A New Look at Industrial Education in the Post Civil War South During the course of African-American education spanning

from antebellum times to the early 20th century, within the southern regions of the United States, there would emerge those who would come to the conclusion that in order to truly uplift the conditions of blacks one must do so under a gradual progression of stages. The motivation behind this theory would originate from the view that black society was transfixed within a regressive and dysfunctional state, and as a result required a necessity to attain certain basic communal needs prior to effectively transcending to a more progressed form of civilization. James D. Anderson, a historian pertaining to the latter half of the twentieth century would brand these educators as manipulating individuals whose primary incentive it was to enforce a racial caste-system amongst the southern population. To this end, Anderson argues that supporters of industrial education intentionally promoted a curriculum designed to relegate blacks toward a subversive position in regards to southern whites.1 This scheme purportedly involved the foundation of institutions which exported a system not only lacking in educational materials, but also purposefully failing in its task to teach AfricanAmericans a trade, thus impeding racial advancement.2 Anderson additionally disagrees with the notion that industrial educations rationale for existence extended from a pretence that it served as a middle ground between opposing opinions.3 This he would go on to claim as fictitious due to the philosophys aggressive nature when competing with more traditional forms of education.4 Such a stance however fails to note the conditions present within black and southern white society during this time which would stress a need for a universal education that fulfilled community demands. It is of consequence to note 1
1

James. D Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South,1860-193, Chapel Hill:The University of North Carolina Press, 1988. 247-248.

2
2

Anderson, The Education of Blacks,75-77.

3
3

Anderson, The Education of Blacks, 32-35.

4
4

Anderson, The Education of Blacks, 46.

several historians such as Adam Fairclough who demonstrate the southern tendency to view blacks as anything but worthy of assistance. Such a hostile environment is often recounted as requiring AfricanAmerican teachers to work within the existing racial system rather than against it due to southern white tenacity in crushing any reform that may seem overly progressive.5 Additionally in countering Anderson is evidence submitted by the historian Howard Rabinowitz that suggests the vast majority of white southerners were opposed to blacks receiving any form of education, much less so when propositions of funding partitioned by the State entered the debate.6 David Tylack and Robert Lowe further demonstrate the inevitable rise of southern opposition as portrayed by one contemporary individual within their article who stated They will take precious care that the colored people shall never be enlightened.7 These latter historians effectively exemplify industrial educations reasoning that it was indeed necessary to practice a form of education that contrary to Andersons theory required the general appeasement of a vast opposing southern white population. It is further relevant to note that Andersons conviction tends to ignore the benefits that often accompanied institutions of this kind and therefore depicts an inaccurate portrayal of those who sponsored this particular philosophy. In the creation of the Tuskegee Industrial and Normal institute one finds a school representative of the typical experiences related to education of an industrial nature in that many accounts of the surrounding communities during the era tend to demonstrate a positive influence as consequence of the existence of such a facility. It is these contemporary references that serve to demonstrate that industrial educators, though when held to more modern ethical standards, may be viewed as entertaining malicious objectives when studied purely within the circumstances of their 5
5

Adam Fairclough, Being in the Field of Negro Education and being a NegroSeemsTragic: Black Teachers in the Jim Crow South, The Journal of American History, Vol.87, No.1, (Jun. 2000), 65-91.

6
6

Howard N. Rabinowitz, Half a Loaf: The Shift from White to Black Teachers in the Negro Schools of the Urban South,1865-1890, The Journal of Southern History, Vol.40, No.4, (Nov. 1974), 565-594.

7
7

David Tyack and Robert Lowe, The Constitutional Moment: Reconstruction and Black Education in the South, American Journal of Education, Vol.94, No.2, (Feb. 1986), 236-256.

time it becomes apparent that many of them were indeed sincere in their aspirations to advance the African-American race. Thus, is the case for Tuskegee whose founders honestly adhered to the principle of hard labor as a method of promoting discipline while simultaneously teaching much needed trades to members of the black community, and as a result, epitomized the true aspirations that lay within the philosophy of industrial education. In light of such an aggressive environment and with black communities suffering from a dire need for manual skills to construct an adequate infrastructure, it would seem logical to adherents of industrial education to first address these grievances in a manner that would be viewed as less confrontational with the southern aristocracy. For instance, the founders of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute professed an opinion that although they were not necessarily against traditional education, argue in favor of creating a circumstance where material conditions would be efficiently met prior to partaking in more advanced subjects. This was central to their philosophy as it was believed blacks could not develop socially if they lacked the ability to first provide for their basic necessities.8 As a result, it would be their mission to supply black communities with students equipped with the knowledge to build, rather than producing lawyers or doctors as it was also realistically rationalized that such fields were beyond reach due to southern racism.9Many industrial educators as demonstrated by those at Tuskegee were committed to providing African-Americans with the foundations to support themselves efficiently and prosper into thriving communities. The Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute during this period were frequently considered an archetype of the industrial philosophy; ergo, its experiences could be considered common amongst schools of a similar philosophical conviction.10 Tuskegee, like many of its other industrial 8
8

Civics and Education: Tuskegee and its Founder, Guntons Magazine, (Jul. 1898), 32-39.

