Hinterland . The overall
stance of society was similar: it tried to neglect "these artifacts in order to replace them with 'more cultivated' patterns of
interpretation of national music, composing new forms in an 'elaborated' way" (Petrovic, 1995: 61).
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4. Processes in Music Culture (Social Yugoslavia Period)
In many important respects music is both economic and ideological practice. The process of changes in
music, the economy and ideology is characterized by tension and struggle, acquiescence and resistance,
progress and loss (Rice, 1998:169). Changes in the music system of Dalmatian Hinterland during the 20th
century occurred parallely with economic and ideological changes. The economic changes can be seen in
the transformation of a cattle-breeding population living in pleme [tribal, clan] communities into a
working class or peasant population living in separate families.
Over the last century only, three major wars swept through these regions, changing borders, relations
between the ethnic communities, and the state systems.
MSF (Internatonal folklore festival) in Zagreb
The last war conflict - Domovinski rat (The Homeland War) - marked the independence of the Croatian state, setting
new borders and making changes in the economic system. The imposition of Marxist ideology and its associated
economic practice in the socialist Yugoslavia, established after World War II, provided an almost inescapable
interpretative frame within which to analyze the social maintenance of music practice.
Traditional music was interpreted by musicologists "as a cultural phenomenon existing as a thing in itself, a self-
contained system, a kind of action autonomous, used at the same time within the political system as a symbolic tool
for ideological manipulation" (Petrovic, 1995:60). Music-making from the Dalmatian Hinterland received a negative
connotation. According to Ankica Petrovic, widespread cultural prejudice against the ganga and other rural forms was
reinforced by politicians and officials whose retorics of prosperity and development were in contradiction with
primitive and archaic ganga . Petrovic's choice of the ganga as her research subject was "declared to be an
inappropriate topic for study abroad" (7) (Petrovic, 1995:61).
Socialist economic practice had industrialization and urbanization as its main objective in creating the new socialist
entity, and this resulted in the construction of numerous factories in the towns and cities. Industrialization and
urbanization of the coastal strip, and particularly the development of tourism, led to sudden resettlement of people from
the Hinterland who moved to the coast in search of a more prosperous and acceptable way of life. At the same time, the
western European countries were in great demand of unqualified or poorly qualified labor which led to migrant workers
moving "temporarily" (8) to the lands of western Europe (particularly to Germany). When migrating from their villages
to the cities, mostly on the coast (and not vice-versa), people believe that they are moving to something "better (...),
more modern, and more western, in comparison to their own heritage (Pettan, 1997). Emphasizing western values,
referred to as Mediterraneanisation by S. Pettan, this happens "at the expense of their cultural traits, here synonymous
with the Hinterland heritage" (Pettan, 1997).
Music practice for
those who are
creating a new
social identity (by
moving into a
city), loses its
local character
and serves as a
powerful and
meaningful
symbol of
identity, as well as
being "a metaphor
for the creation of
a distinctive
world of common
meanings and
shared cultural
ideologies on the
part of the new
urban classes" (Manuel, 1989: 16-17).
The impact of the western culture and western values on the lifestyle
almost does not allow the full life of this musical tradition. The musical
changes are obvious in the choice of music forms. The western concept of
a rounded musical piece has conditioned the disappearance of open
improvisational genres, as well as the concept of organized group singing
has caused the disappearance of solo genres.
Older and simpler archaic forms which were preferred in the past are now being surpressed.
The samacko pjevanje (lone singing)
Although in the 1960’s (Bezic, 1968:175) unison samacko putnicko [lone travellers] singing or two-part singing were
quite well represented forms, today we can only find traces of such singing, usually performed by older people, after
persuading, because such singing is no longer practiced. When describing this way of singing the singers usually use the
adjectives old, ancient. The difference which existed in the past between male and female singing, today is
unrecognizable, because it happens that due to the lack of knowledge of the ways of singing some performers, especially
men, start singing in the female way. We have the same situation with the repertoire of narrative songs of open structure,
which was a dominant form of communication among the population of Dalmatian Hinterland until the appearance of
the media. The name for the way of singing of longer narrative songs without instrumental accompaniment - pivanje iz
kape [singing from the hat], pivanje iz knjige [singing from the book] - derives from the fact that the singer holds a hat
or a closed book in his hand during the singing. The narrative songs of these, regularly illiterate singers, were about
historic events, heroes and outlaws (hajduci) (9) but also about contemporary events, mostly about blodsheding
tragedies composed at the beginning of the 20th century. In my research, I have had the custom to mention, in an
informal situation, just the opening line of the most popular of the "newer" narrative songs, the so called "Rosanda".
After my calling the opening verse "Divno brdo Biokovo…" there were always individuals who would continue singing
or reciting the song . This way of communication has made it possible for me to have an excellent further
communication with the singers, who after that began to trust me completely. It was obvious that they missed singing
this repertoire, although they were aware of the fact that an environment which had cherished such singing nowadays
rarely exists, or does not exist at all.
5. In the Guise of 1990s
The only repertoire of old times which has persisted is guslarske pjesme (10). The guslari are still
"famous" in their local communities, especially appreciated for their art of music making, singing and
improvising new lyrics in a new situation (kontanje).
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2900aa000000000000001d00200000000000040000002701ffff030000000000 Gusle playing (mp3 file, 89 kb, 0.30
min)
It is interesting that the stereotype of a gusle

