Numarul 3 Complet

REPERE.
Revist de tiinele Educaiei Numrul 3/2010
STUDII TEORETICE Dcrochage et raccrochage scolaires : Une mise en perspective biographique et ethnomthodologique Valrie Melin Universit Paris13 /Nord
Abstract: This article is trying to analyse dropping out from school through the patterns of biographical theory and ethnomethodology to show that stopping studies or having difficulties at school is not a deficiency but ressources if were looking at the personal history of the student instead of following the institutional point of view. Une approche biographique En France, on a longtemps tolr larrt des tudes en cours de cycle sans grande consquence ni individuelle ni sociale. On se contentait de regretter un dpart prmatur de lcole ou de se fliciter de linterruption de scolarit dun jeune en souffrance lcole. Mais les reprsentations ont chang : larrt des tudes avant davoir reu une formation suffisamment qualifiante et accd un diplme, est devenu une anomalie, voire une anormalit sociale qui ncessite rparation et exige une prise en charge par les pouvoirs publics. Cette approche pjorative de larrt des tudes en cours de cycle caractrise le dcrochage. Lidentification dun phnomne comme le dcrochage scolaire et leffort de remdiation qui lui est associ induit une stigmatisation dont Goffman (1977) a tudi les effets sociaux et les incidences identitaires. La figure du dcrocheur est ainsi renvoye la dfaillance du systme scolaire qui ne sait pas soutenir certains lves ou latypie dun destin individuel qui ne suit pas le chemin trac. Cest au dcrocheur que sont destins les moyens mis en uvre pour permettre le raccrochage, revanche scolaire et sociale, restauration dune trajectoire biographique qui naurait pas d sinterrompre. Enseigner dans un dispositif de raccrochage donne lopportunit de ctoyer au quotidien ceux que lon dsigne comme danciens dcrocheurs qui, en tant que stigmatiss, ont tendance, comme le remarque Goffman (1977), se sentir en reprsentation et en contrle. On constate que la question du dcrochage y est omniprsente. Elle se pose, en particulier, aux anciens dcrocheurs qui sefforcent de retrouver leurs marques dlves.
REPERE. Revist de tiinele Educaiei Numrul 3/2010
Le raccrochage sinscrit dans la temporalit dune biographie individuelle confronte la ncessit de rflchir le pass dans lacte mme de construire le projet qui dessine les contours de son devenir. Elle concerne aussi les interactions du jeune avec la nouvelle structure scolaire, porteuse de tant dimplications, o il rencontre de nouveaux acteurs institutionnels. Le jeune, ancien dcrocheur, va-t-il assumer cette nouvelle rencontre avec lui-mme et avec linstitution scolaire, ou renoncer de nouveau une certaine figure de soi, celle de llve, et la forme dinsertion sociale quassure la scolarisation? Une nouvelle rupture reste toujours possible et linstitution, de son ct, ne cesse de le suggrer dans sa mission mme de remdiation. Lorganisation sociale et institutionnelle de lcole, de son ct, tend instrumentaliser lexistence de ces jeunes ayant dcroch afin de les rintgrer dans le systme scolaire. La rescolarisation vise une efficacit sociale et non la comprhension du processus biographique de ces jeunes dont les difficults rencontres, tentations dun nouveau dcrochage, sont dailleurs des indicateurs potentiels de tensions, voire de contradictions entre le projet de la scolarit, mme revisit travers le raccrochage, et le projet de soi. Cest pourquoi une mise en perspective biographique de ces phnomnes associs et conjoints que sont le dcrochage et le raccrochage constitue une entre pertinente pour comprendre la construction de sujet et la dynamique identitaire de ces jeunes luvre dans leur rapport lcole.
La question du dcrochage : La problmatique de la massification scolaire et lmergence dune nouvelle normalit la fin des annes 1990, en France, le phnomne de la dscolarisation acquiert le statut de question sociale et institutionnelle au travers de la thmatique du dcrochage dans le contexte dune massification scolaire croissante et dune aggravation des difficults dinsertion professionnelle des jeunes. Laccueil de nouveaux publics est prioritaire et linstallation de dispositifs de lutte contre lchec scolaire accompagne cette transformation de linstitution. Il sagit pour lcole de garder en son sein ces nouvelles recrues pour leur permettre deffectuer une scolarit fructueuse. Le passage par lcole est devenu une trajectoire obligatoire : le diplme simpose comme une cl dentre pour linsertion professionnelle, mme sil nest pas au bout du compte le ssame qui en garantirait laccs. Enfin la question du dcrochage a t rendue plus sensible
encore par la monte dun chmage concernant tout particulirement les jeunes qui, ne pouvant plus trouver aussi facilement un chemin dintgration sociale une fois sortis de lcole, basculent de fait dans lexclusion. Le fait dtre scolaris prend alors une valeur normative plus marque. Celui qui se dscolarise, le dcrocheur , apparat comme un personnage trange et dcal dont la singularit du choix est difficilement comprise par lcole, sa famille et la socit en gnral.
La tentative sociologique de dfinition du dcrochage et ses limites Pour le sociologue, il nest pas facile den donner une dfinition rigoureuse, ni didentifier les individus touchs par ce phnomne. Dominique Glasman, (2000), avance lide quil ny a pas une frontire nette entre le dcrocheur sorti du systme et les dcrocheurs sur place , cest--dire des lves qui sans quitter le lyce sont totalement dmobiliss . Glasman propose nanmoins une distinction possible entre les dcrocheurs et les autres lves. Pour les premiers, les tudes ne feraient plus sens tandis que pour les seconds, elles auraient encore une valeur. La ligne de partage entre ceux qui donnent sens aux tudes et ceux qui ne leur en donnent plus place symboliquement le jeune soit lintrieur de lcole, soit lextrieur. Ainsi, elle reprend ou confirme un clivage propre linstitution scolaire qui tend, en rduisant le jeune lartefact de llve, oprer un cloisonnement entre son mtier dlve et sa vie extrieure. Elle omet ainsi de le considrer, comme peut le faire le courant biographique, dans la globalit dune vie aux multiples dimensions, gnratrices dautant de figures de soi qui, loin de sexclure, dialoguent les unes avec les autres et dont lexprience dlve fait partie. La rponse du raccrochage : une approche pdagogique et politique du dcrochage La rponse au dcrochage repose ainsi sur lmergence dune nouvelle institution, la structure de raccrochage qui doit permettre lancien dcrocheur en demande dcole et de formation de se rconcilier avec le systme de lEducation Nationale revisit par des pdagogues militants, considrant le dcrochage comme lexpression des insuffisances et des contradictions des structures ducatives. Lcole, pensent-ils, doit tre elle-mme son propre recours et se rformer de lintrieur pour viter le flau du dcrochage en laborant une solution alternative qui permet de rinscrire les dcrocheurs dans une dynamique daccs au savoir.
La rponse du raccrochage envisage lhistoire du dcrocheur comme lexpression des limites de fonctionnements institutionnels adapts la majorit des lves sans convenir tous. Le dcrocheur devient en quelque sorte lenjeu dun conflit idologique et son tmoin. Sa capacit raccrocher grce laction claire denseignants ayant rform leur activit professionnelle serait ainsi la preuve de la lgitimit des critiques que ceux-ci dveloppent contre le systme scolaire traditionnel. 1 A la rencontre des lves anciens dcrocheurs en situation de raccrochage au lyce Ces lves sont pour la plupart des nouveaux lycens qui, selon F. Dubet (1991), ont bnfici de la massification scolaire. Ils sinscrivent la fois dans une dynamique de promotion scolaire et sociale par rapport leurs parents et dans une logique de relgation du fait des filires suivies, du type de lyce frquent dans le pass et de leur parcours de retard et dchec. Les jeunes postulants tmoignent dune certaine communaut de points de vue qui nest pas trangre la situation de recrutement elle-mme exigeant une approche en conformit avec linstitution et sa mission. Ils aspirent un parcours de russite dans une institution qui reste pour eux synonyme dchec. Cette relative uniformit de statut social et de discours contraste avec la grande diversit des cheminements biographiques. On peut donc souponner un cart important entre la ralit des situations individuelles, la singularit des parcours et des constructions identitaires qui en drivent et la tendance lhomognisation normalisante de la structure. Celle-ci pose les cadres de fonctionnement adapts ce quelle a reconnu comme tant le profil-type du dcrocheur en situation de raccrochage , profil auquel le jeune, coul dans le moule de sa sub-culture socio-conomique, cherche sidentifier demble pour trouver sa place dans linstitution. Lambivalence de reprsentations valorisant lcole comme tape ncessaire de lintgration sociale et la contestant en tant quexprience personnelle dhumiliation ou de blessure narcissique, souligne cet cart. Le malaise rcurrent des jeunes lgard de lcole, dissimul sous leffort de mise en conformit avec les attentes du systme dans lequel ils rentrent nouveau, se manifeste par une difficult raccrocher, analyse, en particulier, dans le cadre dune tude que jai dveloppe sur les tensions et les stratgies identitaires de jeunes en situation de raccrochage (2007).
Si le raccrochage ne se fait pas sans heurts, la rescolarisation semble une preuve insurmontable pour certains jeunes qui apparaissent comme des incomptents de lcole. Or ces jeunes, en dcrochage ritr, reprsentent dabord la limite daction pdagogique et de comptence relationnelle des enseignants et confrontent ces professionnels une vritable souffrance, celle de linutilit et de lchec, contestation de leur lgitimit institutionnelle. Bernard Charlot (2005), montre la complexit de la notion de handicap socioculturel qui, si elle voque une dficience caractrisant llve et induisant son chec, renvoie aussi une insuffisance institutionnelle. Cest lcole elle-mme qui gnre le handicap dont la dfinition exclusivement rapporte llve, constitue une rification qui transforme un cart entre un individu et une institution en caractristique individuelle et en fait objectif. Ces lves qui, en dpit dun objectif affich de rescolarisation, dcrochent de nouveau, interrogent le fonctionnement des structures alternatives au mme titre quils ont interrog, lpoque de leur premier dcrochage, le systme traditionnel. La thorie du manque, souligne encore Charlot, renvoie une lecture en ngatif dun phnomne qui tmoigne du regard que lcole, en position dominante, porte sur les lves rencontrant des difficults. Une lecture en positif sintresse au contraire au projet biographique du jeune mis lpreuve dans une institution scolaire faite pour lui et en situation dinteraction avec des acteurs auxquels, en tant que sujet, il se confronte. Le rapport linstitution et au savoir prsuppose la prise en compte des modalits et des processus par lesquels le jeune biographie son exprience scolaire dans ses diffrents aspects et linscrit dans son histoire singulire. Cest le sens et les caractristiques de ce projet biographique quil faut avant tout analyser pour sortir dune stigmatisation rifiante et comprendre lvnement paradoxal dun dcrochage ritr.
Les enjeux identitaires du projet biographique du raccrochage Les jeunes dscolariss passent du statut de dcrocheurs mis au ban de lcole
celui de raccrocheurs qui y reviennent et font souvent part de leur angoisse de ne pas parvenir donner corps leur nouveau statut. Cet enjeu se manifeste dans le travail de reconstruction de soi cens soprer dans le processus de raccrochage qui sefforce de renouer les fils dune continuit biographique. Le dsir de prserver quelque chose de son identit antrieure cre des tensions dans la dmarche dapprentissage scolaire. Apprendre prsuppose daccepter le remaniement dune configuration antrieure de savoir en renonant la singularit dun moi qui sest, dans une mesure variable, construit en lien avec une ducation informelle, lors du dcrochage. 5
Le dcrocheur en situation de raccrochage est ainsi confront des tensions identitaires entre ce quil tait dans le pass, ce quil se considre tre au prsent, ce quil voudrait devenir, entre la faon dont il se voit et celle dont il pense que les autres lenvisagent. Il doit donc oprer des transactions identitaires pour trouver sa place au sein de lcole quil a choisi de rintgrer. Cette construction identitaire confronte le jeune linstitution et, au premier plan, aux enseignants dont les reprsentations affectent le discours pdagogique et social sur le dcrochage et sur sa rparation travers le raccrochage. Si lenseignant et plus gnralement linstitution fabriquent une certaine figure du dcrocheur en amont du raccrochage, un processus analogue se produit, nous venons de le voir, dans le cadre du raccrochage lui-mme. On peut alors voquer une construction identitaire dordre ractionnel, qui rpond volontairement ou involontairement un certain discours institutionnel. Cette construction en retour se manifeste par une structure identitaire dissocie, entre affirmation de soi et identification aux reprsentations institutionnelles. La tension entre lducation informelle et la forme scolaire quexprimente le jeune en situation de raccrochage permet de dessiner les contours de cette dissociation souvent douloureuse mais aussi fconde.
Dcrochage et ducation informelle Durant la priode de descolarisation, lducation informelle a pris toute la place. Selon la dfinition quen donne Coombs dans la crise mondiale de lducation et que cite Pain (1990), lducation informelle relve dun processus dacquisition et daccumulation de connaissances et de capacits tires des expriences quotidiennes et de lexposition lenvironnement immdiat. Pierre Dasen (2004) considre que le microsystme de lducation informelle se dveloppe dans une structure dimensions multiples o interagissent les contextes physiques et sociaux, les pratiques ducatives et les ethnothories parentales. Gilles Brougre (2002) souligne que leffet formateur dpend de la dure des expriences vcues et de linvestissement des sujets recherchant la matrise de donnes et doutils pour atteindre leurs objectifs dans lexistence. La dscolarisation a pu renforcer des pratiques formatrices ayant lieu en dehors de lcole et non sans lien parfois avec le dcrochage. En groupe, parmi ses pairs ou dans la solitude, les pratiques informatiques, les jeux de rles, les activits dans le cadre dassociations culturelles et la musique mettent en uvre une ducation informelle et des pdagogies implicites.
Un paradoxe qui pose problme Ces acquis dexprience pourraient avoir donn ces jeunes une dtermination, une connaissance deux-mmes et un savoir sur la vie facilitant le retour lcole. Cest dailleurs sur ce prjug que les enseignants de ce type de dispositifs pensent le recrutement du public. Une des conditions pour y rentrer, cest davoir arrt les tudes pendant un temps suffisamment long, rendant possibles dautres expriences et une nouvelle maturit. Lquipe enseignante considre aussi que la reprise dtudes donne loccasion de mobiliser et dorganiser tout ce que les jeunes ont appris hors de lcole et dont elle suppose quils nont pas encore vraiment conscience. Les enseignants envisagent ainsi la rescolarisation comme la continuit et la possibilit daccomplissement dun processus formatif entam durant le dcrochage. Mais le retour aux tudes, nous lavons vu, savre pour ces anciens dcrocheurs bien plus difficile et problmatique quil ny parait au pralable. Ils ont du mal rentrer dans les normes de lapprentissage institutionnel et se plier aux mthodes scolaires. Ils sont presque toujours dans la rsistance lgard de ce quon veut leur transmettre et dans la souffrance de se sentir dcals et se remettent, en dfinitive, bien souvent en situation dchec, confirmant en quelque sorte leur destin de dcrocheurs . Il me semble ncessaire de poser la question de la confrontation entre les apprentissages informels que ces lves ont pu faire lors du dcrochage et la culture scolaire quon leur dispense au sein dun dispositif de raccrochage dont la mission est de rendre possible le retour aux tudes par une pdagogie adapte. Lducation informelle est-elle vritablement compatible avec le savoir scolaire qui repose sur une formalisation spcifique de son apprentissage et de son contenu ? A quelles conditions des lves dont les modles dapprentissage renvoient au cadre de lducation informelle peuvent-ils raccrocher, cest-dire reprendre des tudes dans le cadre formalis de lcole ?
