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FRANZ FLGEL

Ethnic versus Religious Grocery Shopping

An Investigation into the Shopping place selection of South Asian British Muslims
ARTIKEL
Abstract: In 2007 ASDA, UKs second largest grocery retailer has launched a whole range of religiously allowed (halal) meat products, targeting Muslim consumers. This development oers new choices to British Muslims which traditionally used co-ethnic businesses for the supply with halal meat. A shopping survey (n=153) could show that stronger religiously identifying consumers buy more of their groceries at co-ethnic owned shops compared to their weaker religiously identifying counterparts. This is because stronger religiously identifying consumers trust co-ethnic retailers more when it comes to halal meat and feel safer buying there, as shopping motive analysis and qualitative interviews (n = 8) reveal. Trust is an important shop selection criterion and as such it is a means of competition, which is bound to specic retailers and shopping places, this Magister thesis study indicates. key words: geography of retailing and consumption, religious identity, shopping behaviour, shopping places, British Muslims, halal food

1 Introduction: Retail went halal, new choice for Muslim Consumers

n Europe, Islam is the fastest growing religion, which is mostly due to immigration (Rosenberg & Sauer 2008: 387). According to the 2001 census there are 1.6 million Muslims living in the UK and this religious group is in a constant process of growing (Peach 2006: 637). A majority of British Muslims have South Asian ancestry (mainly Pakistani and Bangladeshi) and many of them have been living for more than one generation in the UK and are British citizens (Peach 2006). For a long time, British South Asian owned grocery shops have been the primary and only suppliers of halal food (Islamic allowed food). Especially fresh halal meat could only be purchased there (Hamlett et al. 2008). Recently, British mainstream retailers have started considering the ethnic / religious minority demands, by oering ethnic food and meat products with halal certication. Most prominently, ASDA (the second largest grocery retailer in the UK and part of the WalMart corporation) has started oering halal meat, at the end of 2007 (Telegraph 6.11.2007).

ASDAs recent oers lead to new choices for Muslim consumers and new competitors for British South Asian shops in the UK. This development has opened the opportunity to analyse how important the actual place of shopping is for consumers with an allegiance to a specic ethnic and religious group (South Asian and Muslim in this analysis). The main question of my magister thesis was to test whether the strength of ethnic and/or religious identity has inuence on the shop selection for grocery shopping, in terms of British South Asian owned shops (now called ethnic shops) versus shops not owned by this ethnic group (now called mainstream shops). This investigation was aimed to contribute rstly to overcome the neglecting of religion in studies of consumption and shopping behaviour. Dealing with religious immigrant groups, many studies focus on ethnicity and hardly ever consider religion as relevant (e.g. Aygn 2005; Anzengruber 2007). That is especially surprising, as most religious laws include detailed consumption norms. Secondly my aim was to analyse the meaning of shopping places for consumers. Consumption geographers agree that shopping places are loaded

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with meaning. They are not the neutral base for the exchange of goods and services (Crewe 2003; Miller et al. 1998). However, for immigrant grocery shopping no study is known to me, which systematically analyses the motivations for the actual shop selection1 . And thirdly the question of shop selection is of great relevance for retailers. Do ethnic shops have to fear the new halal oers of mainstream shops? This question is not discussed in this article; see Flgel (2010a) for a discussion of this aspect. In the next section the theoretical background is briey summarised. This is followed by the discussion of the applied methods and a description of the area of investigation, Nottingham. Section four presents the key ndings, followed by the conclusion (section 5).

and status and dierentiate themselves from others. More reasoned studies highlight that consumers actually consume in order to become who they are and that consumption is not only a representation of identity, but a means to create identity (Baudrillard 1998; Crewe & Gregson 2003): Individuals create, arm and contest social identities through consumption practices (Mansvelt 2005: 81). This study tests the rst view on consumption: consumers orientate their consumption towards certain social groups they feel they belong to or want to belong to (Anzengruber 2008: 45). With their consumption decision consumers want to gain acceptance in this group, represent their belonging to this group and try to distinguish themselves from other groups (Bourdieu 1984). However, as indicated in gure one, there can be no doubt that 2 Theory: Consumption, Identity the act of consumption also conrms ones and Shopping Places identity, so that there is a two-sided inuence of consumption practices and identity. Consumption conventionally is the act of Shopping and retailing has been the decisive purchasing and using of commodities (Hub- site for geographical engagement in consumpbard 2009: 108). Shopping in contrast is only tion studies (e.g. Wrigley & Lowe 2002). This one aspect of consumption: to visit shops or is probably not surprising because the place stores to purchase or look at goods (Websters of purchase concretely specialises peoples Comprehensive Dictionary 2004: 1162). Con- encounters with commodities (Slater 2003:

Fig. 1: Shopping and Identity (Source: own illustration, according to Anzengruber 2008)

sumption behavior is often understood in so- 156). Shopping can be understood as an elacial science as consumers [...] expression of borate social game which is played out in taste, income, employment, gender, position sites loaded with meaning (Crewe 2000: 283and so forth (Mansvelt 2005: 82). It has long 284). The site of purchase makes a dierence been viewed in this manner (Veblen 1899; - where else, if not on the Christmas market Bourdieu 1984). Veblen (1899), for example, are people willing to pay three Euros or more described how the wealthy (North American for low quality wine, as Benno Werlen puts upper class) engaged in conspicuous con- it 2. But is this also the case for the everyday sumption in order to indicate their power practice of grocery shopping? Williams et al. 1 Wang (2004) has analysed the shopping place (2001: 217), conclude in their empirical anaselection in terms of ethnic and mainstream shops for Chinas immigrants in Toronto, but she has not asked for the motivations for this selection 2 Quoted at the panel discussion of the Konsum. 2010 conference 19.11.2010 at Jena

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lysis of mundane shopping: that consumers made decisions about where to shop on the basis of past shopping experiences that created feelings of pleasure, pain, frustration, anger, excitement, guilt, desire and disgust. The out of place feeling is a common experience consumers have reported in Williams et al. study at places like shops of other ethnic groups, expensive stores by less wealthy people or big hypermarkets for elderly. Wang (2004) was able to prove that shopping places are also relevant for immigrant consumers. Ethnic identication was the single most important variable for the shopping place selection of her Chinese participants, in a sense that stronger ethnically identifying consumers were more likely to patronize ethnic shops than consumers with weaker ethnic identity. Because products and prices have been the same between mainstream and ethnic shops in Toronto, Wang explained her nding with the specic atmosphere in the Chinese owned shops, like dcor, music and co-shoppers, which are preferred by consumers stronger identifying with this ethnic group. Membership in social groups and its inuence on behaviour is studied through the concept of social identity theory (SIT), a widely used theory in contemporary psychology (Brown 2000). For Turner (2000), social identity can refer to specic group membership e.g. ethnic identity, or to the collection of a persons social categorical self-denitions. Nationality, ethnicity, religion, gender, age, class, occupation, language, sexual orientation and disability are some of the most important bases of social identity (ibid: 432). For this study, ethnic and religious identities are the two bases of identity of interest, which are compared in terms of inuence on shopping behaviour. Ethnic identity is frequently used to explain shopping behavior, whereby cross culture studies, where dierent ethnic groups are compared, are the most common approach (see Pires & Stanton 2005 for an overview). Some studies use measures of the strength of ethnic identity in order to compare it to consumption variables (see Donthu & Cherian 1994;

Lee et al. 2002; Xu et al. 2004; Wang 2004). In this study, I use the strength of ethnic identity in order to test its inuence on shopping place selection in terms of ethnic or mainstream shops. Phinney and Ong (2007) developed in a systematic research programme the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Revised (MEIM R), consisting of six questions. These questions were applied in my survey and the overall scores of ethnic identity have been computed. There are some cross cultural studies comparing the shopping behaviour of dierent religious groups (e.g. Essoo & Dibb 2004). However, other than ethnic identity, the strength of religious identities inuence on consumption has never been assessed in a comparable approach, to my knowledge. This is probably not surprising, as many scholars on ethnic identity understand religion as one aspect of ethnicity (e.g. Phinney 2000). In the eld of consumption studies, this can best be observed in the works of Aygn (2005) Anzengruber (2008) and Hamlett et al. (2008), where the demand for halal food of Muslim consumers is discovered and the importance understood. But the demand for these goods is related to the ethnic groups - German Turkish respectively British South Asian - and the religious aliation viewed as a result of ethnicity. These studies are unwilling to accept that the religious motivation to consume halal is less related to ethnicity, for example not all German Turkish are religious and care about halal food. Furthermore, empirical studies have demonstrated that second generation Muslims of Asian ancestry intensively distinguish between ethnicity and religion (Peek 2005; Jacobson 1998). According to Koenig et al. (2000), religions not only manage the relation of humans to god, but very often also supply believers with norms how to behave on earth and in the community. This is also the case in Islam. Food consumption is one major concern in Islamic law (Al-Qaradawi 1994: 39-78), which makes this religion very potential in inuencing mundane shopping behavior. The Quran

