A Womanist Perspective for Social Work with African American Women

Melissa B. Littlefield

able for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800HAWORTH. E-mail address: <docdelivery@haworthpress.com> Website: <http:// www.HaworthPress.com> 2003 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.]

ABSTRACT. This article articulates a womanist perspective for social work in an effort to address the void of theoretical literature in this field that combines gender and race as analytic frameworks (NicholsCasebolt, Krysik, & Hamilton, 1994). Womanism is an emergent theoretical perspective that reforms and expands mainstream feminist theory to incorporate racial and cultural differences, with a particular focus on African American women (Sanders, 1995; Williams, 1987). This article fuses womanist constructs with constructs from the Life Model of Social Work (Germain & Gitterman, 1996) to emphasize the significance of African American womens social environments and selected adaptation strategies they employ to achieve psychosocial well-being, including gender role identity, religion, and social support. [Article copies avail-

KEYWORDS. African American, diversity, feminism, gender, women, womanist

Melissa B. Littlefield, PhD, is Assistant Professor, University of Maryland, School of Social Work, 525 Redwood Street, Baltimore, MD 21201. Social Thought, Vol. 22(4) 2003 http://www.haworthpress.com/store/product.asp?sku=J131 2003 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. 10.1300/J131v22n04_02

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INTRODUCTION Womanism is an emergent theoretical perspective that reforms and expands mainstream feminist theory to incorporate racial and cultural differences, with a particular focus on African American women. The term womanist was coined by Alice Walker (1983), and has been appropriated by scholars in various disciplines to denote a consciousness that seeks to articulate and validate the reality and life experiences of African American women (Williams, 1987). This perspective is rooted in black feminist sociology (Collins, 1990; Dill, 1988; Mullings, 1994). It has been further developed by Black feminist scholars in the field of Divinity (Sanders, 1995; Williams, 1987) who emphasize the key role that spirituality and religion play in African American womens empowerment. Research by Nichols-Casebolt, Krysik, and Hamilton (1994) indicates that such a theoretical perspective is needed in social work. Their review of the social work literature between 1970 and 1990 found that womenespecially women of colorare grossly underepresented in the social work literature, despite the existence of journals that specifically address womens issues. In addition, these authors assert, there is a dearth of theoretical literature in which genderor in the case of African American women, race and genderis employed as an analytic framework. A search on African American women using the word anywhere (in abstract) feature in Social Work Abstracts for the years 1982-2002 yielded 64 articles out of a database of 15,655 articles. The womanist perspective can be described as a theoretical standpoint of and for African American women that has implications for social work. There is growing evidence that race and gender impact psychosocial functioning through their relationship to social and economic status (Davis, 1981; Giddings, 1984), opportunities for expression and advancement (Aneshensel & Pearlin, 1987), and social privilege (Davis, 1981; Giddings, 1984; White, 1982). Moreover, race and gender are strong predictors of mental health according to Cockerham (1992). This perspective provides a sociohistorical context for social work practice with African American women and a basis for strengths-based, empowerment-oriented practice with this group. This article articulates a womanist perspective for social work with African American women in an effort to address the void of theoretical literature in this field that combines gender and race as analytic frameworks. It expands on Bryson and Lawrence-Webbs (2001) explication of African American womens social status and culturally specific sur-

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vival tactics and their implications for social work. Womanist constructs are fused with constructs from the Life Model of Social Work (Germain & Gitterman, 1996) to emphasize the significance of African American womens social environments and the cultural adaptation strategies they employ to achieve psychosocial well-being, including gender role identity, religion, and social support. Womanism focuses on three key themes: the interlocking nature of multiple oppressions impacting African American women (Collins, 1990; Giddings, 1984); the meaning of self-definition and self-valuation for African American women (Collins, 1990; Giddings, 1984; Mullings, 1994); and the importance of naming and claiming African American womens culture (Collins, 1990; Gilkes, 1994). Womanism posits that racist and sexist oppression are not two separate phenomena with single, direct, and independent effects on African American womens status. Rather, they are interactive, have multiplicative effects, and are associated with other types of oppression, including classism (i.e., economic exploitation) and heterosexism (i.e., discrimination based on sexual preference) (Collins, 1990). Collins (1990) states that African American womens self-definition allows them to challenge externally defined, stereotypic images of African American womanhood, which are used to control them. Self-valuation stresses the content of African American womens self-definitions. Specifically, it refers to the replacement of externally derived images with authentic African American female images. According to Mullings (1994), this is possible because African American womens work and family experiences provide them with their own concrete images that enable them to see the contradictions between their everyday experiences and the stereotypical images of African American womanhood. Thus, they are able to challenge and reject stereotypes and thereby resist dehumanization, and reject internalized, psychological oppression. African American womens self-definition and self-valuation take place in a number of locations, including extended families, churches, and African American community organizations. However, these institutions sometimes perpetuate stereotypical definitions of African American women. Thus, African American women have traditionally retreated to safe spaces where they can feel comfortable in articulating a self-defined standpoint. In this regard, African American womens interactions in their organizations and personal relationships with their peers have been particularly important in the self-definition process (Giddings, 1984; Gilkes, 1994; Higginbotham, 1993; Myers,

