5.

Malay Anxiety
Modernity, Development and
Underdevelopment

Recap from previous lectures

The bangsa Melayu firmly entrenched as

definite racial category by the end of the

nationalist struggles for self-rule.

The Federation of Malaya formed out of 9

states in 1957
In Malaya (not Singapore), Malay was

constitutionally-defined
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With new nation, new path of

development to be created

UMNO-MCA-MIC formed the Alliance to

rule Malaya as a plural nation

Economic development was good, Malay

political leadership in place

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Purpose of lecture
To examine what happens after the political

formation of bangsa Melayu

To identify creeping postcolonial anxieties and

insecurity over Malay socio-economic role and

status
To discuss some of the diagnoses and

prescriptions for overcoming Malay deficiency

To analyse the critiques and consequences of

the above
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Nationalism: Imagined and Achievement

of Political Bangsa Melayu
BUT, Malays were lagging behind

economically

Largely concentrated in rural areas

Cities and urban areas dominated by Chinese,

Europeans and handful of Malay elites

Races divided by economic functions
Malays: peasants
Indians: plantation workers
Chinese: big and retail businesses

What is the root cause of Malay socio-

economic underdevelopment?

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Early musings

Munshi Abdullah and Zaaba

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Malay deficiency
19th c: Munshi Abdullah
criticism of the Malay rulers and

their subjects.
Feudalism obstructs progress
Inability to compete with superior
Others
Europeans and other migrant races
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Malay poverty

Zaba on the Poverty of the Malays (1923)

The Malays as a whole are a particularly poor

people. Poverty is their most outstanding
characteristic and their greatest handicap in the race
of progress. Poor in money, poor in education, poor
in intellectual equipment and moral qualities, they
cannot be otherwise but left behind in the march of
nations. The word poverty as applied to them does
not merely mean destitution of wealth or riches. It
means terribly more. The poverty of the Malays is an
all round poverty. It envelops them on every side.
That they are poor people in money matters goes
without saying: but what is more distressing is the
fact that they are also poor in all other equipments
which can led to success and greatness..
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Postcolonial Reflection

Politicians and Scholars

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Postcolonial consciousness of a
threatened bangsa Melayu

Spurred by Malay socio-economic insecurity

Economically behind
Occupationally inferior
Spatially divided (rural vs urban)
Culturally exclusive (Islam)

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Division within UMNO

Top leaders
Aristocratic class
For eg. Tunku Abdul
Rahman, 1st PM of
Malaysia
Ties with British
colonial administration
English and overseas-

educated

Less in touch with

grassroots

MS1102E: Malays-Tradition, Conflict and Change, I, 2015/2015

Young and aspiring

leaders
Administrative and

professional class

For eg Dr Mahathir

No ties to colonial
administration

Did not study

overseas

More in touch with

grassroots
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Older leaders
Content with economic

growth model
Business class to freely

pursue their activities

Minimal government

intervention on other
sectors
No policies on Malay

socio-economic upliftment
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Younger leaders
Not content with

unequally-shared
economic wealth

Believe that free market

will ultimately leave poor

Malays further behind

Must have constructive

protection policy to
prevent them from being
economically overtaken by
more successful races
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Tengku Abdul Rahman

Nobody need starve in this country as one can just reach

out ones hand and pick ones food. There are fish in
every river, food in abundance on the land. Even the
forests yield animals and vegetables that can be eaten. All
that one has to do is use a little energy, a little brainwork
and one one can get what one needs. Thats why my
people are said to be lazy, because they dont have to
work and less still struggle in order to live.
(In Looking back: Monday Musings and Memories, 1977, p.
145)

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Outcomes of Malay anxiety

Racial riots of 1964 (Singapore)
Singapore left the Federation of Malaysia

which it joined in 1963

Racial riots of 1969 (Kuala Lumpur)
Malay resentment against Chinese
Politically: UMNO did badly in 1969 elections
Socio-economically: Successful Chinese to

blame for Malay poverty

Led to New Economic Policy (constructive

protection/affirmative action)
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Diagnosis: The cultural-deficit

approach
As a way of explaining underdevelopment/underachievement
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Syed Hussein Alatass Myth of the Lazy

Native (1977)
Ideological narrative; Malays are lazy
to justify conquest and dominance
to justify compulsion and mobilization of labour

for capitalistic purposes

Justification for using outside labour for profits

local peasants not used in commercial

plantations so as not to upset the apple-cart of
raja and subject relations

Maintains cozy relationship between Malay

feudalism and colonial capitalism

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Lily Rahims use of cultural

deficit (1998)
Critique of an approach used by some scholars and

politicians to explain why Malays lag behind

economically
Attributed to certain cultural traits
natural or even genetic

Critique of the solution

To change culture or behavior
To adapt or transform through hard way
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Does Mahathir use the culturaldeficit approach in his evaluation

of
the
Malays?