player - an old grey- haired man with a big
mustache - is changing in practice. There is
an increasing number of young people who
take on singing and gusle playing.
Oja-noja -ojkavica
Some of my informants (Ante Juric, Zlatko Stupalo) link their beginnings with the beginning of the Homeland
War, (11) which has initiated them as gusle players.
The topics of contemporary guslarske pjesme are primarily the recent Homeland War and contemporary political issues,
but also the "emancipation" of women (women liberation), natality and other current problems of the society we live in
and the society the guslari are performing for.
The guslari are welcome guests in all local and regional manifestations, but also as entertainers for their friends za
kominom [by the fireplace] or for the neighbours who enjoy listening to them.
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0002701ffff030000 000000Oja-noja
(mp3 file, 91 kb, 0.31 min) (mp3 file, 84 kb, 0.28 min)
(mp3 file, 90 kb, 0.30 min)
The three dominant vocal genres in today's practice -ganga, rera and ojkavica (oja-noja) are the most attractive and the
most frequently performed forms. The information gathered from literature (Bezic's, Buble's and Petrovic's works)
mention these genres as phenomena which appeared in relatively recent history - at the beginning of the 20th century.
All three ways of singing are polyphonic forms, in which usually participate 2 to 4 singers, one of which goni, konta -
leads the song and performs the lyrics syllabically, while the rest back him/her up by unison singing (gangati, rerati,
ojkati). The second part of the form is always performed in polyphonic progression with the characteristic ending of
major seconds, experienced by them as consonant. All three genres are textually conceived as a decasyllabic couplet
which contents the preferred context of a short closed form and is the most probable cause of their exceptional
popularity. This is an authentic and the most vital musical expression which is not abandoned under any circumstances,
even when moving to towns (Petrovic, 1978:16).
By comparing the audio recordings from the mid 20th century onwards we can notice that the way of singing has
remained more or less the same, as opposed to the lyrics, which always aim to be contemporary (the war, politics,
emigration), amatory or vulgarly erotic. I will illustrate this with my own experience. Only a few months after the
Croatian presidential elections in year 2000, in the surroundings of Sinj I had the opportunity to hear the rera.
Rera
"Gospe Sinjska, ako si u stanju, digni Stipu a vrati nam Franju".
Translation: "Our Lady of Sinj, if you can manage it, take Stipe and return Franjo".
The current lyrics state an apparent dissatisfaction of the local people with the public appearances of the new president
Stjepan Mesic, who has taken the place of - in their view - the charismatic founder of the Croatian state, Franjo
Tudjman.
In the following several months I had the opportunity to hear the same lyrics performed by various singing groups, from
Dalmatia and from the neighboring Bosnia-Herzegovina. In the past, singing was traditional way to express political
stands and opinions. Present democratic system allows them to sing it freely without punishment (prison sentence) as it
was historical fact in past political systems (12). The erotic lyrics performed by male singers are usually openly harsh
and vulgar, while female lyrics tend to send the message metaphorically. Within all three genres there are several
different forms which sound the same to a person outside the tradition. On the other hand, the singers and the listeners
who come from the tradition are able to differentiate between certain forms and style characteristics, using their own
terminology. Knowing the genres and the forms is proportionate to the range of their social contacts and movement.
They know the best the forms they practice themselves, and then the ones adjoining the area of their expertise. Today's
communication which enables easy moving around, leads to disappearance of certain forms for several reasons. Singing
is no longer a local practice but a practice accessible to a wider audience.
The singers that have been organized according to their belonging to a family, a tribe or a village prefer singing with
persons from other areas whose vocal possibilities and social status suits them better. In a new situation usually the
common, the most similar but also the most attractive part of the repertoire is chosen, while the less attractive part is
slowly being forgotten. Groups are not recognized by their name, what, for example, is the practice with the coastal
klapa singing, but for their dominant singer (e.g. Kokan's klapa) or from the area they come from (e.g. Sinjani,
Dicmljani [from Sinj, from Dicmo]). For the singers which sing in such semiformal singing groups the term
professionals is used, and it denotes skilled, good singers, and not the singers who are paid for their singing. Although
the tastes change, due to the media unexposure of this kind of musical practice, the term popular in the western sense
has not yet been accepted.
Forward | Main page