La rescolarisation des anciens dcrocheurs vue sous langle de lethnomthodologie lethnomthodologie considre que la connaissance sociologique se trouve au sein mme de lexprience immdiate, constitue par lensemble des interactions que les acteurs sociaux effectuent au quotidien. Lintrt de lethnomthodologie se porte donc sur les activits pratiques qui reclent les raisonnements pratiques, cest dire non conceptualiss de faon extrieure aux actions, par lesquels les membres dun groupe social font vivre leur collectivit, 7
la maintienne et la transforme. Cest travers lanalyse des pratiques sociales des lves en situation de raccrochage quon peut faire merger les reprsentations quils mettent en uvre dans leur rapport lcole et qui sont relies la question de lapprentissage informel. Llve raccrocheur et lenseignant prtent au mot apprentissage des significations trs diffrentes dans leurs interactions. Pour clairer la signification que les lves lui donnent, il faut prendre en compte lindexicabilit qui dsigne lincompltude naturelle des mots dont le sens plein dpend de leur contexte de production. Les mots sont indexs une situation dchange linguistique. Lintelligibilit des changes, au lieu de souffrir de leur nature indexicale, y trouve son assise et cest la connaissance des circonstances de lnonc qui permet de leur attribuer un sens prcis. Rentrer dans une dmarche de recherche prsuppose de rsister une gnralisation qui tmoigne avant tout dune domination socioculturelle. Il sagit de se mettre distance dune reprsentation fige du sens du mot apprentissage en lien avec la position dominante de lenseignant et du modle scolaire et de travailler comprendre partir des situations de communication ce que llve en difficult de raccrochage exprime de ses conceptions personnelles. La sociologie de Garfinkel se fonde sur la reconnaissance de la capacit rflexive et interprtative propre tout acteur social. Lindividu, savant ou ordinaire, met en uvre, dans la routine de ses activits quotidiennes, une certaine capacit dinterprtation dont il a seul la comptence. Le comportement de ces lves qui rsistent au processus de rescolarisation constitue une attitude rflexive ayant le mrite de dstabiliser les enseignants, mis en situation de breaching. Ce comportement inattendu et qui bouscule les reprsentations commande au chercheur de cultiver ce que Garfinkel cit par H. de Luze (1997), appelle lindiffrence ethnomthodologique qui tudie les phnomnes sans tre tent dapprcier ni leur ncessit, ni leur valeur, ni leur efficacit.
Les rsistances la forme scolaire Confronts de nouveau au cadre scolaire, ces lves sont bouleverss dans leurs reprsentations et dans leurs pratiques. Les acquis personnels de ces lves et les pratiques propres lapprentissage informel dont ils ont fait lexprience durant leur temps darrt, voire avant, et auxquelles ils sidentifient les mettent presque toujours en difficult avec les savoirs scolaires. Ces jeunes manquent bien souvent dintrt pour les enseignements abstraits, caractristiques de lcole. Ils ont du mal mobiliser constructivement le contenu de leur apprentissage informel dans le contexte du retour lcole. Il leur arrive de le rejeter. Il est souvent un objet de mpris puisquil ne correspond pas la norme de la connaissance 8
essentiellement scolaire. Ils survalorisent aussi parfois lexprience quils ont faite en dehors de lcole et qui leur donne une identit. Cest tout une part de leur histoire de vie et de leur identit qui ne sintgre pas vritablement lexprience nouvelle de la reprise dtude. Cette situation suscite chez eux la prise de conscience de ces dcalages et la ncessit dune clarification de leurs reprsentations. Les lves tendent verbaliser ces difficults et le type de relations promu par les dispositifs de raccrochage entre les professeurs et les lves le favorise. Le malaise qui conduit ces lves remettre en question la pertinence et lautorit de lcole dbouchent ainsi sur des tensions avec les enseignants eux-mmes porteurs de la norme de lapprentissage scolaire. Les cadres de lactivit des enseignants sont bouleverss puisquils doivent apprendre discuter avec les lves en prenant en compte leur point de vue et ngocier avec eux pour maintenir laffiliation de llve lcole.
Les limites de la rponse enseignante Lquipe pdagogique nest pas forme reconnatre et valuer ce type dapprentissage dordre informel et les acquis qui lui sont associs. Lenseignant na, en gnral, aucune culture dans ce domaine et se trouve renvoy des reprsentations plutt rudimentaires et ncessairement assorties de prjugs lorsquil sagit de donner du sens aux apprentissages informels et de les intgrer si possible au nouveau parcours de formation offert aux lves. Dun certain point de vue, les enseignants sont eux-mmes mis en situation dapprentissage informel lorsquils ngocient avec les pratiques de ces lves. Ils doivent apprendre composer et interagir avec ces lves, sans sappuyer sur des procdures bien dfinies dans le cadre desquelles le problme rsoudre et les oprations effectuer pour y remdier sont spcifis. Ils naviguent vue et sont dans lincertitude, quant aux conditions de leur efficacit.
Une ncessaire thorisation Le chercheur peut se donner comme mission de clarifier le sens de ce conflit entre pratiques vcues et pratiques scolaires sans prsenter leur opposition de faon trop rductrice. Lapprentissage scolaire contient, en effet, des lments informels puisquon y rencontre des savoirs incorpors ou encore des curriculums cachs sans transmission explicite. Des lments de formalisation sont aussi prsents dans des activits bases sur lducation informelle ds quon adopte une stratgie intentionnelle de formation. Il sagit daborder cette contradiction du point de vue de lexprience des jeunes en situation de raccrochage pour donner aux 9
enseignants engags dans ces dispositifs quelques cls de comprhension et daction. Les difficults et les rsistances des dcrocheurs en situation de raccrochage ne dpendent pas exclusivement de limites dordre pdagogique, comme tendent le penser les enseignants spcialiss dans le raccrochage. Jai pu constater lors de conduite dentretiens que lopposition entre ces deux formes dapprentissage concerne aussi des diffrences de modalits dans lorganisation sociale de lapprentissage. Les jeunes y voquent des difficults relevant autant de la nature du savoir enseign que de lorganisation de sa transmission au sein de linstitution scolaire. Tchons de les thoriser.
Education informelle et forme scolaire : quelques traits distinctifs Greenfield et Lave (1978) ont dsign lducation informelle comme une ducation intgre la vie courante avec un faible degr dinstitutionnalisation. Ce modle informel est lantinomie mme de la forme scolaire dont les activits ont lieu en dehors des espaces du quotidien et instituent un temps didactique organisant la transmission des savoirs. La figure du matre compte dans lapprentissage informel alors qu lcole, elle sefface au bnfice du savoir. Lapprenant est responsable de ses acquisitions dans lespace informel, tandis qu lcole, lenseignant a la charge de la transmission et de lappropriation du savoir par llve avec lequel il a un contrat didactique. Lenseignant sengage partager son savoir et en faciliter lappropriation par llve qui, en retour, doit adopter une posture institutionnellement dfinie. Lducation informelle exclut les programmes explicites par opposition avec lorganisation scolaire de lapprentissage fond sur un dcoupage codifi du savoir. Lcole, comme le soulignent Maulini et Perrenoud (2005), construit un curriculum et une planification rationnelle des apprentissages. Si le questionnement et les changes verbaux caractrisent le fonctionnement institutionnel de lcole, ils sont absents dans lapprentissage informel fond sur lobservation, limitation et la dmonstration pratique. La motivation, dans lapprentissage informel, est trouve dans la contribution sociale tandis qu lcole, on valorise le savoir acqurir pour lui-mme.
Pdagogies implicites, dispositifs de raccrochage et rsistances la rescolarisation Dans le cadre de la participation priphrique lgitime dfinie par Lave et Wenger, lapprentissage se fait en lien avec une intgration sociale. Il seffectue par le passage de la position priphrique de novice qui apprend le vocabulaire adquat et les implicites des routines quotidiennes la position centrale de matre au modle duquel il sagit de sidentifier. Il ny a pas forcment une relation directe de matre apprenti. Celui-ci peut apprendre et 10
apprend dabord par les interactions avec ses pairs et par lengagement dans une pratique. La motivation vient de la possibilit dune participation de plus en plus complte. Les novices entrent dans une communaut de pratiques : ils apprennent qui est concern, ce quils font, comment se droule la vie quotidienne, comment les matres travaillent et, de faon gnrale, mnent leur vie et ce que les apprentis doivent apprendre pour devenir des praticiens chevronns. On remarque que les jeunes tendent adopter lgard de leur rescolarisation dans le dispositif compltement nouveau de la structure de raccrochage la position priphrique du novice entrant dans une communaut de pratiques. Or limportance accorde par ailleurs lorganisation formelle de lapprentissage du ct des enseignants fait discordance et gnre des tensions. Le concept de participation guide dfini par Rogoff se rfre aux interactions entre personnes, gnralement entre un adulte et un enfant qui participent ensemble une activit culturellement valorise : il sagit pour lenfant dune appropriation participative du savoir qui sappuie sur une activit partage, instaurant une forme dchange o lcart entre celui qui sait et celui qui apprend est attnu, voire gomm. Les lves anciens dcrocheurs valorisent tout particulirement ce type dinteraction avec les enseignants et regrettent quil soit encore trop marginal dans le dispositif de raccrochage. Ils apprcient peu lorganisation frontale de la classe et sinstallent souvent dans une attitude passive qui contraste avec leur implication dans des changes avec lenseignant fonds sur la participation guide.
Savoir et exprience On peut noter un autre type de rsistance lie au caractre normalisant et artificiel de la forme scolaire, oppose la valeur exprientielle de la vie. Si les lves veulent un diplme qui leur ouvre des portes dans leur objectif dinsertion sociale, ils ne sont plus rellement disposs jouer le jeu dune institution qui pose en principe de fonctionnement sa dconnection de la vie travers ce que C. Delory (2003) la suite de A. Moles, nomme lexprience vicariale. Lexprience vicariale reprsente une exprience indirecte du monde par la mdiation de signes et de symboles et se constitue immdiatement comme univers de significations sans lien avec une exprience sensible du monde. Lcole impose lexprience vicariale comme mode dominant du rapport au monde et au savoir, ce dont souffrent les anciens dcrocheurs. Le monde ny existe que sur le mode dun discours second sur le monde. Ce vice-discours expose un savoir, discours sur le monde, relay et transform par la parole de lenseignant et son double registre scientifique et didactique. Lexprience vicariale qui est le propre de la culture scolaire soppose lincorporation du savoir propre lducation informelle. 11
Un lment de rsolution du conflit entre formel et informel On pourrait construire partir du modle du loisir une pdagogie spcifique qui travaillerait llaboration dune solution de continuit entre les cadres relativement informels de lexprience et les lments plutt formaliss de lcole pour dpasser les contradictions vcues par les lves en situation de raccrochage scolaire. Il sagit dexaminer ce que le jeu et le loisir reprsentent en tant que situation dapprentissage et de voir si on peut les envisager comme une transition possible entre linformel et le formel, lexprience vcue dans laquelle senracine lducation informelle et lexprience vicariale propre la forme scolaire, lapprentissage insu et lapprentissage conscient, le savoir incorpor et le savoir conceptualis pour lui-mme. Les activits de loisir entretiennent une relation complexe avec les lments issus du monde ordinaire, quelles transforment, imitent et commentent. En se dcollant de lexprience immdiate, mise en scne et symbolise travers un discours, le loisir amorce dans sa nature mme une formalisation qui tend dsincorporer les savoirs luvre dans sa pratique. Si le jeu na pas une vocation particulire lducation, il recle nanmoins une richesse potentielle de contenus culturels quil peut contribuer construire et transformer en les formalisant. Envisages du point de vue de lducation informelle, les difficults des lves en situation de raccrochage ne tmoignent pas dun manque mais dune richesse qui chappe linstitution scolaire et ses acteurs et qui confronte la culture scolaire ses propres limites. Lapproche biographique en permettant de penser linscription de lexprience scolaire de llve dans le cadre dun rapport plus vaste au monde, et lethnomthodologie, en donnant les outils conceptuels pour prendre au srieux les reprsentations des lves en difficult de raccrochage, contribuent la construction dune problmatique de lapprentissage qui interroge avec pertinence les structures scolaires de remdiation du dcrochage.
Bibliographie : Akkari et Dasen (dir), Pdagogies et Pdagogues du sud, espaces interculturels, Paris, Lharmattan, 2004. Brougre G. (dir), Jeu, loisirs et ducation informelle, Education et Socit, n10, 2002. Boumard Patrick, Lapassade George, Lobrot Michel, Le mythe de lidentit. Apologie dissociation, Paris, Anthropos, 2006. Charlot Bernard, Du rapport au savoir. Elments dune thorie, Paris, Anthropos, 2005. 12 de la
Coulon A. , Lthnomthodologie, que sais-je? PUF, 2002. Delannoy Ccile, La Motivation. Dsir de savoir et dcision dapprendre, CNDP, Paris, Hachette ducation, 2005. Delory-Momberger Christine, Biographie et Education. Figures de lindividu-projet, Anthropos, 2003. De Luze H. , Lethnomthodologie, Anthropos, Economica, 1997. Dubet Franois, Les Lycens, Paris, Seuil, 1991. Glasman Dominique, Le dcrochage scolaire : une question sociale et institutionnelle, VEI enjeux (Le dcrochage scolaire : une fatalit ?), n 122, septembre 2000, CNDP, p.10-25. Goffman Erving, Stigmate. Les usages sociaux des handicaps, Paris, d. de Minuit, 1975. Greenfield P. et Lave J., Aspects cognitifs de lducation non scolaire, Recherche, Pdagogie et culture, 8, 16-35, 1978. Lapassade George, Microsociologie de la vie scolaire, Anthropos, Economica, 1998. Maulini O. et Montandon C. (dir), les formes de lducation: varits et variations, De Boeck, 2005. Melin Valrie, Une approche des tensions et des stratgies identitaires danciens dcrocheurs en situation de raccrochage, Master 2. Formation des adultes. Champs de recherche, Paris13/Nord-Louvain la Neuve, 2007. Cnam-
Pain Abraham, Education informelle- les effets formateurs du quotidien, Dfi-Formation, Lharmattan, 1990. Valrie Melin est professeur agrge de philosophie au Micro-Lyce de Snart (structure de raccrochage). Elle est galement doctorante en sciences de lducation (Universit Paris 13/Nord. Ses recherches portent sur le fonctionnement des structures de raccrochage (modalits institutionnelles, interactions entre leurs diffrents acteurs) et sur les caractristiques identitaires des jeunes, anciens dcrocheurs, reprenant lcole et confronts de nouveau linstitution. Valerie-melin@orange.fr
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Despre afinitile elective ale interculturalului cu interdisciplinarul (1)
Lavinia BRLOGEANU Universitatea din Bucureti
Rsum Dans cet article je propose une approche du concept daffinit lective, en passant par les sciences sociales et humaines mais, en mme temps, par des hypostases diverses de la sphre artistique et du quotidien de plus en plus hybrid. En sachant quaprs Max Weber les usages et les analyses de cette catgorie se rduisent quelques tentatives, je songe douvrir cet espace de rflexion par des nouveaux exemples de lactualit culturelle et du quotidien, pour ajoutes des nouvelles nuances lexamen des affinits lectives. Je vais mettre donc lanalyse, la littrarit de Salman Rushdie et lanthropologie du genre mtis en vue de faire surgir les affinits lectives entre les terrains de la cohabitation, du mixage, de la crolisation ou de lhybridation et une fiction littraire construite a partir des analogies, convergences, lections mutuelles des mots, substances, formes culturelles, ides et valeurs. Les pistes de recherche tournent vers le concept de matrifocalit et sur le mode mineur de la pense scientifique et culturelle, caractris par les valeurs de la singularit, de linstabilit, de loriginalit, de lexception, de la nouveaut et de lanomalie. Par cette tude, jessaie dajouter des nouveaux repres lapproche classique de laffinit lective, en montrant quelle est une mthode de lhybridation quotidienne, non seulement une tendance surgie dun limpulse naturel.