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1980). The process of creating self-valuations through self-definition enables African American women to develop competence, self-esteem, self-direction, and positive self-concept, which help them resist oppression. Therefore, self-valuation represents a personal resource for African American women. The concept of resistance unifies the three core themes of the womanist perspective (Gilkes, 1994; Zinn & Dill, 1994). African American women have historically recognized and vigorously challenged oppression. American history is replete with examples of their resistance, including but certainly not limited to their vocal role in the Abolition, Suffrage, Civil Rights, and Womens Liberation Movements (Giddings, 1984; Sterling, 1984; White, 1982). African American womens clubs and organizations have been catalysts for social and political action since the 19th century (Davis, 1981; Giddings, 1984; Gilkes, 1994). Their self-valuation and self-definitions are, in and of themselves, acts of resistance that challenge the subjugation of their knowledge and experiences. The emphasis of womanism on identifying and articulating the culture of African American women is largely a quest to uncover their personal, daily acts of resistance as well as their organized responses to oppression. The Life Model of Social Work The Life Model of Social Work (Germain & Gitterman, 1996) draws on ecological theory, and focuses on the interdependence of persons and their environments. Of particular relevance are the concepts of environmental niche and adaptation. The concept of environment gives attention to the physical, social, and cultural circumstances of African American women. Environmental niche is the term given to the status occupied by African American women within the African American community and the larger society. Niches are shaped and sustained by societys tolerance of the misuse of power in political, social, and economic structures. The Life Model emphasizes the adaptive capacities of humans in transaction with their environments. Accordingly, when the environment fails to provide for individuals development, they strive to adapt biologically, cognitively, emotionally, socially, or culturally in order to avoid negative transactions and the stress that results from such circumstances. Further, transactions between people and their environments always occur within a cultural context.

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African American Womens Environmental Niche African American women occupy a unique niche in the United States that is formed by the interaction of different forms of oppression, especially racism and sexism (Davis, 1981). This societal niche is fraught with inherent conflicts, the sort of which is aptly described by Frye (2001) as the mundane experience of the oppressed. One of the most characteristic and ubiquitous features of the world as experienced by oppressed people is that of the double bind-situations in which options are reduced to a very few and all of them expose one to penalty, censure, or deprivation (p. 140). A defining characteristic of African American womens environmental niche is their role as workers outside of the home. During slavery they were made to toil alongside of men in the fields as well as to perform domestic labor for their masters, and following slavery there were laws that required them to work in many jurisdictions (Davis, 1981). The persistent economic vulnerability of contemporary African Americans necessitates that African American women continue to be in the work force in large numbers. Collins (1990) argues that, despite their historically high labor force participation, African American womens work has been devalued and their socioeconomic mobility has been limited compared to others, due to racism and sexism. Nonetheless, she asserts, their experiences as producers and doers of the work in domestic labor and other venues has enabled them to experience self-efficacy and to exercise a degree of power and control over outcomes at some level, and thereby challenge white and male supremacy. A key assumption of the womanist perspective for social work set forth in this paper is that this sense of self-efficacy and self-esteem underlie the strategies that African American women employ to resist their oppression and adapt to their social environment. Adaptation Strategies of African American Women African American women have striven to adapt to their niche and cope with longstanding oppression by evolving over time a culture of resistance with which they challenge the definitions ascribed to them by others and create more realistic and affirming definitions for themselves (Collins, 1990). The limited scholarship on African American women has identified several adaptation strategies that are a part of this culture of resistance. These elements include a nurturer-provider gender role standard (Giddings, 1984; Lewis, 1988; Mullings, 1994), reli-