9
9

John Bancroft Devins, Tuskegee and the Negro Race, New York Observer and Chronicle (1833-1912), Vo.76, Iss.13, (31 Mar. 1898), 421-427.

10
1

Margherita Arlina Hemm, The Elevation of a Race, Peterson Magazine (1894-1897), Vol.5, No.12, (Dec. 1895), 1274-1282.

institutional counter-parts, stressed an ambition to send students into local black neighborhoods as a process aiding in the physical construction of those communities for it was often the case that AfricanAmericans inhabited grossly dilapidated buildings.11 Due to the skills attained as a result of attending Tuskegee, graduates armed with their newly attained skills and knowledge would aid greatly in the building of homes, schoolhouses, and churches.12The benefits of such efforts would become further evident and therefore justifiable during annual Commencement Day celebrations at Tuskegee whereupon each successive year, observers would note an improved appearance among the local black community in the manner of dress, hygiene and even the conditions of their wagons and buggies exemplified the success of the Tuskegee program.13 Moreover, additional sources would recount instances where students would enter the local black community on each Sunday in order to instruct youths in lessons on reading and writing.14 Accounts such as the aforementioned hardly support claims that industrial education served a purpose to merely reinforce racial superiority over African-Americans, on the contrary, they demonstrate the effectiveness of the schools curriculum. The content of classes at institutions such as Tuskegee is frequently an issue in itself subject to controversy as a result of accusations that lessons were taught inadequately due to poor equipment, and coupled with a hidden agenda of simply attempting to indoctrinate blacks into a subordinate and unskilled class within society.15 Articles dating to the period once more produce relevant information as to 11
1

The Tuskegee Normal School, New York Evangelist (1830-1902), Vol.60, Iss.40, (3 Oct. 1889), 2.

12
1

The Third Tuskegee Negro Conference to be held in the Black Belt of Alabama, New York Evangelist (18301902), Vol.65, Iss.6, (8 Feb. 1894), 31.

13
1

Tuskegees Successful Year, Congregationalist (1891-1901), Vol. 79, Iss.24, (14 Jun. 1894), 837-838.

14
1

Devins, Tuskegee and the Negro Race, 421-427.

15
1

James. D Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South,1860-193, Chapel Hill:The University of North Carolina Press, 1988. 247-248.

the true content and purpose of such subjects. In keeping with industrial work ethic of self-help students would partake in the construction of school buildings as a means to pay for their room and board while attending Tuskegee, while simultaneously mastering a particular trade that could one day aid an individual in seeking gainful employment.16 In this manner the industries of brick-making, sawmill work, carpentry, blacksmithing, and plastering to name a few were taught ,with each successive building standing as testament to Tuskegees ability to transmit the essential knowledge required to perform each trade.17 In facilitating such actions, northern supporters of industrial education regularly aided the school via considerable donations; these were aimed at providing both the materials and machinery necessary for instruction.18 Examples include the addition of a two story tailor shop, a model kitchen, and numerous mechanical tools which greatly enhanced the talents of their students.19 Tuskegees Commencement Day ceremony yet again finds relevance in that it effectively portrays many works by students in the form of exhibits. Items on display typically included constructed wheelbarrows, forging, woodwork, clothing, carriage harnesses, along with agricultural products including dairy products and vegetables.20 These artifacts give evidence strongly towards the fact that students were indeed practicing trades, and that instructors were efficient in divulging the required skills upon them. The notion that a school such as Tuskegee purposely failed to equip its pupils with useful knowledge would appear unfounded given the vast detailed references to the contrary. In contrast, what many supporters aimed creating is best 16
1

Booker T. Washington, A prosperous Industrial School in Alabama, The Chautauquan; A Weekly Magazine (1880-1914), Vol.18, Iss.2, (Nov. 1893), 197-199.

17
1

Washington, A prosperous Industrial School, 197-199.

18
1

Tuskegees Successful Year, 837-838.

19
1

Tuskegees Successful Year, 837-838.

20
2

Tuskegees Successful Year, 837-838.

described as an endless mass of skilled artisans whose presence within black communities would propel the race towards a more prosperous and competitive position in relation to their white neighbors.21 Interestingly, a misconception exists that those adhering to industrial principles universally shared a complete disdain for liberal subjects. The Tuskegee Institute for example taught sciences, art, literature, math, and even music in parallel with its more renowned industrial departments.22On occasion it was viewed that such subjects would complement a students pursuit of industrial training. The sciences for instance would give those interested in agriculture an ability to learn the skills of efficient farming practices.23 The aspiration to bring an end to illiteracy among the black masses of the southern States also found itself to be in line with the goals of industrial educators.24This dispels the notion that the founders of industrial education wished to maintain African-Americans in a state of ignorance and submission as if it were the case then efforts to eradicate illiteracy would seem counterproductive. Industrial educators as a consequence never considered liberal studies to be completely off-limits to blacks as many commonly accepted the notion that African-Americans were equally capable in relation to Caucasians, once more disproving racist allegations.25 The architects of the philosophy merely held to the conviction that blacks learn the trades demanded due to the state of their communities before advancing onto higher materials. Industrial Education as previously mentioned would commonly adhere to the ideal of self-help in bettering ones lot in life. This is in correlation to what educators expected of blacks as a unified community. This cornerstone of their philosophy would emerge out of the theory that within society those 21
2

Hemm, The Elevation of a Race, 1274-1282.