6. Public Performances of Contemporaneity
What leads to increasing popularity which will in near

future result in significant popularity is the
concept of public performing, i. e. the concept of a
public event. A public performance, in the local context
(singing in the framework of a household, or a
village), could not satisfy competitive spirit and a need
to prove oneself, which today's singing groups have.
The only real chances were the local

celebrations of the Patron Saint’s days, named dernek.
It is interesting that the dominant Christian
population has for their religious celebration kept
the term borrowed from their sworn enemies - the
Turks (13).
Dernek was a real opportunity to prove oneself in sport

contests, dancing and especially singing and music
making .
Dernek
Singing on a dernek does not mean a solo performance in front of an attentive audience. On the contrary,
singing of more groups at the same time, more diple (14)players around kolo [a mute round dance] is a
socially tolerated concept . In this context the strongest, loudest and mightiest singing gets the most
attention.
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Diple playing
(mp3 file, 81 kb, 0.27 min)

Not until the 1990’s surges a need for a public stage which presumes a performance of a group whose singing is
evaluated by the audience according to the same principle - the louder the better. Public events are organized in the
spring and summer months with or without a cause, regularly on a weekend, in order to draw more visitors. Such events
are still held on the Patron Saint’s day (or on the nearest weekend), but they have an extremely mundane character. The
most famous event of this type is the Ganga-fest in the village of Biorine near Imotski . The organizer of this encounter
is the local inn-keeper, who, having the exclusive right of selling food and beverages geartly consumed during the event,
earns enough money to cover the expenses and to give out awards. The event is based on the model of dernek (15) and
popular music festivals, which are held in nearby coastal towns (Split Festival). The central point is a stage decorated by
sponsor posters, with lights and powerful loudspeakers used to play diverse popular music during the breaks. The event,
advertised in the media, is of competitive character in sports (throwing of a rock, hand wrestling, sijavica (16)) and
musical categories. Singers and players, besides during the main performance on stage, like on the ancient dernek, sing
off stage, alongside with other groups. There is a professional host and a jury, composed of vidjenijih ljudi ["known"
people].
Ganga fest
The main program is "enriched" with best traditional costume contest, beauty contest and a fashion show. The
competition goes on in several categories -ganga, rera, ojkavica, treskavica. All contestants who have applied are
allowed to perform, regardless of the sex, age and composition of the group. They wear either the typical traditional
costume or their everyday clothes.
The audience has the central role in electing the best singers - they react to the performance by applauding and
screaming. Ganga-fest is being held for the fifth time this year. In the meantime similar events are being held in other
villages, with more or less success . The interest of the audience for fighting and competing has motioned the organizers
to include bullfights into such events.
A bull fighting event
The performances of organized folklore groups are not rare in this type of events. The phenomenon of folklore festivals
is an invention of Croatian tradition, known since the 1920’s. "The folklore festivals are a ceremonious, ritualized,
structured, stereotyped event, which precisely by being formalized connotes the value, the importance and then also the
pleasure of the organizers and performers" (Ceribasic, 1998:13). The performances of groups from Dalmatian
Hinterlands always draw attention with their "authentic" styles of singing, music making and dancing. After the end of
the Homeland War, in this area the trend is increasing of organizing a greater number of such groups, especially in the
war-stricken areas, and some of them (from Vrlika, Kijevo, Polaca) have even as refugees performed in an organized
way, identifying themselves by performing as a personal identity. Through the work of organized folklore groups it is
possible to keep even the older genres (samacko, treskavica), which are rarely performed in public practice. The folklore
festivals such as the International Folklore Festival in Zagreb and the Dalmatian Folklore Festival in Metkovic are
places where the approach, the work and the progress of certain groups can be monitored. It has been noticed that many
folklore groups nowdays base their most "authentic" repertoire on the audio recordings of their predecessors (17) .
The insufficient media coverage affirms a general attitude of the society towards this kind of musical practice. The
announcements of public events (bull fights, Ganga-fest) and reports of the folklore groups performances are rare
moments dedicated to this kind of musical practice by the Croatian media. The attitudes of the primitiveness of this
music, which have been inherited from the socialist system, are now a bit milder but are still far from being accepted.
The term "their" music (18) instead of "our" music is still very common. The insufficient media coverage results in no
publishing production. The publishing cassettes or CDs is very rare, and they are mainly privately produced. In order to
promote themselves, some individuals are prepared to make a lot of effort and invest a lot of imagination in the
promotion. I have personally had the chance to buy a 90 minute cassette tape of an older diple player from the outskirts
of Drnis, which he has recorded himself using his own cassette player and was selling the tapes himself and
demonstrating the playing, commenting that the price (50 kuna, approx. 6 US$) is appropriate for his effort. The gusle
songs, the recordings of which are the most wanted ones, can usually be found on the illegal market on fairs and public