Mots-cls : affinit lective, hybridation, matrifocalit, pense mineure
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1.1. Conceptul de afinitate electiv i parcursul su cultural Deschid, cu acest articol, un ciclu de abordri consacrate conceptului de afinitate electiv n diverse cmpuri culturale, trecnd prin tiinele sociale, umane i prin diverse ipostaze ale fenomenului artistic dar de asemenea, prin actualitatea tot mai hibridat a cotidianului i reflectrile ei mediatice care, n ultim instan, sunt tot reverberaii ale afinitilor elective. n accepiunea comun afinitatea electiv desemneaz nrudirea profund, sufleteasc a dou fiine care se caut i se regsesc graie aciunii unei fore misterioase ivornd din iubire. n diversele cmpuri culturale, afinitatea electiv indic alegerea mutual, convergena, simbioza, fuziunea unor termeni, substane, idei, valori, forme culturale (ideologice, politice, religioase, artistice, educaionale, economice etc.) ntre care exist anumite grade de similitudine. n ambele situaii, afinitatea implic un raport cauzal i nsuirea noutii. n sociologia culturii termenul se bucur de o atenie deosebit prin teoretizrile lui Max Weber. Acesta definete afinitatea electiv prin recursul la reperele atraciei, alegerii reciproce i combinrii elementelor aflate ntr-o anumit relaie. Reunirea acestora n proporii diferite, indic nivelurile sau gradele afinitii elective: corespondena sau analogia strucural static, n sensul posibilitii atraciei care se va transforma n act doar dac sunt mplinite anumite condiii concrete; alegerea sau atracia reciproc, stimularea i convergena formelor culturale, n sensul dinamicii structurilor una ctre cealalt, dar care, n ciuda acestei micri de atracie, rmn totui separate; articularea sau uniunea formelor culturale, aliajul, simbioza lor parial sau fuziunea total; apariia unei noi figuri, ca urmare a amestecului elementelor constitutive aparinnd unor structuri diferite. n studiul intitulat Le concept daffinit lective en sciences sociales din revista Critique internationale, nr. 2 / 1999, M. Lowy i exprim uimirea c, dup Max Weber, uzajele i reexaminrile categoriei se restrng la cteva tentative. Una dintre acestea aparine lui M. Buber, W. Benjamin, E. Fromm, n operele crora se poate evidenia o afinitate electiv ntre mesianismul iudaic i utopia social anarhist a culturii iudeo-germane moderne. O alta privete afinitatea electiv dintre religia cretin i imaginarul social, de asemenea de factur utopic, din spaiul cultural latino-american. n fine, un alt exemplu de afinitate electiv, privete atracia ntre darwinism i liberalism n spaiul nord american sau ntre lupta pentru supravieuire i libera concuren, ori ntre eliminarea natural a inadaptailor i eliminarea social a sracilor (darwinismul social). n ncheierea articolului, autorul citat face cteva sugestii de cercetare pentru a completa domeniul abordrilor asupra afinitii elective:
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compatibilitile kantianismului cu pozitivismul, ale simbolismului cu anarhismul sau ale comunismului cu suprarealismul. n ciclul de articole pe care-l deschid cu acest numr al revistei, intenionez s urmez linia de cercetare descris, chiar dac nu n sugestiile mai sus menionate, totui n spiritul lor, aducnd pe scena analizei alte exemple din actualitatea cultural i din cotidian care, sper, vor aduga noi nuane refleciei asupra afinitilor elective. Nu pot ns ncheia prezentarea general a domeniului afinitilor elective, fr evocarea unei prezene literare de excepie, i anume, romanul Afinitile elective de Goethe, care ne confrunt cu aspectul karmic i destinal al categoriei analizate n aceast serie de articole, cu valoarea sa de lege a naturii, mai puternic dect orice tentativ a voinei de a i se mpotrivi. Romanul lui Goethe trimite la ideea precipitrii substanelor chimice i la declanarea anumitor operaii i raporturi ntre ele (din tratatul cu acelai nume, aparinnd chimistului suedez T. Bergman), aceasta nefiind altceva dect o expresie a legii atraciei universale n afara domeniului fizicii i dincolo de fenomenele electrice i magnetice. Analogia realizat de ctre Goethe ntre domeniul substanial i cel al raporturilor interumane, mai precis, ntre amestecul frenetic al substanelor chimice i atracia care regizeaz facerea sau desfacerea cuplurilor umane, l inspir pe Bernard Joly s publice n nr. 6 din anul 2006, al revistei Methodos: savoirs et textes, articolul intitulat Les Affinites electives de Goethe: entre sciences et litterature. n acest text, B. Joly demonstreaz faptul c excelentele cunotine de care dispunea Goethe n chimie i alchimie, i faciliteaz posibilitatea tratrii, cu mijloacele specifice ale artei, a categoriei afinitii elective n sensul unei legi naturale ale crei efecte pot fi sesizate att la nivelul chimiei, ct i n planul psihismului uman. Chiar prin vocea unuia dintre personajele sale, Goethe realizeaz o expunere surprinztoare asupra forei naturale a afinitii elective i a caracterului su imperativ: ea nu indic o criz a valorilor morale, ci faptul c intensitatea dorinei ntrece uneori cele mai mari rezistene. n autobiografia sa, Goethe i mrturisete credina n existena unei teribile esene demonice, a unui regizor al ntlnirii oamenilor legai prin nsei natura lor profund i tinznd s-i gseasc mplinirea unul n cellalt, precum i ncercarea sa constant de a se salva de o astfel de situaie, de a se ine departe de fora oarb i inexplicabil a inimii, o determinant esenial a destinului care anuleaz orice posibilitate a libertii i a aciunii voluntare, punnd n umbr orice datorie moral i presiune social. Imaginea literar a aciunii fatale a naturalului n psihologia uman, realizat prin transpoziia unui material tiinific n plan ficional i prin relocalizarea caracterului necesar al amestecului din planul chimiei n cel al structurii romanului i al psihologiei personajelor, indic faptul c nu avem de-a face cu legi diferite care guverneaz niveluri diferite ale organizrii realitii, ci 16
cu cazuri particulare ale uneia i aceleiai legi a atraciei universale. Singurul lucru care distinge substanele chimice de fiinele umane, este iluzia acestora din urm c se pot opune legii afinitilor elective fcnd uz de raiune i moralitate. 1.2. Un caz particular de afinitate electiv: Salman Rushdie i antropologia genului metis Fenomenul Salman Rushdie pare o celebrare a scripturar a unei societi metise, a unei textualiti metise i, mai mult dect att, a unei gndiri i valorizri a metisajului. Nimic mai simplu dect a evidenia afinitile elective dintre o lume romanesc a analogiilor, convergenelor, alegerilor mutuale, simbiozelor i fuziunilor ntre cuvinte, substane, idei, valori, forme culturale, pe de o parte, i preferina antropologic pentru noi terenuri, noi practici i noi mize culturale, gravitnd n jurul categoriilor amestecului, hibridizrii, creolizrii, coabitrii, mixajului, heteronomiei, etc., pe de alt parte. Dificultile apar atunci cnd reflectm la impactul genului metis asupra cotidianului actorilor umani, n ciuda faptului c tocmai acest cotidian a dat natere, este drept, n mod periferic, genului metis, dificil de acceptat n general ca program cultural i cu att mai mult ca program de via. nfruntarea dintre metisaj i tradiie, mai bine zis marile tradiii, ncepe s-i mute ns cadrul predilect de manifestare din strad, n cultur, politic i mass media. Dar faptul relocalizrii ei nu simplific lucrurile, nu diminueaz pasiunile i nici manifestrile stereotipice ale puritii de toate felurile i ale mecanismului excluderii celui altfel, prin care puritatea se resusciteaz n permanen. Antropologia genului metis a aprut ca reconstrucie a unei lumi care nu mai era unic indian, cu adevrat african sau exclusiv portughez, a unei lumi braziliene nscute din pierdere, absen i din poziionarea ntre, chiar n spaiul frontierei sau din erecia unei identiti artificiale regrupnd toate aporturile ntr-o aceeai unitate mobil - aportul african, amerindian i european- n cazul societii antilleze. Dar lucrurile sunt mai complexe, n sensul c nu se rmne la nivelul amestecului sau fuziunii solidificate ntr-o totalitate nedifereniat, aa cum ar putea sugera uzajul categoriei spaiale a frontierei. Metisajul implic o tensiune determinant temporal, construit prin mecanismul tranziiei mai degrab dect prin acela al medierii. n acest sens, genul metis al antropologiei este mai consonant cu categoria interculturalului dect cu aceea a multiculturalului, depind totui limologia definit ca un cmp intercultural prin excelen. Categoria central a genului metis este trecerea, schimbarea, metamorfoza, actul temporal al naterii unei caliti noi, ireductibil la nsuirile elementelor care o compun. Genul metis reconstruiete, de fiecare dat, un rit de trecere, mai precis faza liminar a acestuia, timpul dezordinii, al transcenderii unui determinant precis spre un posibil 17
care nu este nc ntrevzut. Timpul metis este cel n care se las n urm trecutul, se ntoarce spatele lumii i se privete departe. Este timpul celebrat n romanele lui Salman Rushdie, un om care a ntors spatele lumii, adugndu-se ipostazelor consacrate ale ntoarcerii spatelui din cultura postmodern - dirijorul, psihanalistul i regizorul cutnd o divinitate difuz, nu prin frontalitate, ci prin ndeprtarea de lume n sensul refuzului tradiiei, idealului, canonului. Regizorul, psihanalistul i dirijorul ntorc spatele lumii i fac s neasc interiorul din artist, pacient i interpret. Aidoma acestora, Rushdie face pasul despririi de lume explornd prin scris poziionarea cu spatele, postur nscris n zestrea lingvistic la fel de bine ca n universul gestual i expunndu-se astfel trdrii extreme care nu se tie de unde vine, pentru c a ntoarce spatele nseamn, n acelai timp, a te lsa atacat, lipsit de aprare, a te expune riscului de a fi lovit de fore fr chip. Un risc care transcende simbolicul i vine n lumea real de ndat ce se declaneaz fatwa mpotriva lui: Am simit mai nti o teribil ruptur n raport cu lumea: a fi obiect al anatemei, a descoperi c milioane de persoane care nu tiu nimic despre tine ader cu ochii nchii la acest marcaj, este foarte dureros. Mai ales cnd tii c nu poi face nimic pentru a le schimba prerea. Totui, aceast fatwa a dat natere la ceva foarte frumos: incredibila solidaritate a lectorilor, scriitorilor sau a simplilor oameni de pe strad oripilai de acest atac mpotriva mea. De asta mi amintesc azi: gestul librarilor care au pus Versetele... n vitrin, n ri n care nu m-a fi dus niciodat. N-a mai fi ieit niciodat dac nu a fi simit aceast solidaritate. (Telerama, Vivre ensemble / 17 dec 2008, Des cultures diverses cohabitent en moi) Genul metis n antropologie, ca experien a tranziiei sau a metamorficului, este realizat prin limbi, genuri, culturi, continente, epoci, istorii, istorii de via i este dirijat spre un orizont imprevizibil. n aceeai manier se realizeaz metisajul i n romanul rushdiean, n care gndirea multiplicitii autorizeaz amestecul liber al tonurilor i stilurilor, insereaz materialul discursiv ntr-un context enuniativ concret ncrcat de rezonane axiologice, pe fondul crora transpar inteniile i motivaiile diverilor locutori. Valoarea fundamental a genului cultural metis este ntlnirea, o valoare opus aprecierii sursei, matricei, simplei filiaii. Iat cum, ntrun stil carnavalesc, prin rsturnarea temporar a valorii normalei filiaii, i instaleaz Rushdie unul dintre eroii povestirii din RUINEA, Omar Khayyam Shakil, fcnd din el un rege al carnavalului su romanesc i nlocuind astfel autoritatea consfinit a ceea ce se numete, n general, personaj romanesc, autorul nsui interogndu-se la un moment dat: Ce fel de erou mai este i acesta? Rsucit, ndrgostit, insomniac, gur-casc-la-stele, obez, bntuit ocazional de ameeli... provocate de sentimentul c era o fiin marginal: un individ periferic, devenit contient de teoria plauzibil conform creia Raiul nu era amplasat n cer, ci 18
dedesubtul propriilor tlpi, evlund ntre dou eterniti a cror ordine convenional era, n experiena lui, inversat cu mult precizie, un erou atins de simul rsturnrii, al unei lumi cu capul n jos... i de ceva mai ru nc: de teama c tria la marginea lumii. Toate aceste nsuiri par s fie determinate de fenomenul naterii sale care fusese att precedat, ct i succedat de nereguli: nscut pe un pat de moarte, printr-un travaliu ntreit al celor trei surori Chhunni, Munnee, Bunny, care aveau dureri identice n trei pntece, un singur prunc i imaginile sale n oglind ddeau din picioare i se rsuceau... prin urmare ctigndu-i dreptul de a fi considerate mame comune ale copilului care avea s se nasc, ajungnd toate trei la aceeai expresie de bucurie intens care constituie dreptul oricrei mame; iar pruncul trecea de la un sn la altul, i nici unul dintre cei ase nu era sterp. Iat deci un erou nscut i crescut n condiia de a fi n afara lucrurilor... educat de nu mai puin de trei mame, cu nici mcar un singur tat la orizont, mister adncit mai trziu de naterea, cnd Omar avea deja douzeci de ani, a unui frate mai mic, reclamat n aceeai msur de prinii lui de stirpe femeiasc i a crui concepie prea s fi fost nu mai puin imaculat. i pentru ca stilul carnavalesc s se mplineasc pe deplin, autorul romanului indic pn la ce punct s-au inversat toate ierarhiile normale de valori n educaia copilului Omar Khayyam, cruia i se interzice categoric, de la o vrst fraged, de ctre toate cele trei mame, s simt vreodat gustul ruinii i care, ne spune autorul a continuat s fie afectat de aceast ciudat interdicie peste ani, da, mult dup ce scpase din zona de influen a mamelor sale. Pedagogia neruinrii devine explicit la un moment dat cnd mama mai mare i spune fiului su c a simi ruinea este un sentiment echivalent cu acela al pierderii mndriei, prin urmare este cu desvrire njositor. Prezena acestui erou de ruine (inexplicabil chiar i pentru autorul lui i acuzat de acesta c i-ar fi provocat cele mai oribile dureri de cap) instalat ca rege al carnavalului romanesc, nlocuiete simbolic i temporar, prin aceast poziionare, autoritatea consfinit a oricrui roman i a oricrei ordini de drept, ea avnd o pondere axiologic egal cu acele lucruri rezultate din refuzul de a respecta nite instruciuni simple, de exemplu: minciuni, trai n pcat, lips de respect fa de vrstnici, lips de iubire fa de drapelul naional, voturi incorecte la alegeri, excese culinare, sex extraconjugal, romane autobiografice, nelciuni la cri, maltratarea femeilor, eecuri la examene, contraband, cedarea ntr-un meci crucial (Ruinea, p. 165). Cazul naterii i educrii eroului Omar Khayyam aduce n faa cercettorului antropolog noiunea de matrifocalitate caracterizat prin deschidere a cminului, tendina de a iei din acesta i de a-l reconstrui, rezistena la nuclearizare, disponibilitate sexual, concubinaj, preferina pentru ilegitimitate. Aceast noiune funcioneaz nu doar n Brazilia ci i n alte societi metise, creolizate sau maronizate, precum Antilele Franceze i, pe alocuri, n India. n 19