22
2

Hemm, The Elevation of a Race, 1274-1282.

23
2

Hemm, The Elevation of a Race, 1274-1282.

24
2

Hemm, The Elevation of a Race, 1274-1282.

25
2

Civics and Education, 32-39.

with the capacity to produce a need required by others gain not only significance, but also command a sense of power.26 Through the acquisition of skilled trades it was therefore argued that blacks could construct a competitive economical base from which over time they could accumulate resources, property, and wealth as a means to gain governmental influence.27 The rationalization behind this course of action would lie in the belief that political institutions recognized power as opposed to the color of ones skin. Instructors such as those at Tuskegee would therefore hold to the opinion that black communities must become economically competitive, and from which attain an improved ability to make social and political demands.28 African Americans were often deprived of such rights, making it apparent that a monetary balance would be needed; and so, would give them more leverage in dealing with southern Jim Crow whites, inevitably thwarting their abilities to bring into fruition such depilating laws that have unarguably been the fetters and omnipresent bulwark of black societal progression and advancements. .29 It was within this view that instructors at the Tuskegee Institute would be trained in procedures that not only devolved the necessary skills of a trade, but simultaneously did so with a mind to familiarize future leaders of black communities with the most up to date and scientific methods that would lead to successful competition once part of the labor market. Tuskegee students of farming for instance would be instructed in methods of growing crops such as corn cheaply so as to realistically compete with their white counterparts.30 Industrial educational proponents as a result held strongly to the ideal that efforts to gain social advancements such as enfranchisement without first addressing 26
2

Civics and Education, 32-39.

27
2

Booker T. Washington and Tuskegee, Friends Intelligencer (1856-1910), Vol.52, Iss.48, (30 Nov. 1895), 784.

28
2

Civics and Education, 32-39.

29
2

A Great Meeting in the Interest of the Negro. Zions Herald (1868-1910), Vol.73, Iss.49, (4 Dec. 1895), 792.

30
3

Civics and Education,32-39.

economical needs was doomed to failure as it was deemed that all members of society regardless of race pertained to the same rule that one is only worth what one can produce in regards to commodities.31 If indeed there were adherents to the concept of racial dominance of whites over blacks, the institution of Tuskegee along with the many schools of industrial education of which it represents held no majority of individuals to who could relate to such a devious motive. Tuskegee along with other similar institutions provided a controversial answer to the educational and social predicament of African-Americans in the south. Contemporary sources are adequate in demonstrating such an awkward and sometimes adverse relationship between blacks and these schools during the initial founding of the philosophy.32 Due to the nature of subjects taught it is understandable to encounter instances when African-Americans considered such attention to industrial training as beneath them, perceiving it to be disgraceful. These facilities would, in the beginning, be labeled as working schools for poor girls and boys.33 Over time however it is made apparent that Tuskegee and other industrial schools overcome this adversity as a result of the positive effects upon the local communities. This is due to a realization within such communities that individuals are more likely to attain prosperity through the learning of a manual skill as it was a requirement demanded by the local market, along with the fact that such fields were the only ones realistically open to African-Americans during this period in time.34 In addition, as a result Supporters of industrial education would be determined to aid African Americans in advancing socially and economically, often asking the masses

31
3

A Great Meeting, 792.

32
3

The Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, Alabama. The Friend; a Religious and Literary Journal (18271906), Vol.69, Iss.6, (31 Aug. 1895), 46.

33
3

The Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, 46.

34
3

The Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, 46.

directly as to what was needed in black neighborhoods.35 It was their realistic interpretation of environmental factors that often portrayed them as being contrary to the betterment of black society. The original founding fathers of industrial education as demonstrated by those present at the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute were thus during later eras often misrepresented as holding sinister motives, schemes often unfounded when one inquires as to the original accounts that reference the contributions of such schools. In measuring these educators alongside the later ethical standards of twentieth and twenty-first century morals it is reasonably easy to label such individuals as devious in their attempts to initially restrain African-Americans from advancing towards the higher academic fields of the liberal arts. It is necessary however to relate such actions to the period in which they occurred as only then can one truly comprehend the circumstances that surrounded such an unprecedented debate during that moment in time. The controversy over whether adherents to industrial education were correct in their manner of handling of black education often robs them of the fact that they truly believed what they were undertaking was a genuine attempt to better the lives of African-Americans during a time of such hostility that any form of aid was far better than none at all.

35
3

The Third Negro Conference,31.