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giosity (Higginbotham, 1993; Neighbors et al., 1993), and social support (Brown & Gary, 1985; Myers, 1980; Neighbors et al., 1983). These adaptation strategies provide a basis for strengths-based practice, but they should not be oversimplified and viewed solely as strengths of African American womens culture. For just as there are inherent conflicts in the social environment of African American women, there are inherent conflicts in the strategies they employ to negotiate it. Helping professionals should view these adaptation strategies as potential sources of strength and resilience for African American women, but they must also consider the stress and conflict generated by these strategies that also pose a threat to their psychosocial well-being. The following sections will describe and discuss each of the aforementioned adaptation strategies with attention to some strengths and disadvantages that pertain to each. Nurturer-Provider Gender Role African American women have adopted a nurturer-provider gender role as a key adaptation strategy. The nurturer-provider role emphasizes strength, economic independence, self-reliance and autonomy, and nurturance. Hence, it incorporates stereotypic female gender role characteristics associated with nurturing and stereotypic male gender role characteristics associated with providing economic sustenance (Davis, 1981; Dill, 1988; Ladner, 1971; Stack, 1991). African American womens culture places a high value on caregiving and nurturing and views economic activity (generally working outside of the home) as an integral part of the mothering role (Collins, 1991). Their financial contribution to the household has been invaluable to their families. Whether it is a vestige of their West African heritage or slavery, the provider function is a cultural norm for African American women (Giddings, 1984; Lewis, 1988; Mullings, 1994). The historic and continuing social, economic, and political vulnerability of African Americans reinforces this norm. In terms of the strengths of the nurturer-provider gender role, African American women who endorse this role may experience less role conflict than those who do not in integrating multiple role functions, especially those of mother and worker, because they see them as part of the same role set. Moreover, personality characteristics associated with the nurturer-provider role, such as strength, independence, self-reliance, and autonomy, may increase their resilience and resistance to stress because they may allow African American women to feel some control

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over situations and to feel as if they can successfully negotiate adverse situations. In addition, African American womens economic activity boosts their financial well-being and that of their families. Despite the benefits of the nurturer-provider role for African American women, it does inhere several double-bind situations that are potentially a major source of strain for this group. First, the nurturer-provider role is in direct conflict with American societys prescribed female role. Despite the entrance of great numbers of women into the workforce in recent years, the persistent sentiment that women are primarily nurturers and ideally belong at home prevails in American society. Second, within the African American community, the provider component of African American womens role may be viewed as a threat to African American mens masculine authority, despite the fact that African American womens income is generally needed to sustain or enhance the standard of living in their families (hooks, 1981). The demeaning stereotypes of African American women discussed earlier in this paper bear testament to the frustration and hostility felt by men toward African American womens gender role. Despite the discord it may create between African American women and men, many African American women feel that they have no choice but to enact the nurturer-provider role and endure the consequences. In addition to the economic need they fill in their families, the cultural mythology of the strong Black woman is so entrenched that those who do not conform to this role may feel a sense of failure, shame, and may be rejected by other African American women or feel inadequate in their peer group. For, according to Myers (1980), African American women gauge their behavior based on that of other African American women rather than societal expectations of women, per se. Finally, attempts by African American women to enact the superwoman role contribute to the high rates of stress and stress-related illness among African American women. African American women experience greater morbidity and mortality from stress-related illness than do white women (Jackson & Sears, 1992). In addition, African American women engage in high rates of stress-related behaviors, including alcohol consumption (Herd, 1989), and over-eating (WalcottMcQuigg, 1995; PetersonHorton & Carney-Smith, 1990). Religiosity Religion continues to be prominent in the lives of many African American women (Taylor & Chatters, 1991). In African American