toate aceste cazuri, matrifocalitatea presupune nclcarea principiului nuclear diadic, prin absena real a tatlui, genitorului, concubinului sau soului. Aidoma societilor profund metisate, lumea romanului rushdiean pune accentul pe caracterul ilegitim al apariiei unui copil pe care toat lumea-l vede i nimeni nu tie cum a venit pe lume: care dintre cele trei mame nate copilul, asta nu avea s afle nimeni niciodat ne spune autorul, dar n compensaie foreaz nclcarea tradiiei att la nivelul mentalulului comun, ct i la nivel antropologic, neexistnd nc n cadrul acestui domeniu al cunoaterii un model care s legitimeze o situaie de genul celei prezentate n roman, a celor trei mame care mprteau pn ntr-att maternitatea preschimbnd ruinea public a concepiei n afara cstoriei ntr-un triumf privat al pruncului att de dorit al ntregului grup c, pe scurt, dou sarcini fantom, gemene, au nsoit-o pe cea real... simulnd n cazul a dou dintre ele ntreaga gam de simptome pe care cea de-a treia era obligat s le manifeste... cnd una avea greuri dimineaa, celelalte dou ncepeau s verse printr-o compasiune att de bine sincronizat, c era cu neputin s spui care stomac se ntorsese primul pe dos. Noiunea matrifocalitii primete n roman o dimensiune nou, mai puternic dect reperele funcionale n antropologia genului metis, pentru c angajeaz mai intens corporalitatea i propune o ipotez a comportamentului mimetic al celor trei viitoare mame: simultaneitatea lor comportamental sugereaz funcionarea ntr-o form sau alta a unui creier comun responsabil, n cele din urm de faptul c ritmurile metabolice li se schimbau n paralel,,, ncepur s aib aceeai greutate, s se simt obosite toate odat i s se trezeasc simultan... (p. 21-22). Tradiia etnoantropologic nu a ajuns nc la gndirea unui astfel de obiect hibrid, nici n constituirea sa, nici n metodologie. Funcionalitatea modelului matrifocal n romanul Ruinea este ntrit i prin procedeul accenturii prezenei spirituale a tatlui care este cu att mai intens cu ct este tatl mai absent din cotidian, aceast prezen fiind ntrit prin exigena educaional a interdiciei sentimentului ruinii o cale a pierderii mndriei (valoare masculin prin excelen) susinut de corul pe voci egale al celor trei mame. De aici nainte, modelul matrifocal din antropologie i dezvluie toate coordonatele la nivelul romanului: cuplul diadic este infirmat i nlocuit cu o poligamie n care tatl spiritual i exercit autoritatea n mod difuz i colectiv prin grupul mamelor iar copilul devine un fel de rege, supraprotejat i inut, ct se poate, la distan de tot ceea ce nseamn convenional, adic de restul lumii. n acelai timp, tot prin conformitate cu modelul matrifocal, copilului nscut altfel dect dup norma de origine ancestral, i se va conferi un nume nobil, de tat cultural generic, cu alte cuvinte de poet. Aeast decizie a mamelor pare s fie agreat de ctre autor care declar: Unul dintre Marii Poei n Via ai lumii mi-a explicat o dat noi, bieii prozatori, trebuie s apelm la poei pentru a afla 20
nelepciunea, motiv pentru care cartea aceasta este att de nesat cu ei; a existat prietenul meu spnzurat de picioare pentru a-i scutura poezia din cap, apoi Babar Shakil care dorea s fie poet i Omar Khayyam, botezat dup un poet, dar care n-a ajuns niciodat unul (p. 215) Caracterul normativ al noiunii de matrifocalitate ieind, practic, din ordinea instituit i ancestral, i dovedete adeziunea la interese private, empirice i circumstaniale, fondndu-i legitimitatea nu pe propria autonomie i nici pe vreo obligaie exterioar contiinei celor care fac din aceast noiune modul lor propriu de via. Caracterul normativ al matrifocalitii nu face, deci, din ea o regul aprat de vreo instituie. Drumul su spre autonomie este nchis. Dimpotriv, ea i pstreaz toat elasticitatea ncarnndu-se n corpul matern, impregnndu-se prin aceasta de o fluiditate temporal, ndeprtndu-se tot mai mult de o reprezentare ideal. Tocmai aceast fluiditate temporal surprins i reconstruit (att de bine) n roman, face dificil identificarea de repere suficient de fixe pentru a ajunge la o teoretizare antropologic pertinent a modelului matrifocal profund aculturat, amestecnd componente dup ierarhii de valori ce par confuze instanelor cu rol de a veghea la respectarea tradiiei dar deschiznd orizontul afinitilor elective i nscriindu-se ca un caz particular n aceast zon special a refleciei.
1.3. O recanonizare literar, model al unei recanonizri antropologice: De la modul major, spre cel minor al gndirii tiinifice, artistice i cotidiene n romanele sale, Salman Rushdie pare s privilegieze, n sens wittgensteinian, o antropologie care completeaz funciunea unei hermeneutici cu aceea a unei gramatici a lumii. Aceast atitudine creatoare poate servi drept model al construciei unui obiect mixt, punnd n cauz canonul convenional al antropologiei ntr-o manier consonant recanonizrii iniiate de ctre Salman Rushdie att n romanele sale, ct i n dezbaterile culturale n care-i prezint punctele de vedere despre actualitatea (literar, mediatic, educaional, social, spiritual, etc) tot mai creolizat a cotidianului. Maronizarea indicnd o alterare a puritii albului i, implicit, o devalorizare a amestecului n mentalul canonic al apartenenei impus ca reper fundamental al identificrii, este revalorizat literar n naraiunea rushdiean i n modul de a gndi lumea a celui lansat ntr-o recanonizare a literaritii. ntrebarea pe care o consider legitim n acest moment este n ce manier aceast recanonizare a literarului fondat pe rsturnarea reperelor definitorii ale identitii (etnic, lingvistic, cultural i spiritual, familial, grupal i 21
naional, sexual i de gen, uman i suprauman), poate inspira o recanonizare antropologic a construciei unui obiect-hibrid din ce n ce mai prezent n cotidian, aducnd n fiecare moment exoticul sub ochii notri. n mod tradiional, demersul antropologic se susine din punct de vedere epistemologic, pe ecartul ireductibil la simple diferene, dintre societile complexe, moderne, intens tehnologizate i societile simple, situate ntr-un mecanism fundamental de reproducere a tradiiei. Timpul, n dimensiunea sa de durat, are rolul de a fonda ecartul i de a-l legitima. Astfel antropologul poate gsi o garanie de imobilitate n anumite societi de ndat ce acest ecart a fost stabilit i legitimat. Dar societile puternic metisate (Martinica, anumite zone din India Bombay - Brazilia, etc.) prezint o caracteristic stranie, ele participnd la cele dou dimensiuni n acelai timp, astfel distana fondatoare fiind abolit. Dimensiunii pure, substanialiste a identificrii culturale, i se adaug durata i devenirea transformaional. Multiplele confluene culturale care consteleaz duratele, amputeaz memoria destructurnd reperele spaio-temporale i afective ale hrii cognitive identitare, mpingnd spre reconstrucii foarte aventuroase. n faa acestei situaii, se poate reaciona fie prin mitologizarea originilor care tind s se substituie documentelor existente i mrturiilor, fie prin elaborarea unei pseudo-mitologii a unei identiti artificiale, de contact, regrupnd toate aporturile culturale ntr-o unitate mobil. Terenul antillez, n special Martinica, a optat pentru a doua cale de reconstrucie a hrii sale cognitive identitare, comparativ cu societile orale tradiionale care sacralizeaz originile, respectiv puritatea identitar. Lumea romanului rushdiean se gsete i din acest punct de vedere n afinitate electiv cu lumea hibridat martiniquez: naraiunea, departe de a institui o durat a originilor, opereaz deplasri semantice i axiologice n funcie de formele relatrii nsele i de interesele povestitorului, consonante, de altfel, cu pulsiunile i afectele unui numr din ce n ce mai mare de oameni care valorizeaz amestecul i hibridizarea, dedramatiznd puritatea sau monocromia cultural i variantele canonice asociate. n acest sens consider c antropologia genului metis trebuie s priveasc spre ficiunea romanesc rushdiean, o pseudo-mitologie care prezint ivirea de forme identitare hibride, regrupnd aporturi foarte ndeprtate n spaiu i timp, apropiindu-le ntr-un edificiu coerent care reconstruiete lumea. Avem de-a face, n cazul Rushdie, cu o naraiune romanesc ce se poate substitui povestirii mitologice servind construciei de obiect n antropologie att n planul seriilor secveniale, ct i n acela al mitemelor inventate. Aa cum sesizeaz Salman Rushdie n interviul ce poart titlul Culturi diverse coabiteaz n mine (Telerama, Vivre ensemble, 17 dec. 2008), dorina de a asculta, de a istorisi i de a inventa poveti este una dintre coordonatele eseniale ale definirii fiinei umane: cunoaterea secretelor este condiia participrii la un mod de via comun, a integrrii n clan sau comunitate, a 22
mprtirii de ctre cei vii a istoriilor de via ale strmoilor, repere eseniale ale hrilor cognitive individuale sau de grup. Aidoma ficiunii literare, narativitatea diverselor practici cotidiene metise farsele, capcanele, minciunile, impostura, mistificrile, trdrile, evaziunile, salvrile, strategiile i tacticile de evitare, vagabondajul, cltoriile este construit din nevoia de a aduce fantasticul n real i de a transcende astfel istoria oficial. n lumile creole, istoria nu merge dincolo de practicile narative (spre cortegiul deportrilor, nchiderea insular, capcanele asimilaioniste, simulacrul de asisten, etc.), chiar dac cercetrile ar permite acest lucru. Se prefer o pronunare expresiv a istoriei, n care timpul devine mitic. Este ca i cum morii, din care se hrnete istoria tradiional pentru a-i asigura i consolida o durat fecund i o memorie continu, n-ar fi bine nmormntai sau ascuni, cu alte cuvinte, n-ar fi cu adevrat sau ar fi mai puin mori. Narativitatea devine spaiu de investire fenomenologic, foarte afectiv, program pentru un subiect emoional care a nghiit n sine alteritatea i care, prin urmare, se raporteaz la real n maniera afectiv n care se raporteaz la sine (contrar raporturilor cognitive, fondate pe contiin, suscitate de raportul de distan fa de alteritate). Aceste particulariti ale terenurilor metisate - animate de dorina vie a dominailor de a coopera cu dominanii i n cele din urm de a ajunge s-i gestioneze propria dominare - considerate obstacole ale construciei cunoaterii din perspectiv etno-antropologic clasic, deschid un orizont epistemologic extrem de interesant a crui particularitate este aceea de a construi o istorie a jocurilor narative, a alunecrilor de sens i a transformrilor repertorizate n retoricile non-oficiale, pentru a identifica mrcile conflictualitii sau pe acelea ale complicitii. Construcia antropologic a metisajului, presupune ptrunderea n profunzimea interioar a imaginarului i a manierei de a expima simbolic fapte, gesturi, rituri, cuvinte ale unui spaiu de contact i coabitare (cu alte cuvinte n spaiul poietic al acestuia), avnd un dublu statut: pe de o parte el aparine actorilor, pe de alt parte este bunul de care sunt deposedai. Importana sa antropologic deriv ns din aceea c structureaz o experien trit: a deposedrii identitare i a reidentificrii. Istoria pare s fie nlocuit cu o viziune escatologic a temporalitii, dominat de ideea datoriei i nu de aceea a satisfacerii vreunei dorine. Studiile de teren indic faptul c att n Africa sau n America de Sud, dar mai ales n Antille i n special n Martinica raporturile oamenilor aparinnd unor culturi diferite au fost foarte pasionale, enigmatice, complicitare, cu alte cuvinte, foarte interactive, provocnd turnuri ale spiritului ce fac din alteritate, factorul dinamic al istoriei. Este vorba despre o programare cultural a ochiului pentru a sesiza i valoriza similaritile mai degrab dect diferenele, fapt care aduce n discuie chestiunea afinitilor elective n esena sa. Acesta este motorul hibridizrii, al metabolizrii alteritii. Situaia 23