Yes
Heredity
Environment
Values
Ethics

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Heredity and Environment

Mahathir Mohamads Malay Dilemma:
In-breeding among Malays results in genetic

deficiency

Complacent with bountiful environment

Does not develop traits for survival
Because of that, looks inwards
Vicious cycle of complacency and

underdevelopment

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Mahathirs Malay Dilemma

no great exertion or ingenuity was

required to obtain food. There was plenty

for everyone throughout the year. hunger
and starvation a common feature in
counties like China and India were
unknown in Malaya. Under these
conditions everyone survived. Even the
weakest and least diligent were able to
live in comparative comfort, to marry and
procreate.
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Malay Ethics and Values

No capacity for self-reflection
Not too concern about worldly matters;

more on preparing for after-life

Does not show decisiveness
Non-confrontational
More on formality, good behavior and rituals
Not suited for competitive condition

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Difference between Lily Rahims

and Mahathirs perspective on
deficiency
Mahathir
Lily
Rahim

Malays have values that

disadvantage them from
being entrepreneurial

Difficult to change values

Therefore must provide

the conditions for them to
be uplifted economically
without depending too
much of cultural and
behavioral change

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Discounts that values and

behavioural traits are

causes behind Malay
underdevelopment

Structural factors are root

cause
Historical disadvantage
Discrimination
Poor leadership
State neglect and
intentional
marginalization

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Difference between Mahathirs

and Lily Rahims solution
Mahathirs

Lily Rahims

Forceful state

Not a politician, so no

Comprehensive policy, all

Treat Malay

intervention
levels

Education
Employment
Housing
State corporations

Transformation of values

will come after-the-fact

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recourse to state policy

underdevelopment as a
class-based economic
shortcoming
To uplift socio-economic

status must remove state

discrimination against
minority
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What is the Malay Dilemma?

Malays have two choices, according to

Mahathir:
1. Dont need to help themselves just be

proud, even if poor citizens of a prosperous

country
OR
2. Try to get some of the riches of the country,

even if it blurs the economic picture

of Malaysia a little. (Malay Dilemma, p.
61)
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The Choice for Mahathir is

clear
If the leaders are to turn their attention

to leading the Malays to a better life it

will need but little effort to study the
causes and prescribe the remedies. The
measures must be drastic, as were
the measures taken by the Malay
leaders during the political crisis
involving the Malayan Union. (p. 60).

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Constructive Protection to
Affirmative Action Policy
In Malaysia affirmative-action policy

implemented
NEP (New Economic Policy)
Following Mahathirs argument
Comprehensive constructive protection

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To maintain race-based political

parties
The politics of the parties constituting the Alliance,
although basically racial, are apparently directed at achieving
racial equality. Their existence does not jeopardize the efforts
towards national unity. On the other hand the so-called noncommunal parties are merely fronts for some of the most blatant
racial politics. Their activities tend to be divisive and will not
contribute towards the good of nation. They are the harbingers
of racial trouble, of unrest and of national retrogression.

(Mahathir Mohamad, Malay Dilemma, 1970: 178)

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Divergent Policies for Malays

Comprehensive CulturalStructural Intervention

Malaysias NEP

Minimalist state role

through culturallycentred instituions

Singapores

Self-Help model

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Different Solutions to Malay

underdevelopment
Malaysia
New Economic Policy

(NEP)

Massive state
investment
Ethnic redistribution
within all public
institutions
From providing equal
access to hegemonic
control

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Singapore
Self-help programmes

and institutions
MENDAKI (for

education)
Equal entry to

opportunity
Schools
Housing
Social amenities
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Equalizing Ethnicity: Malaysia

and Singapore
Malaysia
Malays to be given

special
treatmentcatch-up
with other groups
So that racial equality

will be achieved
Long-term: racial

equality will lead to

development
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Singapore
No special treatment for

any group

Achievement is based on

merit

To catch-up with

developed world

Racial inequality is the

cost of development

Long-term: development

will lead to racial

equality

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Consequence of two approaches

to cultural-deficit syndrome
Malaysia

Singapore
Competition and

Over-dominance of Malay

political parties

Race-protection card

used for gaining support

Victimization,

backwardness rhetoric
and reality reproduced for
continuing special privilege

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meritocracy slower path

for racial equality

Assimilation is bigger goal

Linguistically
Religion in public sphere
only
Globalised, modern
identity
Onus on ethnic-based

non-political self-help
groups to uplift and
protect own race.

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Critique of meritocracy
Meritocracy: assumes that everyone

starts on level-playing field

But structurally unequal
Double jeopardy: poverty leads to more

poverty because of inability to compete

Double whammy: wealth leads to more

wealth because of extra advantage to

compete
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Summary

The political formation of bangsa Melayu was successful

but did not address other issues of identity-formation

Most important was the emergence of postcolonial

anxieties and insecurity over the underdevelopment of
Malay socio-economic power

Many of the diagnoses and prescriptions for overcoming

Malay deficiency were related to either structural or
cultural roots of their problem

There were differing critiques and consequences of the

prognosis,
minimalist state intervention versus
Aggressive and comprehensive policy of affirmative action

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