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womens culture, religiosity functions to validate their nurturer-provider gender role and heighten their self-esteem through their personal interactions with others in church activities and their alternative interpretations of Biblical scriptures, which provide affirmation from a higher authority (i.e., God) (Ellison, 1993; Higginbotham, 1993). In addition, African American women are able to obtain assistance in fulfilling their role tasks through advice, material assistance, and provision of goods and services through the church (Taylor, Thornton, & Chatter, 1988). Ellison (1993) asserts that participation in church-related activities brings together persons with similar status characteristics and religious beliefs. The interactive quality of fellowship with like-minded others may reinforce basic role-identities, role expectations, and give affirmation that personal conduct and emotions regarding daily events, experiences, and community affairs are reasonable and appropriate. Public religious participation is directly related to the acceptance of positive racial group images and the rejection of unflattering group images (Demo, Small, Hughes, & Savin-Williams, 1987). Ellison (1993) found that routine private devotional activities also enhance individual selfesteem through the development of a personal relationship with God where individuals come to identify with characters in religious text and media. Subsequently, individuals begin to define their life circumstances vis--vis the Biblical figures situations and interpret their situation from the perspective of what God would expect and want. The Church also provides instrumental aid, socioemotional support, and guidance that assist African American women in enacting their role. Taylor, Thornton, and Chatters (1988), studying assistance received from the Church by elderly church members, found that the most important types of help received from church members were (1) advice and encouragement, (2) help during illness, (3) help in a spiritual manner (e.g., prayer), (4) companionship, (5) financial assistance, (6) goods and services (e.g., meals and household services), and (7) transportation. They also found that women were more likely than men to report that the Church has helped African Americans spiritually, personally, and socially. Those who felt that the Church has helped personally and socially indicated that it promotes general positive feelings, sustains and strengthens. It also provides personal assistance (e.g., provision of aid through lending money, helping the sick, and providing food and clothing), provides guidelines for moral behavior and personal conduct including helping to rear children and keeping the family together, a source of unity, and advocates for the social welfare needs of African Americans.

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Religiosity has been absolutely critical to the well-being of African American women. Historically, the Church and private religious activities such as praying and reading the Bible have been accessible to African Americans in addressing their problems when mainstream medical and social service institutions have not. Thus, they have become the first line of defense for many African American women who are experiencing mental or physical health problems or other problems in living (Neighbors, Jackson, Bowman, & Gurin, 1983). According to Taylor and Chatters, (1991) African Americans may use prayer as an attempt to gain direct intervention in a problem, or alternatively, they may use it to alter their perspective on the situation (e.g., an acceptance of Gods will). Broman (1996) suggests that for African Americans, prayer may be a means of resigned coping where one attempts to accept a problem situation when it is felt that it cannot be changed. This type of sentiment is evident in commonly expressed religious beliefs such as faith has brought me this far and will sustain me or God wouldnt give me any problems I could not handle. These beliefs are supported by the aforementioned identification that many African Americans have with the plight of Biblical figures, in particular the suffering of Christ. Religiosity has many positive implications for psychosocial well-being in this group. However, social workers need to be aware that there is the potential for some to rely solely on religion to address serious health and mental health conditions and other problems in living to the exclusion of seeking professional help. Using data from the National Survey of Black Americans, Neighbors, Jackson, Bowman, and Gurin (1983) found that prayer was the most often cited strategy used for coping with problems related to physical health, interpersonal, emotional adjustment, death of a loved one, and economic difficulty, ranging from 52.7% for physical health problems to 37.6% for interpersonal problems. Only about half (55.1%) of respondents with the most severe problems sought outside professional help, while fewer respondents with less severe problems sought outside professional help. This suggests a need for collaboration with churches for improved outreach and referral. Social Support African American women employ social support from family and close friends to assist and affirm them in their nurturer-provider role. Female-anchored kinship networks comprised of both biological and fictive kin represent a primary source of instrumental support for African American women, especially for familial activities such as those associ-