antropologului n terenurile metisate este similar cu aceea a scriitorului Salman Rushdie care i-a propus ca obiectiv al romanului Seductoarea din Florena, s construiasc o punte ntre dou culturi, Florena i Imperiul Mongol ale secolului XV, ntre care prea s existe o prpastie dar munca documentare l-a fcut s identifice nenumrate ecouri ntre ele, astfel nct proiectul iniial a fost profund modificat: Asemnrile nu priveau doar elita acestor societi: toate personajele shakespeariene ale strzii, hoii de buzunare, prostituatele, bandiii, oamenii de cea mai joas spe al cror rege incontestabil este Falstaff, existau la Florena ca i n Imperiul Mongol. Aceste lumi se puteau nelege pentru c se asemnau fie prin libertinajul lor, prin abuzul de narcotice, sau chiar prin asalturile de puritanism care, periodic, veneau s pun capt acestui hedonism (Interviu Vivre ensemble in Telerama, Des cultures diverses cohabitent en moi). Sintagma ocului civilizaiilor nu are nici o relevan n ficiunea romanesc rushdiean sau n mentalul autorului, dup cum nu are nici un fel de afinitate cu antropologia genului metis. n ambele situaii se privete n inima diferenelor din interiorul fiecrei lumi, culturi sau comuniti, ceea ce face ca acestea s nu mai poat fi considerate drept blocuri unitare aflate n raporturi opozitive cu alteritatea: Importana acestei teme (a dialogului ntre culturi) n crile mele se leag de ceea ce a fost viaa mea, scindat ntre culturi diverse i marcat, foarte curnd de dorina de a gsi punctele de conexiune ntre ele. N-am considerat niciodat aceste culturi ca separate, deoarece ele coabiteaz n mine, ele ntrein un dialog interior dac vrei. Uitai Bombay-ul unde am crescut: nu este un vechi ora indian. Cnd englezii au sosit, nu existau n acest loc dect sate de pescari. Ei au construit fortul, apoi oraul, ceea ce face din Bombay un ora occidental construit n Orient... i locul din India n care Estul i Vestul interacioneaz n maniera cea mai complet de la comer la turism trecnd prin cinema. Pe scurt, melanjul este total: puti fiind, m jucam cu micui englezi, suedezi, japonezi, americani, hindui, buditi i cine mai tiu eu nc? Lumea ntreag era prezent la Bombay! i pn am sosit n Anglia, am crezut c lumea este aa. Ceea ce a fost viaa mea a devenit, destul de natural, obiectul scrisului meu... Absena raportrii opozitive la alteritate, maniera fireasc de a-l purta pe alter n sine (albul, stpnul, dominatorul), implantat n sine, imposibil de distins n amestecul interior, este o realitate a terenurilor metisate i a impulsurilor care fac posibile manifestri ale afinitilor elective n cotidian. Acesta este motivul pentru care alteritatea este mai mult fictiv dect real, mai mult inventat dect descris, mai mult imaginat dect autentic. De exemplu, mpratul mongol din Seductoarea din Florena ofer, prin refleciile sale consacrate problemei gramaticale a sinelui i a celor Trei Persoane ale sale persoana nti, a doua i a treia, singularele i pluralele sufletului, o bun imagine a indiferenierii sinelui de alteritate, specific 24
genului metis din antropologie: El, Akbar, nu se referise niciodat la sine cu eu, nici mcar n intimitate, nici mcar la furie sau n vise. Era cum altfel noi. Era definiia, ncarnarea lui noi. Fusese nscut ntru pluralitate. Cnd spunea noi, se credea cu adevrat i n mod firesc ntruparea tuturor supuilor i a tuturor oraelor i pmnturilor, a rurilor, munilor, lacurilor pe care le avea n stpnire, precum i a tuturor animalelor, plantelor i copacilor de pe teritoriile sale, i a psrilor care zburau deasupra capului... se credea suma tuturor victoriilor pe care le repurtase, receptaculul caracterelor, talentelor, istoriilor, poate chiar al sufletelor dumanilor si decapitai... se credea apogeul trecutului i prezentului poporului su, precum i fora motrice a viitorului lui (Seductoarea din Florena, p. 35-36). Dincolo de acest tablou oficial al unei identificri plurale, mpratul se vede nevoit, de dragul corectitudinii, s admit c i oamenii de rnd se gndeau la ei nii ca la o mulime de noi, aceast pluralitate nefiind prerogativa exclusiv a regelui, dreptul su divin. i oamenii de rnd se vd, n naraiunea rushdiean, ca nite entiti plurale formate din ei plus copiii lor, mamele, mtuile, efii, cei de aceeai credin, cei alturi de care munceau, clanuri i prieteni. i ei i percepeau sinele drept multiplu... (p.36). n aceast intimizare a istoriei care nu se spune i nu se nareaz dincolo de cadrele unei personaliti inundate de alteritate, a unor pachete de euri , debordnd de pluralitate (p.36), n care identitile de apartenen i agenii reidentificrii se situeaz de aceeai parte a baricadei - n interiorul fiinei - timpul pare s se fixeze asupra intelor ultime ale omului i lumii, s devin, cu alte cuvinte mitic. Este aici o coordonat a terenului metis i a naraiunii rushdiene care demonstreaz c istoria nu se repet, ci nainteaz, i c Omul este capabil de schimbare iar Akbar, regele mongol nu era mulumit s fiineze. ncerca s devin... tnjea dup o altfel de lume, o lume n care s-l poat gsi tocmai pe cel care s-i fie egal, pe care s-l poat ntmpina ca pe un frate, cu care s poat vorbi liber, mprtind i primind nvtur, mprtind i primind plcere, o lume n care s poat renuna la satisfaciile lacome ale cuceririi n favoarea bucuriilor mai blajine, dar i mai provocatoare ale conversaiei (p. 41). Iar aceast reconstrucie de sine rezultnd dintr-o turnur a spiritului sau dintr-o teorie a complotului dup expresia lui K. Popper, consist n a face din inamic, forma extrem a alteritii, motorul schimbrii. Indiferenierea fa de dumanul, care prin actul nsui al uciderii sale, nu va disprea pur i simplu, ci se va implanta n sinele clului, este inventat n roman prin promisiunea fondrii aici, pe pmnt, a unui lca de cult pentru a face s subziste i s se dezvolte cea mai intim credin a celui sacrificat: n Paradis, cuvintele evlavie i discuie nseamn acelai lucru, a spus el (cel sacrificat). Atotputernicul nu e tiran. n Casa lui Dumnezeu toate vocile sunt libere s vorbeasc dup bunul-plac (p. 40). Integrat n programul de via al monarhului, promisiunea fcut victimei 25
de a construi lcaul de cult, casa de toleran, locul pentru dezbateri, n care oricine va avea voie s spun orice, oricui, pe orice tem, s proclame inclusiv inexistena lui Dumnezeu i abolirea regulilor (p. 42), devine elul reformator al unei personaliti pornite, prin chiar contractul divin ncheiat atunci cnd s-a decis s se ncarneze, pe calea multiplicrii sale. Faeta sinelui, care era deja adnc nrdcinat n inima sa... creat din circumstanele copilriei pe care o petrecuse n surghiun, faet nvemntat acum n mreie adult, dar prezent oricum, nscut din nfrngere, nu din victorie (p.42), ntrindu-i contururile ca urmare a sacrificiului fondator, este smerenia. Integrat ntr-o dimensiune nu numai normativ ci i pragmatic, smerenia alturi de interiorizare, prevedere, iretenie i vedere periferic bun (p. 43) constituie mijlocul cel mai eficient de a se apra al celor mici, mpotriva celor mari. mpratul, aidoma actorilor reali care metabolizeaz alteritatea i se maronizeaz, izbutete n a a-i multiplica irul eurilor datorit faptului c a asimilat numeroasele lecii ale micimii. Micimea din care poate ncepe creterea (p. 43), mecanism la multiplicitii, similar celui al autodominrii asumate de cei care decid s-i poarte inamicul sau stpnul implantat n sine. n ambele ipostaze de forme culturale afine, avem de-a face cu o gndire de mod minor. Dac metisajul este att de greu de gndit i dac antropologia genului metis suscit att rezistene, ct i dificulti de nelegere, este din cauza faptului c se constituie printr-o ruptur cu presupoziiile ontologice ale identitii, ale unu-lui, acelea care vd n diferen o modalitate absurd a fiinei sau un inamic potenial i nu pot concepe prezena alteritii n fiecare subiect uman. Aceast idee tenace care situeaz alteritatea n exterior i identitatea n interior, aceast incapacitate de a concepe existena eului n altul i a altuia n eu, este obstacolul esenial al gndirii n mod minor reclamat de proiectul unei antropologii sau a unei literariti de gen metis. Ea este de ordinul sesizrii i al nelegerii unui eu dialogic i provizoriu, i nu mai face parte, prin urmare, dintr-o antropologie canonic, oficial, instituionalizat i triumftoare, de mod major, o antropologie a alteritii ca ethnos, o tiin a purei exterioriti. Asumndu-i o gndire de mod minor care nu merge n direcia afirmrii sau a impunerii de sens, ci n aceea a interogrii, a punerii sale n discuie, antropologia i litararitatea genului metis, dei rod al unei minoriti, se nscriu totui ntr-un spaiu, el nsui major: cultura (tiinific sau artistic). n timp ce gndirea n mod major i revendic producii elitiste de tipul explicaiei i nelegerii, a realizrii unor descrieri pertinente ce se constituie n adevrate fresce ale socialului, gndirea n mod minor este fixat pe detalii minuscule, este preocupat s sesizeze fluxuri i tensiuni imperceptibile i are un caracter profund rebel prin aceea c pune n cauz, ostentativ, ordinea lumii, puritatea, acurateea, claritatea, consonana i alte valori ale modului major. Modul minor al gndirii este acela al incertitudinii semantice, tentativele sale viznd singularitatea, 26
jocul, evenimentul, instabilitatea, ndoiala, originalitatea, excentricitatea, extravagana, noutatea, anomalia, excepia. El se opune definiiilor solide, cauzelor, raiunilor, fundamentelor, verificrii, adevrului, sensului instituit: Birbal, a zis Akbar, dup cum tii, regina noastr preferat are ghinionul de a nu exista aievea. Chiar dac o iubim cel mai mult dintre toate, o admirm mai presus de toate celelalte... ea nu poate fi consolat. Pn i scorpia cea mai urt i mai acr dintre nevestele tale e fcut din carne i oase mi spune ea. n cele din urm, nu am cum s concurez cu ea Jahanpanah, trebuie s-i spunei c, dimpotriv, n cele din urm victoria ei va deveni limpede pentru toat lumea, cci n cele din urm nici una dintre regine nu va exista mai mult dect ea, iar ea se va fi bucurat de o via ntreag de iubire din partea voastr i faima ei va fi transmis din generaie n generaie. Astfel, n realitate, chiar dac e adevrat c nu exist, e de asemenea adevrat c ea e singura care triete. Dac nu ar fi aa, atunci acolo, n spatele acelei ferestre nalte, nu v-ar atepta nimeni ntoarcerea (Seductoarea din Florena, p. 48-49). Se poate vorbi, n cazul Salman Rushdie de un proces de deteritorializare. n literatur, ca i n antropologia genului metis, el se poate realiza doar printr-o gndire n mod minor, acea gndire care face din limb, chiar presupunnd c este una din marile limbi, un uzaj minor, acea gndire care fiineaz n propria sa limb ntr-o manier strin: Surorile Jodhei, celelalte neveste, i purtau pic. Cum se putea ca mreul mprat s prefere compania unei femei care nu exista? Mcar atunci cnd el era plecat, ar fi trebui i ea s fie absent; n-avea ce cuta alturi de cele care existau cu adevrat. Ar fi trebuit s se fac nevzut, ca orice artare, s se strecoare ntr-o oglind, s alunece ca o umbr i s diapar. Faptul c nu o fcea, au tras concluzia reginele n carne i oase, era tocmai genul de necuviin la care trebuia s te atepi de la o fiin imaginar. Cum s fi fost crescut n aa fel nct s nvee bunele maniere, cnd nu fusese crescut deloc? Era o plsmuire needucat... Nici o femeie real nu fusese vreodat aa, att de nepretenioas, de o atenie perfect, infinit de disponibil. Era o imposibilitate, o fantezie a perfeciunii. Le era team de ea, tiind c, imposibil fiind, era irestibil i de aceea o iubea regele cel mai mult... mpratul o plsmuise, spumegau ele, furnd pri din ele, toate... frumuseea incomensurabil a reginei imaginare venea de la o consoart, religia hindus de la alta, iar bogia nenchipuit de la o a treia... O urau pentru c le furase trecuturile... Ea hoinrea prin ncperile palatului de una singur. Era o umbr nsingurat, ce putea fi zrit prin paravanele zbrelite de piatr. Era o pnz umflat de briz. Noaptea 27
sttea sub cupola mic de la ultimul etaj al pavilionului i scruta deprtrile n ateptarea regelui care o fcea s fie real (Seductoarea din Florena, p. 49-50). Gndirea n mod minor este o reacie mpotriva maladiei finalismului modului major care ne face s tratm totul n termeni de nceput, sfrit, durate, epoci succesive, revoluii. Realitatea sesizat n mod minor este aceea a siturii ntre lucrurile care vin de undeva i se duc altundeva, la confluena lor. Pentru acest mod de gndire ideile abrupte, radicale, disjunciile, rupturile absolute sunt simple iluzii. Ceea ce nu nseamn c nu au o anumit eficacitate n generarea exclusivismelor de toate felurile: religioase, culturale, etnice, rasiale, etc. Diferena esenial dintre modul major i cel minor se regsete la nivelul cuplului conceptual tradiie noutate. n acest sens naraiunea rushdiean reprezint un model pentru antropologia genului metis, pentru c i propune s arate cum se nate noul, cum apare ceva nou n lume. Iar rspunsul este, invariabil, fuziunea i hibridizarea: noutile nu sunt n mod necesar complete, ci apar din reunirea sau asamblarea ntr-o manier nou a lucrurilor existente. Referindu-se la micrile naionaliste, mai exact la micarea de independen a Indiei care a fost n sine o micare naional, Salman Rushdie menioneaz n timpul unui interviu alturi de A. Finkielkraut i S. Hall: (Micarea naionalis) a depit lucrurile pe care trebuia n mod absolut s le depeasc, adic limbajele extremismului rasial i religios. Naionalismul a devenit un mijloc de a ataca aceste lucruri. La ora actual, criza naionalismului n India consist n aceea c discursurile religioase ncep a se adpa din ideea naionalismului i sunt pe cale s redefineasc naiunea n termeni de excluziune. Este deci evidenet oportunitatea, ca la naterea unei naiuni, s ajungem la metisarea ideii naionalismului cu ideile democratice, cu ideile de progres. Pericolul ar fi, ca dimpotriv, ea s se metiseze cu ideile exclusivismului etnic. Acest pericol este semnalat, n acelai interviu, n legtur cu statele fostului bloc comunist dar i cu cele occidentale: Totul se petrece ca i cum eliberarea de greutatea comunismului a fcut, subit, s scape demonii lui, c e vorba de antisemitism, de diferite rivaliti etnice sau rasiale... i n acest timp n Europa de Vest asistm la o renatere major a xenofobiei. Astfel dac vrem s adoptm un ton maximalist (gndire de mod major) apocaliptic... atunci s fim pn la capt apocaliptici! putem spune c viitorul Europei este rasismul, c viitorul Europei este xenofobia, disputele xenofobe i represiunea minoritilor, att rasiale i etnice ct i intelectuale i spirituale, totul pregtind venirea unui nou mileniu de oribile lupte intestine de toate genurile (La Republique des Lettres. La fin de lHistoire?, par Noel Blandin, le mardi, le 1 mars 1994). Gndirea minor a genului metis este una mpotriva paradigmei integrrii care presupune ideea unei culturi (de referin) dominante, a unor principii stabile, a unei limbi 28