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oers regulations on food in surah ve: Say: I do not nd in what is revealed to me anything prohibited to an eater in his food unless it be (the esh of) that which is dead, or owing blood, or the esh of swine, or the abomination which has been dedicated to anyone other than Allah. ((5:4); cited at Al-Qaradawi 1994: 42). It is important to note that details regarding halal food are open to question among Muslim jurists (see for example Al-Qaradawi 1994: 55). Dierent standards of halal food products exist on the market and believers dier in the practices of following the halal food laws, e.g. consume dierent standard halal food. (Aygn 2005: 70; Fischer 2008; Akyurt 2009: 40). Consumers have to trust in the quality / standard of the halal products they buy, because there are no other criteria than the information of the retailer which indicate that the products are really halal. For example, it is not possible to assess at the shop, if the meat was slaughtered while Allahs name was called. From this point of view and as key hypothesis of my thesis: it is possible that stronger religiously identifying consumers prefer ethnic shops for their halal meat shopping, because they perceive these shops as more trustworthy compared to mainstream shops (precisely ASDA). Weaker religiously identifying consumers in contrast could be less concerned about the halal aspect and buy halal products at ASDA. That is why more religious consumers have to include ethnic shops in

Photo 1: Asda fresh halal meat self-service shelf (Souce: own photo)

their shopping routine and consequently buy more of their groceries at ethnic shops. There are many other motivations why consumers with dierent strength of ethnic or religious identication may dier in terms of shopping place selection. However, the trust in halal food aspect is that strong that it inuences the shopping place selection of consumers with dierent degrees of religious identication. Other motives are not that prominently related to identity that they could have an impact on the shopping place selection3.

Photo 2: Big ethnic Supermarket in Nottingham (Source: own photo) 3 For a detailed deduction of the shopping motives, see my magister thesis (Flgel 2010b).

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nic shops are also present and relatively big and modern retail formats have developed along with the traditional ethnic convenience 3.1 Nottingham the Area shops. Especially one relatively large ethnic of Investigation supermarket, which is relatively modern and clean, oers one stop-shopping for its cusNottingham is the capital city of the East-Mid- tomers (see photo 2). It oers both, ethnic / land region and has a population of 266,988. religious merchandise and a large choice of The size of Nottinghams South Asian com- mainstream groceries. This precondition mamunity is above national average with 16,354 kes Nottingham an adequate place to invespeople. Pakistanis are the largest ethnic mi- tigate the shopping places selection, because nority with 9,725 people. Islam is the second ethnic and mainstream shops oer comparamost important religion after Christianity, ble products in the city centre.
Fig. 2: Research Design (Source: own illustration)

3 Area of Investigation and Methodology

12 353 or 3.1 percent of Nottinghams population have stated to be Muslim according to the census, slightly above the national average of 2.7 percent. (City of Nottingham 2001, Peach 2006) In Nottingham, all ASDA branches oer processed halal food (e.g. frozen meat). One ASDA in the city centre (a South Asian neighbourhood) oers fresh halal meat and a large range of ethnic food to attract ethnic consumers (see photo 1). The traditional eth-

3.2 Research Design

The research design consists of four stages of empirical investigations (see g. 2). Firstly, unstructured interviews were conducted in a very early stage of the project to explore the topic (n=2). This stage was followed by three qualitative interviews which were intended to pre-test the theory and the survey instrument (n=3). The third stage consisted of the quantitative shopping survey (n=153). In the