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ated with child rearing and household maintenance (Dressler & Badger, 1985; Lewis, 1988; Malson, 1983; McAdoo, 1995; Scott & Black, 1991; Stack, 1991). Family members residing in different households may be linked together as cooperating units of larger extended family systems that combine resources (e.g., food, clothes, income, child care, information, and advice) and function as a single family group (Billingsley, 1992; Dressler, 1985). Persons who are not biologically related may also combine resources and function collaboratively as a single household (Scott & Black, 1991), or may be involved in complex exchange systems to meet their economic and social needs (Stack, 1991). Family and friends may also serve as key sources of affective or moral support for African American women. African American women turn to parents, siblings, and other relatives as well as close friends for advice, information, material assistance, and services when faced with personal problems (Brown & Gary, 1985; Myers, 1980; Neighbors et al., 1983). In this regard, close female friends may be a more important source of support to African American women than family members, including spouses (Brown & Gary, 1985; Myers, 1980). In addition to assisting African American women in carrying out their nurturer-provider role, social interaction with other persons who are similarly situated provides African American women with a reference group that affirms and values their social identity. African American women define their roles and measure their adequacy vis--vis other African American women who are like themselves, and they derive self-esteem from achieving success in these roles (Myers, 1980). Their self-esteem is also influenced by their perception that significant others view them in a positive light (Hoelter, 1982). As is the case with the other adaptation strategies discussed, involvement in an extended kinship network can have disadvantages. For example, there is often an expectation of reciprocity in the network, such that members are expected to share their resources with others who are in need (Stack, 1991). Thus, an impoverished client may have difficulty amassing resources she needs to improve her quality of life if she must constantly assist in providing for others in the network. By the same token, a more affluent family member may be constantly called upon for money by less affluent family members, thus limiting her own capacity for upward mobility. Even without the economic burden, meeting perceived obligations to family and friends can strain already overtaxed women.

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IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE AND POLICY The lack of scholarly attention to African American womens cultural adaptation strategies limits helping professionals understanding of this group and presents a barrier to the recognition and effective assessment and treatment of potential mental health problems and other problems in living among African American women. For instance, helping professionals often mistakenly believe that African American women are not susceptible to certain illnesses. This is compounded when the symptoms of disorder differ between African American women and white women. A prime example of this is the way in which eating disorders among African American women have been all but overlooked, due to commonly held beliefs that their higher self-esteem and greater tolerance for larger body types compared to white women protect them from this category of disorder (Root, 1990; StriegelMoore, 2000). Recent research shows that, to the contrary, African American women are as likely as white women to manifest binge eating and vomiting, and more likely than white women to engage in recurrent binge eating, fasting, and the abuse of laxatives or diuretics (StriegelMoore, 2000). Stereotypes about African American woman are so pervasive that African American women themselves often internalize them. Consequently, many are ashamed to seek help for fear of being perceived as weak or sellouts. In studying eating disorders in African American women, Striegel-Moore (2000) found that many experienced feelings of shame and betrayal for having a white womans illness. This sense of shame and alienation on the part of African American women who are experiencing health and mental health problems that are not viewed as appropriate for African American women is often reinforced by others. In her personal narrative of her struggle to overcome depression, Meri Nana-Ama Danquah (1998) described numerous attempts to talk about her depression with women and men, both African American and white, as dismissive, patronizing, and demeaning. When a black woman suffers from a mental disorder, the overwhelming opinion is that she is weak. And weakness in black women is intolerable. (p. 20) Helping professionals and service-providing institutions must examine the ways in which their policies and practices, and the assumptions that undergird them, continue to oppress African American women and

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exacerbate the social problems they experience. The following womanist practice principles are offered for empowering African American women and increasing cultural competence in providing human services to them. Correct distorted notions about African American women by actively seeking out, acknowledging, and affirming their experiences. Recognize the diversity of experiences among this group as well as the commonality of their sociohistoric heritage. Become familiar with the growing body of historical and sociological literature written by and about African American women. Collaborate with African American women (e.g., indigenous community leaders, clients, and scholars) in conceptualizing and implementing assessment and treatment models. Devise assessment and treatment models that support African American women within their cultural context and optimize their adaptation strategies. Assist African American women clients in developing a healthy self-concept and a balanced gender role identity. Examine existing governmental and organizational policies and practices and correct for bias and discriminatory practices. Advocate for policies and practices that (a) support African American women in meeting their social and economic needs and (b) promote social and economic justice for African American women and men. Promote strong relationships between African American women and men by (a) encouraging a healing dialog and promoting joint problem-solving between these groups, and (b) advocating for change in governmental and organizational practices and policies that alienate them from each other (e.g., child support enforcement, welfare eligibility, child welfare practices, etc.). The womanist perspective provides a basis for understanding the broader sociohistorical context of African American women, including the impact of centuries of oppression on their social and economic status and their physical and psychological health. The womanist perspective also focuses on the ways in which African American women have employed varied cultural strategies to negotiate their complex social environments, including gender role, religiosity, and social support. Thus, utilizing a womanist perspective for practice and policy can enable social workers and other helping professionals to avoid stereotyping African American women and provide culturally competent, strengthsoriented services.

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