oficiale i chiar a unei perspective asimilaioniste ascunse n spatele discursului despre calitatea culturii sau a criteriilor care ntrunesc dreptul de a fonda o lume comun. Din acest punct de vedere, este o gndire mai adaptat tendinei actuale de metisaj n interiorul statelor-naiuni n care oamenii gsesc, uneori mpotriva politicilor identitare, foarte multe similitudini i elemente de unitate cultural care fondeaz o zon de afiniti. n acest sens, gndirea n mod minor este o pedagogie a diferenelor i a metabolizrii lor, iar antropologia genului metis i face tot mai mult loc n terenul hibridat occidental. ns cu toate schimbrile din cotidian, rezistenele identitare, canonice, se ntresc n consecin i nasc dezbateri nfocate dar i violene incredibile de tipul terorismului sau al diferitelor feluri de anateme (fatwa mpotriva lui Salman Rushdie). Pentru a rmne la nivelul dezbaterilor nfocate, invoc exemplul poziionrii opuse a lui Alain Finkielkraut, aprtor al Canonului fa de Salman Rushdie, adept al recanonizrii. Referindu-se la Dante, Shaekespeare, Platon, Kant i ali membri ai Canonului, integrai n Canon prin seria lor de apartenene (culturale, lingvistice, etnice, naionale, etc.), Alain Finkielkraut i declar ngrijorarea n legtur cu dispariia oricrui component al Canonului, care ar putea rsturna ideea culturii universale, inamicul acesteia nefiind diferenele culturale, dup cum se remarc din niruirea numelor mari evocate mai sus, ci uniformitatea. Cnd vorbim despre Canon, susine A. Finkielkraut, se nfrunt de fapt elitismul culturii universale cu produciile uniforme ale culturii de mas, punct de vedere cu care S. Rushdie nu este de acord pe motivul c nu se poate susine, logic i faptic, ideea unei puriti culturale, ideea c produciile culturii de mas formeaz o categorie pur n sine i de o valoare joas egal. A gndi n aceast mainer nseamn, n ultim instan, a vedea n Canon spaiul garantrii unei poziii culturale dominante i a accepta, implicit, exclusivismul cultural, mai precis expresiile afinitilor elective din zona culturii de mas. Ori, problema Canonului consist n concilierea sa cu ideea impuritii culturale i a distribuiei inegale a acesteia. Discursul critic avnd n centru chestiunea Canonului, se refer la text ca produs al momentului su, al unui cronotrop care exist doar pentru a nelege acel spaiu-timp, ntr-o mare independen fa de autor, o independen care merge pn la anularea sa de ctre propriul text, ori n aceast atitudine cultural identific Salman Rushdie sursa anumitor abuzuri care consist n a atribui unor texte o valoare sociocultural sau sociologic. Aceasta nseamn a accentua, cu alte cuvinte, aspectele funcionale ale valorii estetice, a decide care dintre care dintre texte se calific, eventual, pentru a intra n procesul transpoziiei didactice a culturii. A Marii Culturi sau a culturii dominante. Nu sunt un om al Marii Culturi, afirm Salman Rushdie. Asta nu-mi displace: m uit la Twin Peacks ca i la Shakespeare. Nu vd nici un inconvenient n a studia 29
cultura de mas la coal, pentru c trebuie s devenim capabili s nelegem aceast cultur de asemenea (interviul citat). Ideea pe care Salman Rushdie o apr este aceea c n societatea occidental de astzi, profund metisat, nu se mai poate susine c tradiia occidental este cultura ideal pentru toi, pe de o parte, i c dihotomia Mare Cultur cultur de mas mai are vreun sens atta timp ct n cutia neagr a acesteia din urm sunt lucruri vii, autentice, care circul. n faa acestei realiti, Salman Rushdie evoc principiul iconoclast, tradiia schimbrii, din cultura occidental i necesitatea reorganizrii, modificrii criteriilor Canonului, a deschiderii statutului su. Iar acest lucru nu nseamn alegerea ntre cultura de mas i universalismul naional sau de alt natur, ci operarea unei medii ntre ele, cu alte cuvinte a recunoate c lumea actual este tot mai impur, tot mai metisat i orice program cultural al actualitii trebuie s valorifice caracterul dinamic i creator al hibridizrii, a imaginilor i valorilor asociate acesteia, n fapt a imaginilor i valorilor afinitilor elective. Aceast reflecie asupra afinitilor elective avnd ca problem central hibridizarea, nu mai este nici pe departe o chestiune valabil doar pentru terenurile metisate ndeprtate de Europa sau pentru lumile ficionale ale literaritii, ci este un termen central al procesului de transgresiune intercultural din spaiul european, avnd un loc din ce n ce mai important n discursurile academice ale actualitii. Remodelarea reprezentrilor identitare clasice prin incluziunea i apropierea resurselor culturale ale unei alteriti mai mult sau mai puin ndeprtate, ne aeaz n faa unei hibridizri ca marc a apariiei noilor forme culturale rezultate din afiniti elective. Ceea ce adaug prezentul studiu reperelor clasice ale definirii afinitilor elective, este discursul despre hibridizare ca metod i nu numai ca tendin derivat din impulsul natural al oamenilor de a se apropia, interaciona, nrudi sau de a stabili alte forme de alian.
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La pluralite des mondes, Albin Michel, Paris, 1997 Les affinites electives de Goethe, Gallimard, Paris, 2000; Afinitile elective, RAO, Bucureti, 2008; Les affinites electives de Goethe: entre sciences et litterature n METHODOS: savoirs et textes. Sciences et litterature, nr. 6, 2006;
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Rushdie, S. Rushdie, S. Rushdie, S. Rushdie, S.
Scholem, G.
Le Messianisme juif. Essai sur la spiritualit du judasme, Calmann Lvy, Paris, 1974 ; Etica protestant i spiritul capitalismului, Humanitas, Bucureti, 2007
Weber, M.
Lavinia Brlogeanu este profesor universitar doctor la Universitatea din Bucureti, Facultatea de Psihologie i tiine ale Educaiei. Pred cursurile de Antropologie cultural i pedagogic, Filosofia educaiei i Psihopedagogia artei. Este cercettor asociat al UMR 8099 Langues, Musiques, Societes din cadrul Universitii Paris 5 Ren Descartes i al CNRS din Frana. A coordonat proiecte de cercetare finanate de Agence Universitaire de la Francophonie, Guvernul Romniei (Departamentul pentru Relaii Interetnice) i Centrul Educaia 2000+. Face parte din echipe internaionale de cercetare susinute de ctre Office pour la Jeunesse Franco-Allemande.
lavinia.barlogeanu@idilis.ro
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CERCETARI Kindergartenkinder im betwixt and between Gerald Blaschke Freie Universitt Berlin Abstract: The presented videobased, ethnographic study analyses a visit of preschoolers/kindergarteners to an elementary school lesson about half a year before their official school enrolment day with regard to ritual theory. These lessons are organised to ease the preschoolers passage from Kindergarden to school. Concerning the teachers conduct of/in this presentation of school, remarkable similarities to the analyses of Rituals of Transition by Arnold van Gennep and Victor Turner appear. In analogy to these studies the passage to the superior status of a schoolchild is here accompanied, marked or symbolised by notions of the journey across a border, degradation and impurity through which the teacher enforces the significance of the childrens transition from Kindergarden to school. 2.1.1 Schnupperstunden aus ritualtheoretischer Perspektive. Die Einschulung erfahren Kinder in Deutschland im Alter von 5-6 Jahren. Zuvor besuchen die meisten von ihnen Kindergrten oder Kindertagessttten. Dieser bergang in die Grundschule ist in den letzten Jahren zwar zunehmend in den Fokus der erziehungswissenschaftlichen Forschung gerckt, es mangelt jedoch an Untersuchungen, die konkrete Praktiken der Gestaltung dieses bergangs in den Blick nehmen. Aufgrund dieses Defizits beschftige ich mich in meiner laufenden Doktorarbeit aus einer ethnografischen Perspektive mit so genannten Schnupperstunden Unterrichtsbesuchen von Kindergartenkindern in ihrer (wahrscheinlich) zuknftigen Schule einige Monate vor ihrem Einschulungstermin. Solche Schnupperstunden werden inzwischen (teils in Schnuppertage oder Tage der offenen Tr eingebettet) an etlichen Grundschulen durchgefhrt, um so sagen die danach befragten Erzieherinnen und Lehrerinnen bereinstimmend den Kindern den bergang vom Kindergarten in die Schule zu erleichtern, indem sie Schule und Unterricht bereits vor ihrer Einschulung kennen lernen. Diese Begrndung macht gleichsam auf den performativen Charakter von Schnupperstunden1 aufmerksam, rckt also in den Blick, wie ber die Prsentation von Schule und Unterricht sowie das kurzzeitige mimetische Eingebundensein (vgl. Gebauer/Wulf, Mimetische Weltzugnge, 2003) der Kindergartenkinder in schulische Ablufe bildende Erfahrungen seitens der Kinder angestrebt werden, welche ihnen den Schritt in die Schule leichter machen sollen. Auf Seiten von Bildungsinstitutionen werden bergnge dies machen insbesondere die Arbeiten der Berliner Ritualstudie um Christoph Wulf (vgl. Wulf et al, Lernkulturen im Umbruch, 2007) deutlich hufig in Ritualen bearbeitet sei es zur Einschulung, in besonderen rituellen Praktiken whrend der ersten Wochen der Kinder in der Schule (vgl. Kellermann, Vom Kind zum Schulkind, 2008) oder auch vorweg nehmend in Schnupperstunden. Diese Rituale tragen einen besonderen Sinn und sind fr die gelingende Integration eines Kindes in die Schule von hoher Bedeutung. Als symbolisch aufgeladene kulturelle Auffhrungen ermglichen Rituale Prozesse der Vergemeinschaftung und erffnen Wege der sozialen Bearbeitung von Problemstellungen und Konflikten. Sie knnen als Inszenierungen und Auffhrungen sowohl eines kollektiv geteilten, praktischen Wissens sowie der in den Strukturen der Institution angelegten Aufgaben, Ziele und Werte (Wulf,
Interessanterweise rckt der Begriff der Schnupperstunde in diesem Zusammenhang eine olfaktorische Wahrnehmung als krperliche Praxis in den Mittelpunkt.
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Anthropologie kultureller Vielfalt, 2006) verstanden werden, die gleichsam zu (Selbst)Darstellungen und -Interpretationen sowie zur Verankerung institutioneller bzw. gemeinschaftlicher Ordnungen dienen, welche in jedoch ihnen immer wieder auch verndert werden. Entsprechend einer ritualtheoretisch begrndeten Perspektive auf Schnupperstunden lsst sich der Zeitraum vor und nach der Einschulung ausgehend von van Gennep und Turner auch als liminale Phase (Turner, Vom Ritual zum Theater, 1995) fassen. Hier findet nicht nur einen Wechsel der Identitt und des Status der Kinder statt, ebenso bedeutet diese Zeit das Wegfallen oder die Vernderung von tagtglichen Routinen oder Praxismustern, sozialen Positionierungen und damit verbundenen Ordnungen. In Zeiten des bergangs kann so ein liminoider Spielraum entstehen, ein Spielraum, in dem gemeinschaftlich neue Ordnungen ge- oder erfunden werden und mit bestehenden Ordnungen experimentiert werden kann (vgl. Turner, Vom Ritual zum Theater, 1995). Den Ritualen der Schnupperstunden kommt dabei die besondere Bedeutung zu, dass in ihnen die Kindergartenkinder hufig zum ersten Mal in unmittelbarer Weise am Sprach-, Handlungsund Lernspiel (Wulf, Der andere Unterricht, 2007) teilnehmen.2 Da alle Lerngruppen des Erhebungssamples meiner Doktorarbeit jahrgangsgemischt unterrichtet werden, treffen in umgekehrter Weise ebenfalls viele der Schulkinder und letztlich natrlich auch die Lehrerinnen der beobachteten Klassenstufen zum ersten Mal auf neue Mitspieler/innen oder Schler/innen. In Schnupperstunden wird demnach immer an der (Wieder-)Herstellung einer in Bewegung geraten(d)en sozialen und symbolischen Ordnung gearbeitet. Folglich kommen in diesen Prsentationen von Schule und Unterricht gleichsam die Orientierungen und Haltungen der Beteiligten bezglich Schule, Unterricht, Lernen etc. in verdichteter Art und Weise zum Ausdruck: Kurz gesagt: In Schnupperstunden vollzieht sich ein vorbereitender oder modellhafter bergang vom Kindergarten in die Schule. Die Beobachtung und Interpretation der Schnupperstunden ermglicht daher einen fokussierten Blick auf die Erfahrungsmglichkeiten, die den Kindern in Bezug auf Schule und Unterricht durch die Kooperation zwischen Kindergarten und Grundschule erffnet werden. Schnupperstunden aus ritualtheoretischer Perspektive zu rekonstruieren, ermglicht derart kulturwissenschaftlich interessante Einblicke in Prozesse der rituellen Hervorbringung und Bildung sozialer Wirklichkeiten. 2.2 2.2.1 Hier wird richtig gelernt! oder 2.2.2 Kindergartenkinder im betwixt and between! Im Folgenden wird in exemplarischer Absicht eine Sequenz aus einer Schnupperstunde mikroanalytisch interpretiert, die in der Grundschule einer Kleinstadt (ca. 25000 Einwohner) in Brandenburg im November 2006 gefilmt und teilnehmend beobachtet wurde. In dieser Schule werden die ersten beiden Schulklassen gemeinsam unterrichtet, ebenso ist der Unterricht der 3. und 4. Klassen zusammengelegt (Vgl. www.learn-line.nrw.de/angebote/flex/vgl). Das Datenmaterial wurde im Kontext der qualitativen Evaluation des Projekts Ponte3 mit zwei fest stehenden Kameras aufgenommen. Beide verwendeten Kameras standen dabei an der von der Tafel aus gesehenen hinteren Wand des Klassenraumes. Obgleich die Sequenz im Wesentlichen auerhalb des Blickwinkels der Kameras stattfand, ermglichen die verfgbaren
Manchmal kommen die Kinder mehr als einmal zum Schnuppern in die Schule. ponte Kindergrten und Grundschulen auf neuen Wegen ist ein Gemeinschaftsprogramm der Deutschen Kinder- und Jugendstiftung und der Internationalen Akademie fr Innovative Pdagogik und konomie an der Freien Universitt Berlin, das im August 2004 in Brandenburg startete, in den Jahren 2006 und 2007 auf die Bundeslnder Berlin, Sachsen und die Region Trier ausgeweitet wurde und im Dezember 2008 auslief. Absicht des Programms ponte ist es, Kindergrten und Grundschulen dabei zu untersttzen, sich selbst zu hervorragenden Bildungseinrichtungen fr Kinder weiterzuentwickeln (Pesch, Vom Kindergarten in die Grundschule, das Netz, 2008, S. 14), wobei ponte vor allem auf eine Untersttzung der Kooperation zwischen Erzieherinnen und Lehrerinnen zielte (Ramseger /Hoffsommer (Hrsg.): ponte. Kindergrten und Grundschulen auf neuen Wegen, 2008).