events. Radio and television have brought to this area new musical genres and the repertoire of popular music. By taking
over new models of popular (tempered) and traditional singing (pjevanje na bas - perfect fifths endings), different
musical worlds are going on parallely, but have no direct influence on the musical values of the traditional culture. The
existence of several musical worlds leads to the need to emphasize the personal affinities. The best example has been
provided by a fruit and vegetable merchant, who, after having lost the job in the town, came back to the village, selling
the same products in his van, announcing his coming by loudly playing rera and ganga. His comment that "people like
our music, and therefore they buy more" confirms that even today, in the age of progressing globalization, musical
systems, such as in the Dalmatian Hinterland, instead of disappearing, survive by finding out new modes of existence.
References | Main page
7. Endnotes
1. The Venetians applied the term to the Christian rural population in the Ottoman regions and those
living along the Ottoman-Venetian border, which became part of the Venetian Republic by the end of
the 17th century.
2.Villages Islam Grcki and Islam Latinski are situated in the northern Dalmatia hinterland area known as
Ravni Kotari. Prior to the Homeland War, majority of population of Islam Latinski were catholic (ethnic
Croats) as well as majority of population of Islam Grcki were ortodox (ethnic Serbs). In the Middle Ages
the area was occupied by Otoman empire (dominant religion-Islam) which could explain the first part of
the villages names.
3. "The term contains all the reflections that have arisen from that reception: Morlacchian exotics, Romantic literary
Slavism, interest in Morlacchian (Croatian, Slavic) oral literature, literary discussions, activating Dalmatian
economic issues, identification and self-identification" (Gulin, 1997:85).
4. Writings dealing with Morlacchi presented to Europe by Fortis and Lovric are a mixture of literary, scientific-
documentary and journalist texts. The materials themselves can be grouped into the several units: psychological and
physical features of the Morlacchi, language and oral culture of the Morlacchi, everyday life of the Morlacchi and
highway robbing (hajducija). Description given here belongs to the psychological and physical features of the
Morlacchi (Gulin, 1997: 84).
5. Italian music in this context relates primarily to the music practice among the local population of the coastal region,
called Boduli by the Morlachs (bodolo, from the Italian Venetian dialect, meaning islander or insular). Vlaji and
Boduli differ in both their way of life and their music-making. The music of the coastal region and islands is
characterised by three or four part singing (known as a klapa singing), wider melody ambitus with tempered
intervals, intervals of major and minor thirds or sixths, usualy sung in the homophonic forms. The music in the
Hinterland is entirely different from that of the neighboring Mediterranean coastal towns according to its most
recognizable musical characteristics two-part singing in small groups, a very narrow ambitus with untempered
intervals and frequent chromatic movements, intervals of major and minor seconds, variety of polyphonic forms - as
well as in its situations and ways of performing, and the ways in which it is perceived by the local population.
6. To emphasise an important function of the listeners of this specific musical system I use term "passive listener" for the
outsiders of this culture. It is adressed to the people who are by chance exposed and, who, in the same time, does not
or does not want to understand and honestly evaluate the music-making of the Dalmatian Hinterland.
7. The ganga singing was a topic of Ankica Petrovic's doctoral thesis at the Queens University in Belfast where she was
a student of John Blacking.
8. In the Croatian standard language there is a distinction among immigrants by the place where they migrated. All
Croatian immigrants in the western European countries (particularly Germany) are called radnici na privremenom
radu [persons on the temporary work]. In the same time, Croatian immigrants to far-away countries (North and
South America, Australia) are called hrvatski iseljenici [Croatian immigrants].
9. Most of the popular narrative songs of the time were collected in the book Razgovori ugodni naroda Slovinskoga
by friar Andrija Kacic Miosic. This book, printed in Venice in 1756., usually known by heart instead reading, was
the most popular literature among the Hinterlanders. From the first edition (1756) until present time, the book was
reprinted 74 time and was distributed in thousands of copies.
10. The repertoire of the long, heroic epic songs performed by guslari, the singers who accompany themselves on the
gusle, a bowed single (rarely double) stringed fiddle one can found throughout the Balkans. Gusle consists of a
wooden sound box covered with an animal skin, a neck and beautifully carved head. Horse-hair string, stretched
along the entire length of the instrument, is bowed by the curved wooden bow with the horse-hair. Guslari, as a rule,
are gifted individuals who are capable of committing to memory long narrative texts about heroes and events from
the distant and not so distant past and to improvising new ones in decasyllabic verse (deseterac) (Caleta, 2000:425).
11. The Homeland War - Domovinski rat (1991-1995) is the term for the war conflict that happened on the territory of
the Republic of Croatia. It was a conflict between majority of population and minority supported by Yugoslav Army.
12. Newspaper reports and my informants had the identical stories of imprisonment for the singing of unacceptable
songs. Beside songs that were known as "nationalistic" songs (e.g. "Oj, ti vilo Velebita", "Marjane, Marjane") they
were inventing decasyllabic couplets like:
Druze Tito, kupit cu ti Ficu, a Mercedes Anti Pavelicu.
[Comarade Tito, I will buy you Fico (Fiat toppolino) and Mercedes Benz for Ante Pavelic (leader of the
ustashi movement in W.W.II)].
13. Dernek is Turkish word for the social gathering.