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last stage, guideline orientated interviews for example: I have a strong sense of belonwith contrasting cases from the supping sur- ging to my religious group. vey (n=3) and a survey of the supply side have In order to avoid biases in the sample, a survey in front of highly frequented ethnic shops been conducted simultaneously. was not appropriate. Thus, to generate parti3.3 Conducting the Shopping Survey cipation, institutions and events with a high concentration of the target population were The shopping survey questionnaire consisted visited. Mosques, community centres in ethof a table which asked for the grocery shop- nic areas, Melas (fun fairs) and ethnic non ping practices of the participants and was grocery businesses (e.g. take-aways) were seadapted from the shopping mobility project lected, access negotiated and possible particiby Ptzold (2009). Participants were asked pants approached. The self-completing questo state up to ve shops were they normally tionnaire was handed to the participants in purchase their groceries and the motivation person, so that participants had the possibifor this. Based on this information the per- lity to read the question twice and were also centage of groceries which participants buy at able to ask understanding questions to me, ethnic shops of all their groceries was calcula- which was normally not the case. The aveted. The classication of the shops into ethnic rage completion time for the questionnaire and mainstream ones was no problem, be- was less than 10 minutes. With this method cause ethnic shops could be identied by the it was possible to generate 153 valid cases; name normally, nevertheless, all stated non- however, biases toward males, younger and chain stores have been visited in the eld. better educated participants could not be Ethnic identity was captured with MEIM-R avoided in the sample4. (described above): participants were asked
Fig. 3: Comparison of the share of groceries purchased at ethnic shops between stronger and weaker identifying consumers (Source: own illustration; survey Franz Flgel 2009)

to indicate how much they agree or disagree to six statements on a ve point likert scale. Religious identity was measured with three statements adopted from MEIM-R and adjusted for religious identity. One statement was 4

see Flgel 2010b p. 63-65 for a detailed discussion of the sample t

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4 Findings: Religious grocery Shopping

To answer the stated key hypotheses (see section 2) two steps are necessary. Firstly, it has to be tested whether and if only religious identity has impact on the shopping place selection. Secondly, it has to be tested whether this is due to the trust aspect of halal products. To test the rst hypothesis, the two identity variables were related to the percent of groceries bought at ethnic shops variable. This dependent variable can have values from 0 percent to 100 percent, whereby 0 percent means that no groceries are purchased at

ethnic shops and 100 percent refers to all groceries were bought at ethnic shops. The sample was split at the mean value for ethnic and religious identity. Two groups were formed for both identity variables: stronger ethnically identifying consumers and weaker ethnically identifying consumers for ethnic identity; stronger religiously identifying consumers and weaker religiously identifying consumers for religious identity. A mean comparison between these two groups was conducted using the Mann-Whitney U test. A non-parametrical test was applied due to non-normally distributed identity variables. Fig. 3 shows that 35 percent of all groceries from weaker ethnically identifying consumers

Fig. 4: Comparison of the motivations why consumer with dierent degree of religious identication use ethnic and mainstream shops (Source: own computation; survey Franzu Flgel 2009)

*Significant difference in attitude with Mann-Whitney-U -Test (0.05 significance level) Weak significant difference in attitude with Mann-Whitney-U -Test (0.1 significance level) 3 HMC (Halal Monitoring Committee) is a very strict halal food certificate

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are bought at ethnic shops. For the stronger ethnically identifying consumers about 37 percent of all groceries are bought at ethnic shops. This dierence is statistically not signicant. In contrast, religious identity could prove signicant. About 30 percent of all groceries are purchased at ethnic businesses by weaker religiously identifying consumers compared to 40 percent for the stronger religiously identifying group (see g. 3). The Mann-Whitney U test is signicant on a 5 percent condence level. So the rst hypotheses can be accepted that only religious identity seems to have inuence on the shopping place selection in terms of ethnic and mainstream shops and ethnic identity not. In order to test if the observed inuence of religious identity on the shopping place selection is related to the trust aspect of halal food, the eight qualitative interviews and the motives of the shopping survey have been analysed. Most interview partners5 of the qualitative interviews were sceptical if the mainstream shops halal meat products are halal with the same trust ability as products from ethnic retailers (Interview 1, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8). For interview partner 7, who is very interested in his religion as he operates a shop for Islamic literature, several reasons exist why ASDAs halal products are simply not halal: e.g. ASDA is also selling haram items like pork and alcohol. Yet, most interview partners concerned about buying at mainstream shops reported that they just feel safer when they are buying at ethnic shops. They simply trust Muslim ethnic shops more, yet, they do not deny that mainstream oers could also be halal (Interview 4, 5, 8). For example, interview partner 5: Big distributers like ASDA, they may understand the importance for their customers, but they do not necessarily have this extra ... like thing about making sure that it is halal. They might not be so meticulous in testing or making
5 Interview partners have been of both sexes and between their 20s and 40s with dierent professional backgrounds. See my magister thesis (Flgel 2010b: 40) for a description of the eight interview partners