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Audioaufnahmen in verdichteter Art und Weise die Rekonstruktion wesentlicher Charakteristika der pdagogischen Gestaltung bzw. Praxis der Schnupperstunde. Bezglich der lehrerseitigen Praktiken lassen sich dabei aus ritualtheoretischer Perspektive bemerkenswerte Anschlsse an die Analysen von bergangsritualen seitens van Gennep (Van Gennep, bergangsriten, Campus, 2005) und Turner ausweisen. Die Auswertung der Aufnahmen erfolgt in Anlehnung an die dokumentarische Methode mit ihrem mehrstufigen Interpretationsverfahren bestehend aus formulierender und reflektierender Interpretation (vgl. Bohnsack/Nentwig-Gesemann/Nohl, Die dokumentarische Methode und ihre Forschungspraxis, 2007). Im Kern dieser Methode steht die Frage nach handlungsleitenden Orientierungen der beteiligten Akteure. In der nun fokussierten Schnupperstunde besuchen 18 Kindergartenkinder aus drei unterschiedlichen Kindergrten der Kleinstadt die Schule. Die Stunde findet direkt nach der ersten Hofpause statt. Die Kindergartengruppe ist whrend der Pause ber den Schulhof in die Schule gekommen. Am Ende der Pause sammeln sich die Kindergartenkinder in Begleitung von zwei Erzieherinnen (die jeweils in einem der drei Kindergrten, von denen die Kindergartenkinder heute zur Schule gekommen sind, arbeiten) vor dem Klassenraum. Die aus der Pause zurckgekehrten Erstklssler sitzen bereits an ihren Pltzen im Klassenzimmer. Ihre Stammgruppenkameradinnen der zweiten Klasse sind nach der Pause nicht zurck in den Klassenraum gekommen. Sie halten sich whrend der Schnupperstunde in einem der anliegenden Rume auf und beschftigen sich dort mit Stillarbeit. Die Lehrerin (Frau Wagner) geht nun von ihrem Pult zur Klassenzimmertr. Dort ergibt sich folgende Situation: 2.2.2.1.1 17.11.2006, 9h50m Als Frau Wagner fast an der Tr angelangt ist, sagt ein in der Kindergartengruppe vor der Tr wartender Junge leise: Wir sind die Neuen. Daraufhin fragt die Lehrerin die Kindergartengruppe: Ihr seid die Neuen? Ein Junge sagt: Ja, ein anderer: Nee, eine Erzieherin: Pssst und dann ein Junge laut: Wir sind Kindergartenkinder!. Zu einem Jungen, der whrenddessen leise pfeift, sagt Frau Wagner: Ah, hier haben wir ja noch ne Pfeife! Ein Mdchen meint whrenddessen: Wir wolln nur ma, wir wolln nur ma kuckn!. Ein Junge wiederholt dies. Frau Wagner erwidert: Ne, nur kuckn gibts nich, wirst dich gleich pfuwundern, du wirst dich gleich putzen! Ein Junge darauf: Nee, wi-wir wollen hier n bisschen lernen! Frau Wagner, die sich inzwischen einige Schritte rckwrts in das Klassenzimmer bewegt hat (und dadurch wieder im Blickfeld der Kamera steht) fhrt ihre linke Hand, die whrenddessen von der rechten Seite ihres Halses/ihrer Brust, angewinkelt vor der Brust/dem Hals nach links und entgegnet: Nbichen?! Hier wird richtig gelernt! Dann wendet sie sich zur Klasse um und fragt: Stimmts? Die Klasse antwortet gemeinsam: Jaaa! Dann tritt sie wieder auf die Kindergartengruppe zu und flstert: Dann wollen wir mal leise herein kommen! Im Folgenden werden die mittels der reflektierenden Interpretation dieser Sequenz rekonstruierten handlungsleitenden Orientierungsmuster der Beteiligten in dieser Situation im Kontext des bergangs vom Kindergarten in die Schule dargestellt. Die ritualtheoretisch begrndete Perspektive erffnet dabei den Blick auf bemerkenswerte Nhen zwischen dem lehrerseitigen Verhalten in dieser Situation und rituellen Praktiken im Rahmen von bergangsritualen zu anderen Zeiten, in anderen Kulturen und in Bezug auf andere Statuspassagen hier verdeutlicht an Praktiken der Grenzmarkierung, der Positionierung und der Degradierung. 2.2.2.2 Grenzmarkierung Mit der rumlichen Positionierung der Akteure vor dem Eintritt der Kindergartengruppe in den Klassenraum fhrt das Lehrpersonal ganz zu Beginn der Schnupperstunde auf, dass die Kindergartenkinder (noch) nicht zur Schulgruppe gehren. Aus ritualtheoretischer Perspektive
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weist diese Praxis eine Nhe zu Van Genneps und Turners Theorie der bergangsrituale auf, nach der der bergang von einer sozialen Position zur anderen mit einem rumlichen bergang (Van Gennep, bergangsriten, 2005) gleichgesetzt wird. Grimes erlutert in Bezug auf van Genneps drei Phasen Modell von bergangsritualen, das Turner spter erweiterte: This change in status is like journeying across an international border or walking through a doorway. A frontier divides two countries, and the threshold of a portal separates inside from outside. In both instances a midpoint separates two zones, or moments, thus becoming a zone or a moment in its own right. () Drawing on the Latin root for threshold (limen), van Gennep calls these zones preliminal, liminal, and postliminal before the threshold, on the threshold, and after the threshold. (Grimes, Deeply into the Bone, 2000). Wie in diesen Ritualen ist die Trschwelle demnach nicht nur eine rumlich-materielle Schwelle, sie markiert und konfirmiert eine soziale Grenze, die Grenze zur Klassengemeinschaft. Wird das dargelegte Dreiphasenschema hier berdies im Detail angewandt, dann verweist der Raum vor der Tr auf den Status von Kindergartenkindern (pre-liminal), die Trschwelle auf die liminale oder Schwellen- bzw. Umwandlungsphase vom Kindergarten- zum Schulkind und das Klassenzimmer auf den zu erlangenden Schler/innenstatus (postliminal). Im Folgenden geht es darum, die Position der Kindergartenkinder im Kontext der Schnupperstunde auszuhandeln bzw. ihnen eine bestimmte Position im Kontext des Stammgruppengefges zuzuweisen. Das Verhalten der Lehrerin gegenber den Kindergartenkindern weist auch hier Nhen zu rituellen Praktiken auf, die nach den Analysen von van Gennepp und Turner in Bezug auf Personen angewendet werden, die sich auf der Schwelle von einem Status zu einem hheren Status befinden. 2.2.2.3 Positionierungen Die markierte Grenze zwischen den beiden Gruppen, lsst sich nun auch der uerung Wir sind die Neuen entnehmen (Wir/Ihr). Allerdings fordert der Junge damit gleichsam den Eintritt der Kindergartenkinder in den (sozialen) Raum der Klasse ein, da sie Neue bereits zur Schulgruppe dazugehrten.4 Allerdings findet sich in seiner Aussage kein Verweis auf den Erfahrungsraum des Kindergartens. Schlielich vernachlssigt Die Neuen woher die Kindergartenkinder kommen bzw. zeigt lediglich an, dass sie die Neuen der Schulgruppe sind. Seine uerung konstatiert jedoch zudem einen soziale Ordnung stiftenden Unterschied zwischen den beiden Gruppen, da sie auf ein Wissens- oder Erfahrungsdefizit der Kindergartenkinder gegenber der Schulgruppe Bezug nimmt insofern Neue noch nicht so genau ber einen Kontext Bescheid wissen wie diejenigen, die ber mehr Erfahrungen im Rahmen des gemeinten Kontextes verfgen. Damit weist er den Mitgliedern der Schulgruppe gleich zu Beginn des Kontakts eine pdagogische Autoritt zu, die bereits im Warten vor der Tr impliziert war. In seiner aus der Inszenierung des Beginns der Stunde hervorgegangenen Bezeichnung der Eigengruppe als Neue zeigt sich somit eine Einteilung der Gesamtgruppe in Experten (die Schulgruppe bzw. Ihr) und Laien (Kindergartenkinder bzw. Wir). In der Aufnahme der Aussage Wir sind die Neuen seitens der Lehrerin wird die Aussage des Jungen weiter mit Bedeutung aufgeladen. Mit der Frage fordert sie die anderen Kindergartenkinder jedoch nicht nur zu einer sprachlich-performativen Einwilligung in die (oder Ablehnung der) Definition und Position als Neue heraus. Zustzlich impliziert ist der Frage ein Zweifel an der zunchst proklamierten Zusammengehrigkeit der beiden Gruppen. Damit markiert sie nochmals die Grenze zwischen den beiden Gruppen. berdies macht sie deutlich, dass sich nicht die Kindergartenkinder selbst oder die Erzieherinnen die Kinder inaugurieren knnen, sondern dass es lediglich einem Vertreter der Institution Schule zusteht, dies zu tun. Insofern lsst sich ihre Frage als ein Kenntlich-machen dessen verstehen, dass die Erlangung des Schler/innenstatus (hier als Eintritt in den Klassenraum kodifiziert)
Zwar knnte die Aussage Wir sind die Neuen auch insofern auf die Zukunft verweisen, dass der Junge im Grunde wir werden die zuknftig Neuen sein meint. Allerdings erscheint sie hier lediglich als eine Aussage ber die Gegenwart bzw. im Prsens (Wir sind die Neuen).
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nicht ganz so bruchlos oder einfach verluft, wie es die Aussage des Jungen erscheinen lassen knnte bzw. mehr voraussetzt, als die bloe Erklrung bereits zur Schulgemeinschaft dazu zu gehren. Die Bedeutsamkeit ihrer Frage, ob sie die Neuen seien, kommt im Folgenden in den aufgeregten Erwiderungen der Kindergartenkinder zum Ausdruck. Denn offensichtlich bestehen diesbezglich unterschiedliche Meinungen. Schlielich verneint ein Junge die Frage, lehnt somit (vorerst) den Schler/innenstatus ab. Offensichtlich mchte er sich nicht in die hier kommunikativ verhandelte soziale Positionierung eingliedern bzw. die soziale Identitt als Neue in der Gesamtgruppe zuweisen lassen. Darber hinaus bringt ein anderer Junge lautstark ein: Wir sind Kindergartenkinder!. Diesem ist offensichtlich die Erwhnung eines der Kindergartengruppe gemeinsamen Erfahrungshintergrundes bedeutsam, der in der Bezeichnung als die Neuen unerwhnt blieb/e. Degradierungen Trotz ihrer Frage (die somit als rein rhetorisch erscheint) zeigt die Lehrerin kein Interesse an der Antworten der Kinder. Stattdessen bezeichnet sie ein Kindergartenkind, das whrend der Interaktion fr den videografierenden Beobachter kaum hrbar pfeift, als Pfeife. Aus dem Pfeifen des Kindes wird in diesem Moment das Kennzeichen einer Pfeife. Das pfeifende Kind wird so nicht nur zu einem Objekt, sondern gleichsam zu einem Objekt der Beobachtung bzw. auf eine ganz besondere Weise degradiert. Schlielich verweist die Metapher Pfeife auf wenig wnschenswerte Eigenschaften wie Hohlheit (hohles Blasinstrument) bzw. Bedeutungslosigkeit oder Dummheit (kommt lediglich Luft raus) und Schwchlichkeit bzw. Armut.5 Aus einem (temporren) Verhalten des Kindes folgt demnach die Zuschreibung eines bestimmten Charakteristikums, das wiederum das Kind in seiner gesamten Person abwertet. Es wird auf dieses Verhalten bzw. auf die verdinglichte Form dieses Verhaltens reduziert und in ein Ding transformiert, dem in dessen Personenbezglichkeit zuallererst negative Attribute zugeschrieben werden. Insofern handelt es sich hier um die Konstruktion einer inferioren totalen Identitt (Bohnsack/Nohl, Ethnisierung und Differenzerfahrung, 2001), da es hier von einem Kind, das wahrscheinlich nur hin und wieder pfeift, zu einem Kind gemacht wird, das sich zuvorderst und vor allem durch die negativen Attribute einer Pfeife auszeichnet. Dass Frau Wagner das Pfeifen des einen Jungen und nicht die (deutlich hrbarere) simultan getroffene Aussage Wir sind Kindergartenkinder des anderen Jungen aufnimmt, macht deutlich, dass ihr obwohl sie den Kindergartenkindern den Eintritt in die Klasse noch nicht zugesteht und damit deren Dazugehrigkeit in der Schwebe lsst die Einpassung der Kindergartenkinder in die klasseninternen Verhaltensregeln der zuknftigen Klassengemeinschaft bedeutsamer ist als die Erfahrungen und Perspektiven der Kinder. Denn nicht die Bezugnahmen auf ihre Frage erhalten von ihr den relevanten Bedeutungsgehalt zugewiesen, sondern das Abweichen von einer Norm in ihrer Klasse. Die Rahmung (Bateson, kologie des Geistes, 1985) der Schnupperstunde seitens der Lehrerin liee sich somit als das betwixt and between (Turner, The Forest of Symbols, 1967) der Kindergartenkinder fokussierend und konstituierend fassen, also an deren Umwandlung bzw. an deren liminalen Zustand orientiert. Als ein Mdchen nun von der offensichtlich kaum einvernehmlich zu beantwortenden Frage, wer sie denn seien, zu einer Beschreibung dessen bergeht, was die Kindergartengruppe berhaupt in der Schule mchte (Wir wolln nur ma, wir wolln nur ma kuckn!) und ein Junge diesen Kompromiss wiederholend untersttzt, erwidert Frau Wagner: Ne, nur kuckn gibts nich, wirst dich gleich pfuwundern, du wirst dich gleich putzen! Die Redewendung du wirst dich gleich putzen steht dabei fr sich etwas von der Backe putzen knnen im Sinne des Aufgeben-Mssens einer Erwartung (Vgl. www.redensarten-index.de). Die Lehrerin macht damit deutlich, dass sich die Kindergartenkinder keineswegs in der Position von Zuschauern
Diesbezglich lautet ein Berliner Sprichwort: Wem die Pfeife ausjejangn is, der hat kein Geld oder keine Kraft mehr (Vgl. www.germanistik.uni-hannover.de/organisation/ publikationen/bln_lexikon/a_to_z/p.htm).