14. Diple is a double chanter clarinet type of instrument with idioglot single reeds, with or without a reservoir
-reminiscent of the bagpipes. Air reservoir is made of animal skin attached to the wooden double chanter diple. The
finger-holes on the chanter are made in various combinations from the very oldestone-part form (6:0) to the two-part
combinations (6:6, 6:2, and mostly 6:3). The holes are stopped with three fingers on each hand - from the index finger
downwards. The instrument is still in practice in Dalmatian Hinterland (diple), the island of Korcula (misnice) and
peninsula Peljesac (mjesnice), on the northern Adriatic islands and on Istrian penninsula (mih) (Caleta, 2000:433).
15. Ganga -fest is held on first Saturday in August in the honor of Gospe od Andjela [Our Lady of Angels], the Patron
Saint day of Biorine.
16. Sijavica (sijesete, mura) is a counting game known all over Mediterranean. Two players are showing to each other a
number of fingers paralelly shouting Italian numbers of the sum of their fingers. Beside card playing (treseta, briskula)
this is the only game accepted from their bodulo neighbors.
17. Due to the extreme changes in the life style, most of the young people are not able to "live" the music life of their
predecessors. Learning methodology is not based on the direct imitation of the older singers or players. Therefore,
young people are looking for the appropriate source of the older layers of their local repertoary. In many cases, the
Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research is the only place where they can find and copy the old recordings of the
music of their ancestors.
18. Musical style of the Dalmatian Hinterland is just one of the many musical styles that exist in present Croatia. It is
not dominant musical style or system, it is rather marginal. Therefore, population who prefers dominant music styles
(either traditional and or popular) do not feel for this music to be a part of "their" music, of "their" musical heritage.
Main page
8. References
Baumann, Max Peter 1989 "The Musical Performing Group: Musical Norms, Tradition and Identity".
The World of Music 31 (2): 80-113.
Bezic, Jerko 1968 "Muzicki folklor Sinjske krajine". Narodna umjetnost
Bezic, Jerko 1981 "Stilovi folklorne glazbe u Jugoslaviji". Zvuk 3: 33-50.
Blacking, John 1973 How musical is man? (Seattle: University of Washington Press).
Bratulic, Josip 1984 "Uvod (introduction)". In Put po Dalmaciji, by Alberto Fortis, V-XXVVII (Zagreb:
Globus).
Buble, Nikola 1993 "Ganga u kontekstu svekolike autohtone folklorne glazbe dalmatinske Zagore i
zapadne Hercegovine". Bascinski glasi 2: 125-159.
Carrara, Francesco 1846 "Poesia e Musica." In: La Dalmazia (Zara).
Ceribasic, Naila 1998 Folklorna glazbena praksa i kulturna politika: Paradigma smotri folklora u
Hrvatskoj (PhD Dissertation, IEF. Rkp. 1640).
Caleta, Josko 1999 "The Ethnomusicological Approach to the Concept of the Mediterranean in Music in
Croatia". Narodna umjetnost 36 (1): 183-197.
Caleta, Josko 2000 "Traditional Musical Instruments". In: Croatian Folk Culture at the Crossroads of
Worlds and Eras, edited by Zorica Vitez and Aleksandra Muraj, 421-438 (Zagreb: Gallery
Klovicevi dvori).
Dobronic, Anton 1915 "Ojkanje". Zbornik za narodni zivot i obicaje 20 (1): 1-25.
Fortis, Alberto 1774 Viaggio in Dalmazia. (Venezia:Vol. primo).
Kombol, Mihovil 1948 "Pogovor". In Biljeske o Putu po Dalmaciji opata Alberta Fortisa i Zivot
Stanislava Socivice, edited by Mihovil Kombol, 221-229 (Zagreb: JAZU).
Kuba, Ljudevit 1899 "Narodna glazbena umjetnost u Dalmaciji". Zbornik za narodni zivot i obicaje 3 (1):
1-16.
Gulin, Valentina 1997 "Morlacchism Between Enlightenment and Romanticism". Narodna umjetnost 34
(1): 77-100.
Kunst, Jaap 1953 "Kulturno-historijski odnosi izmedju Balkana i Indonezije". Bilten Instituta za
proucavanje folklora Sarajevo 2: 309-326.
Lovric, Ivan 1776 Osservazioni di Giovanni Lovrich sopra diversi del Viaggio in Dalmazia del Signor
Abate Alberto Fortis (Venezia: Vol. primo).
Manuel, Peter 1988 Popular Musics of the Non-Western World (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
Nettl, Bruno 1992 "Recent Directions in Ethnomusicology". In Ethnomusicology: An introduction, edited