sure that the supplier meets the guidelines, as somebody who is Muslim and understands why we eat halal meat and understands the consequences of selling meat to a Muslim which is not halal. (Interview 5) Contrariwise to this statement two interview partners reported that they do trust mainstream oers and purchase halal products at ASDA (Interview 2 and 6). The interviews proved that trust to the retailers is an important criterion when it comes to halal. Dierent perceptions of ethnic and mainstream shops exist among the interview partners. The majority does not trust mainstream halal oers to be condently halal, yet, a considerable minority of the interview partners trusts these new mainstream products. But is this visible in the shopping survey? And does the degree of religious identication inuence the perception of mainstream and ethnic shops to be trusted? The motivations to buy at ethnic and mainstream shops were calculated by splitting the shopping survey sample by the two shop types. Furthermore, the sample was split by religious identity (see g. 4)6. For the stronger religiously identifying consumer group, trust in ethnic shops was with 25 weight units the second most important criterion why they use ethnic shops. Trust is only on rank 5 for the weaker religiously identifying group with 13.2 weight units. This dierence is signicant on a 5 percent condence level (see g. 4). No dierences in the perception of mainstream shops in terms of trust exist between the two consumer groups. It can be concluded that stronger religiously identifying consumers buy more of their groceries at ethnic shops compared to weaker religiously identifying consumers, because they perceive ethnic shops as more trustworthy when it comes to halal food shopping. Weaker religiously identifying consumers seem to trust ethnic shops less and in average buy their halal meat more often at mainstream shops.
6 for a detailed discussion of the motive calculation, see Flgel 2010b

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The qualitative interviews furthermore indicated that not all ethnic shops are equal. Muslim retailers are not trusted in the same way, some had a very good reputation and others a very poor one. This was also visible in the shopping survey, where in fact two large and highly trusted ethnic supermarkets had a large market share and one large supermarket of low reputation had a very low market share7.

5 Discussion and Conclusion

Shopping places make a dierence. Of course this is not only related to the built places themselves, but to the people and institutions, in this case the retailers and companies. The retail chain ASDA, has approached Muslim demand and lunched halal certied meat and processed food. Stronger religiously identifying consumers buy less of their groceries at mainstream shops like ASDA, compared to their weaker identifying counterpart. This is because they perceive mainstream shops as less trustworthy when it comes to halal food, as qualitative interviews and the analysis of the shopping motives reveal. How trust is built in the halal food market was beyond the scope of this study, the interviews and shop level market shares only indicate that trust is
7 see Flgel 2010b for the analyse of the market share on the shop level

not equally attributed to every ethnic retailer. Trust and reputation seem to be important means of competition in the halal food market and market more generally. Further investigation into the constitution of trust to retailers could help to understand and manipulate the observed shopping behaviour and could lead to new insights for market practitioners and social sciences alike. Contrary to many studies that could prove the inuence of ethnic identity on immigrant consumer behaviour, this study could only detect signicant inuence by religious identity on the depending variable shopping place selection (see g. 3). Whether and to what degree the detected inuence of religion is applicable in other contexts, is an interesting question for future research. The inuence of religious identity on shop selection and other consumption variables in dierent cities, with dierent ethnic groups, and also with dierent religions would develop a better understanding of religious inuence on consumption. Because of its methodical limits and the small scale, this study only oers a rst empirical proof that religious identity and religion in general is a relevant criterion for understanding the shopping behaviour of religious consumers. Thus, further research is demanded to clarify and test the present ndings.

Autor MA Geogr. Franz Flgel Institut Arbeit und Technik Gelsenkirchen oegel@iat.eu

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