by Helen Myers, 375-399 (New York, London: W.W. Norton).
Novak, Grga 1959 "Dalmacija godine 1775. Godine gledana ocima jednog suvremenika". Starine
49: 5-80.
Novak, Grga 1971 "Morlaci (Vlasi) gledani s mletacke strane". Zbornik za narodni zivot i obicaje
45: 579-603.
Ortner, Sherry B. 1994 "Theory in Anthropology since the Sixties". In Culture/Power/History. A Reader
in Contemporary Social Theory, edited by N. B. Dirks, G. Eley and S. B. Ortner, 372-411
(Princeton: Princeton University Press).
Petrovic, Ankica 1978 "Fenomen vokalnog stila u seoskoj muzickoj praksi BiH". Zvuk 2: 7-16.
Petrovic, Ankica 1995 "Perceptions of ganga". TheWorld of Music 37 (2): 60-71.
Pettan, Svanibor 1997 "The Croats and the Question of their Mediterranean Musical Identity".
Ethnomusicology Online 3.
Petter, Franz 1857 Dalmatien in seinen verschiedenen Beziehungen (Gotha: Justus Perthes).
Rice, Timothy 1994 May It Fill Your Soul - Experiencing Bulgarian Music (Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press).
Rihtman, Cvjetko 1955 "O ilirskom porijeklu polifonih oblika narodne muzike Bosne i Hercegovine".
Rad Kongresa folklorista Jugoslavije, u Puli 1952 i na Bjelasnici 1955 (1): 99-104.
Yriarte, Charles 1999 Istra i Dalmacija: putopis (Zagreb: Izdanja Antibarbarus).
Main page
9. Sources
a. Audio clips (mp3 file

(All the recordings are property of the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore in Zagreb, most of them were recorded by
Josko Caleta.)
1. IEF audio CD 503/27 - Cobansko samacko pjevanje. (singer - Dragica

Bosnjak), Cim (Mostar).
2. IEF audio CD 7/23 - Stani mala na opanke moje. (singers - Simun Vinalic i
Ante Milanovic), Glavice (Sinj).
3. IEF disco 503/7 - Savjet majke (gusle player - Marko Kunac) Potravlje
(Sinj).
4. IEF audio 503/48 - Nema kruva kao ispod saca - ganga. (Ante Mucic i
Tomislav Kovac) Posusje.
5. IEF disco 415/13 - Oj, divojko, napirdjana - rera. (Kokanova klapa -
Dicmo/Sinj).
6. IEF disco 415/1 - Oj, neces mala pa da si i bolja - oja-noja. (Kokanova
klapa - Dicmo/Sinj).
7. IEF audio 503/5 - Pastirsko prebiranje. (diple player- Ante Mucic) Posusje.
b. Photos (jpg files):

(All the photographs are property of the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore in Zagreb. All of them were taken by
Josko Caleta.)
1. IEF foto 43462 - MSF (Internatonal folklore festival) in Zagreb, folklore

(carnival) group from village of Gljev (Sinj)
2. IEF foto 42882 - the ganga singers from village of Runovici (Imotski),
picture taken during the feast period when they exclusively sing texts from
Gospin plac (Madonnas weeping).
3. IEF foto 41372 - GANGA FEST, ganga singers (female) - Imocanke from
the village of Slivno
4. IEF foto 42986 - rera singers from Otok (Sinj), a typical position of the
hand during the singing
5. IEF foto 43335 - MSF (Internatonal folklore festival) in Zagreb, folklore
group from village of Glavice (Sinj) performing kolo (a round dance) with the
diple accompaniment
6. IEF foto 42781 - samacko pjevanje (lone singing), a picture taken during the
interview with the informant (Mara Asanovic) in her home.
7. IEF foto 42753 - the singers of oja-noja - ojkavica from village of
Ljubitovica during one of the regular gathering (za kominom)
8. IEF foto 42972 - rera singers from Lucani (Sinj) at the dernek in Radosic,
singing a "provocative" political text.
9. IEF foto 43200 - a female singing (u ravan) group at dernek in village of
Ogorje
10. IEF foto 43142 - dernek in village of Ogorje, kolo - na sudaric (round mute
dance)
11. IEF foto 41371 - GANGA FEST, ganga singers (male) from the village of
Katuni-Kresevo
12. IEF foto 42979 - Radosicka Bikijada - a bull fighting event

Josko Caleta - Trends and Processes in The Music Culture of The Dalmatian Hinterland

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Josko Caleta - Trends and Processes in The Music Culture of The Dalmatian Hinterland

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Droits d'auteur :

Trends and Processes in the Music Culture of the Dalmatian Hinterland

1.Historical Overview - Official Reports and Travel Accounts

Forward | M&A contents page

Carnival group from village of Gliev (Sinj)

Forward | Main page

Cobansko, samacko pjevanje (mp3 file, 92 kb, 0.31 min)

Stani mala na opanke moje (mp3 file, 76 kb, 0.25 min)

Forward | Main page

The ganga female singers

MSF (Internatonal folklore festival) in Zagreb

The samacko pjevanje (lone singing)

It is interesting that the stereotype of a gusle

"Gospe Sinjska, ako si u stanju, digni Stipu a vrati nam Franju".

Forward | Main page

What leads to increasing popularity which will in near

The only real chances were the local

Dernek was a real opportunity to prove oneself in sport

(mp3 file, 81 kb, 0.27 min)

13. Dernek is Turkish word for the social gathering.

Bezic, Jerko 1968 "Muzicki folklor Sinjske krajine". Narodna umjetnost

Bezic, Jerko 1981 "Stilovi folklorne glazbe u Jugoslaviji". Zvuk 3: 33-50.

Carrara, Francesco 1846 "Poesia e Musica." In: La Dalmazia (Zara).

Fortis, Alberto 1774 Viaggio in Dalmazia. (Venezia:Vol. primo).

Nettl, Bruno 1992 "Recent Directions in Ethnomusicology". In Ethnomusicology: An introduction, edited

Petrovic, Ankica 1995 "Perceptions of ganga". TheWorld of Music 37 (2): 60-71.

Yriarte, Charles 1999 Istra i Dalmacija: putopis (Zagreb: Izdanja Antibarbarus).

a. Audio clips (mp3 file

1. IEF audio CD 503/27 - Cobansko samacko pjevanje. (singer - Dragica

b. Photos (jpg files):

1. IEF foto 43462 - MSF (Internatonal folklore festival) in Zagreb, folklore

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