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zurcklehnen werden knnen, sondern dass von ihnen etwas verlangt werden wird, das einen nicht unerheblichen Aufwand erfordert. Denn schlielich sind die Kindergartenkinder fr die Lehrerin keine Gruppe in dem Sinne, dass das, was im Rahmen der Schnupperstunde stattfindet, fr sie unerheblich oder lediglich aus einer Besucherperspektive heraus von Bedeutung sein knnte. Einerseits sind sie zwar noch keine Schulkinder, andererseits mssen sie lernen, wie sie sich in der Schule zu verhalten haben. Bemerkenswert erscheint die Redewendung du wirst dich gleich putzen darber hinaus daher, dass die Zuweisung eines inferioren Status im Zusammenhang mit bergangsritualen hufig ebenfalls mit Metaphern oder Phantasien von Verschmutztheit oder Unreinheit einhergeht. Die Verwendung der Redewendung lsst also weitere ritualtheoretische Verweise zu: Denn nach van Gennep und Turner findet in bergangsritualen eine rituelle Reinigung der liminal persona statt, bevor sie in den superioren Status bergehen (drfen). Darber hinaus hat Turner darauf hingewiesen, dass Initiationsriten die Teilnehmer tendenziell eher abwerten bzw. die Initianden demtigen, bevor sie ihnen einen hheren Status verleihen. Die Folgeuerung des Jungen Nee, wi-wir wollen hier n bisschen lernen! scheint demnach fast wie der Versuch, zwischen den unterschiedlichen Positionen zu vermitteln. Dass Lernen zur Schule dazugehrt, das wei er und bringt mit dieser Aussage seine Bereitschaft zum Ausdruck, sich dem zu stellen. Andererseits verweisen die Formulierungen hier und bisschen ebenso auf eine Position, nach der die Kindergartenkinder eben noch nicht richtig dazugehren. Aber auch mit diesem Kompromissvorschlag gibt sich die Lehrerin keineswegs zufrieden. Die uerung des Jungen erscheint eher wie das Stichwort, auf das sie nun eine Orientierung an Strebsamkeit, Ordnung, Disziplin usw. unmissverstndlich mit Einsatz ihres Krpers und mittels Verstrkung durch die Schulkinder eindrucksvoll zur Geltung bringt. Ihre Schritte von den Kindergartenkindern weg erscheinen hierbei wie der eine verkrperlichte Distanzierung von den uerungen aus der Kindergartengruppe und der Auftritt auf eine Bhne. Vermittels dieser Bewegung in den Raum hinein wird deutlich, dass nun etwas folgt, das fr den Fortgang der Interaktion von mageblicher Bedeutung sein und mit den Schritten weg von der Kindergartengruppe in Szene gesetzt wird. Mit dem emprt wirkenden nbichen? macht sie dabei zunchst unmissverstndlich deutlich, wer hier das Recht besitzt, bereits Gesagtes als gltig oder ungltig bzw. richtig oder falsch zu beurteilen. Zudem nimmt sie mit Hier wird richtig gelernt! eine Beurteilungs- oder Definitionsmacht darber in Anspruch, bewerten zu knnen, was richtiges Lernen berhaupt ist. Darber hinaus wertet sie mit ihrer Aussage Lernprozesse ab, die das Kind bereits selbststndig oder begleitet durch seine Eltern und Erzieher bereits vollzogen hat, da ihr zufolge richtiges Lernen in der Schule stattfindet bzw. im vorschulischen Zeitraum maximal, so ein in der Grundschulpdagogik gebruchlicher Begriff, Vorluferkompetenzen angelegt werden. Demnach findet sich hier wiederum eine Strategie der Inferiorisierung/Degradierung seitens der Lehrerin, mittels derer sie die Kindergartenkinder auf einen niederen Status zurcksetzt, gepaart mit einer Strategie der Einpassung der Kindergartenkinder in die Verhaltensnormen in ihrer Klasse. Dies alles untermauert die Lehrerin mittels einer Geste indem sie ihre linke Hand, die am Anfang dieser Aussage noch an der rechten Seite ihres Halses/ihrer Brust lag, angewinkelt vor der Brust/dem Hals nach links fhrt: Diese Geste wirkt, als unterstreiche sie das Gesagte: Das msst ihr euch merken! Zudem mutet diese Armbewegung so an, als ziehe sie einen Schlussstrich unter das Gesagte, so dass kein Widerspruch mehr angebracht erscheint: Das ist das letzte Wort! Letztlich wendet sie sich mit einer Affirmation erwartenden rhetorischen Frage (stimmts?) an die im Raum an ihren Pltzen sitzenden Schler/innen, mittels deren Hilfe sie ihrer Performance vollends Geltung verschafft. So wird richtig lernen in Abgrenzung zu n bisschen lernen als eine, wenn nicht die zentrale, Verhaltensnorm im Klassenkontext
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gesetzt. Aufgrund der Vagheit des Ausdrucks richtig lernen liegt es letztendlich aber an der Lehrerin selbst, diese Unterscheidung zu treffen. Darber hinausgehend erfllt die Auffhrung noch weitere Funktionen. Indem die Lehrerin die Schler/innen der ersten Klasse derart in die Auffhrung des Beginns der Schnupperstunde involviert, macht sie deutlich, dass sie die Lehrerinnen- Kindergartenkinder- Interaktion an der Tr nun fr abgeschlossen erachtet und nun dazu bereit ist, in der Interaktion einen Schritt weiter zu gehen. Weiterhin erweckt sie mit dem derartigen Einbezug der Schler/innen in die Auffhrung den Eindruck einer allem Anschein nach auf ihr Kommando hrenden Klasse, die im Unterschied zu den Kindergartenkindern bereits ber die Erfahrung verfgt, dass und wie in der Klasse richtig gelernt wird. Demzufolge legitimieren die Schulkinder mit ihrem affirmativen Ja nicht nur die soziale Grenze zwischen der Schul- und Kindergartengruppe, sie vollfhren und fllen zudem die soziale Ordnung nach Experten (Schulgruppe) und Laien (Kindergartenkinder) mit weiteren Informationen, und zwar mit der Position der Lehrerin als magebliche Deutungs-, Definitions-, und Beurteilungsbevollmchtigte fr richtiges Lernen, auf deren Kommando die Schulkinder als aktive Experten fr richtiges Lernen prompt Folge leisten. So scheinen die Kindergartenkinder nun mit ausreichend Direktiven ausgestattet zu sein, um die Legitimation fr den Eintritt in den Raum der In- Group erteilt zu bekommen. Allerdings fehlt offenbar noch eine letzte Information, die den Kindern mit auf den Weg in den Klassenraum mitgegeben werden muss, und zwar diejenige des Leise- seins im Klassenraum. Diesem Defizit wird jedoch in der, auch krperlich vermittelten (nah an die Schler/innen herantreten), Aufforderung zum leisen Hereinkommen letzten Endes noch nachgekommen. 2.2.3 Fazit In der besprochenen Schnupperstunde wird die Differenz der Erfahrungsrume Kindergarten und Schule auf eine spezifische Weise bearbeitet. Deutlich wurde dabei, dass es in dieser Schnupperstunden im wesentlichen um die Einpassung der Kindergartenkinder in das klasseninterne Verfahrensprogramm (Wagner-Willi, Videoanalysen des Schulalltags, 2007) geht. In dieser Szene geschieht diese Einpassung seitens der Lehrerin in einer expressiven Art und Weise: Zunchst wird anhand der rumlichen Inszenierung deutlich, dass die Kindergartenkinder (noch) nicht richtig zur Schulklasse gehren und nach einer Einweisung in ordentliches Verhalten im Klassenraum (kein Pfeifen, richtig lernen, auf Kommando hren, leise sein, richtig auf rhetorische Fragen Antworten) wird ihnen die Legitimation zum Eintritt in das Klassenzimmer bzw. zur berquerung der Schwelle des Klassenraums gewhrt. Dies geschieht dabei weitgehend ohne Rcksichtnahme auf die Belange und das Erfahrungswissen der Kindergartenkinder ihnen wird das Verfahrensprogramm der Schulkasse wortwrtlich bergestlpt. In der Rekonstruktion der Szene lieen sich berdies einige Nhen zu den von van Gennep und Turner herausgearbeiteten Strukturmerkmalen von bergangsritualen finden. In diesem Zusammenhang fielen besonders die degradierenden Praktiken der Lehrerin bezglich einiger Kindergartenkinder ins Auge. Nach van Gennep und Turner markieren solcherlei Praktiken die betreffenden bergnge deutlich und sie dienen dazu, die soziale Ordnung zu inszenieren bzw. zu sttzen. Legt man dieses Erklrungsmuster an, verschafft die Lehrerin mit ihrer Auffhrung die an die Rolle der Instruktoren oder der lteren in Turners bergangsritualen gegenber Initianden im betwixt and between denken lsst einerseits der betrchtlichen Bedeutung des bergangs vom Kindergarten in die Schule Geltung.6
Allerdings ist in diesem Zusammenhang zu betonen, dass Schnupperstunden keine bergangsrituale in dem Sinne darstellen, dass sie einen Statuswechsel oder einen neuen, stabilen Zustand der Kindergartenkinder zur Folge haben, was nach Turner jedoch die Bedingung von bergangsritualen darstellt. Schnupperstunden lassen sich vielmehr als Trennungsrituale in Vorbereitung auf das kommende Ritual der Statuspassage verstehen, als
6
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. Bateson, G.: kologie des Geistes, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main, 1985. Bohnsack, R./Nohl A. M.: Ethnisierung und Differenzerfahrung. Fremdheit als alltgliches und als methodologisches Problem. In: ZBBS Zeitschrift fr qualitative Bildungs-, Beratungsund Sozialforschung, Heft 1, Leske u. Budrich, Opladen, 2001, S. 15-36 Bohnsack, R./Nentwig-Gesemann, I./Nohl, A. M. (Hrsg.): Die dokumentarische Methode und ihre Forschungspraxis, VS Verlag, Wiesbaden, 2007 Grimes, R.: Deeply into the Bone. Re-Inventing Rites of Passage. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/ London, 2000 Gebauer, G./Wulf, Ch. (2003): Mimetische Weltzugnge, Kohlhammer, Stuttgart Kellermann, I.: Vom Kind zum Schulkind, Budrich UniPress, Leverkusen, Opladen, 2008 Pesch, L.: Vom Kindergarten in die Grundschule: Erzieherinnen und Lehrerinnen arbeiten zusammen Einleitung. In: Ramseger, J./Hoffsommer, J. (Hrsg.): ponte. Kindergrten und Grundschulen auf neuen Wegen, das Netz, Weimer/Berlin, 2008, S. 14-16 Ramseger, J./Hoffsommer, J. (Hrsg.): ponte. Kindergrten und Grundschulen auf neuen Wegen, das Netz, Weimar/Berlin, S. 100-110, 2008 Turner, V.: Vom Ritual zum Theater, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main, 1995 Turner, V.: Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage. In: Turner, V.: The Forest of Symbols. Aspects of Ndembu Ritual, Cornell University Press, Ithaca/New York, S. 93-111, 1967 Van Gennep, A.: bergangsriten, Campus, Frankfurt am Main/New York, 2005 Wagner-Willi, M.: Videoanalysen des Schulalltags. Die dokumentarische Interpretation schulischer bergangsrituale. In: Bohnsack, R./Nentwig-Gesemann, I./Nohl, A. M. (Hrsg.): Die dokumentarische Methode und ihre Forschungspraxis, VS Verlag, Wiesbaden, S. 125147, 2007 Wulf, Ch.: Anthropologie kultureller Vielfalt, transcript Verlag, Bielefeld, 2006 Wulf, Ch.: Der andere Unterricht: Kunst. In: Wulf, Ch./Althans, B./Blaschke, G./Ferrin, N./Ghlich, M./Jrissen, B./Mattig, R./Nentwig-Gesemann, I./Schinkel, S./Tervooren, A./Wagner-Willi, M./Zirfas, J. (Hrsg): Lernkulturen im Umbruch, VS Verlag, Wiesbaden, 2007 Wulf, Ch./Althans, B./Blaschke, G./Ferrin, N./Ghlich, M./Jrissen, B./Mattig, R./NentwigGesemann, I./Schinkel, S./Tervooren, A./Wagner-Willi, M./Zirfas, J. (Hrsg) (): Lernkulturen im Umbruch, VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2007
Coordonnees Gerald Blaschke: Fellow researcher, member of the Department of Education and researcher in the Collaborative Research Center Kulturen des Performativen, Free University Berlin. Research Interests: Intercultural Education, Practice theory, Reconstructive Research Methods, Ritual Theory. Phd- thesis: Experiencing a transition- Schnupperstunden as a passage to school. Gerald-Blaschke@gmx.de
Rituale, die den Kindergartenkindern ein Schnuppern am Einschulungsritual und ihrer Statuspassage erffnen und die Ablsungsphase vom Status des Kinderkartenkindes markieren und kenntlich machen.
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The culture of accountability within the education system in Romania: lessons learned from the impact study on the program Access to education for disadgavantaged groups Catalina ULRICH Universitatea din Bucuresti
Rezumat Articolul prezint contextul, obiectivele i strategia de evaluare a impactului programului PHARE Acces la educaie pentru grupuri dezavantajate, derulat n ultimii apte ani n Romnia. Autoarea (coordonatoare a studiului de impact realizat n 2009) prezint abordarea metodologic (scopurile cercetrii, ntrebrile evaluative, strategia i instrumentarul metodologic), precum i principalele dificulti ntmpinate n demersul de evaluare a impactului. Punctul central al analizei l constituie limitele cercetrii evaluative din cadrul acestui proiect. Aceste limite sunt interpretate n contextul mai larg al dificultilor i responsabilitilor asociate cu evaluarea impactului, al evalurii interveniilor din sfera combaterii excluziunii sociale din Romnia i al demersurilor evaluative din domeniul complex al educaiei. Autoarea atrage atenia asupra insuficienei datelor sau calitii ndoielnice a datelor referitoare la situaia de dinainte de intervenie (tip baseline), respectiv dup ncheierea implementrii proiectului, precum i asupra complexitii reelei factorilor interesai i volumului substanial al finanrii. 40
Aceste limite se asociaz cu percepii (uneori deformate) legate de procesul de monitorizare i evaluare, precum i cu slaba cultur de tip a da seam de sau a fi responsabil fa de ... beneficiari, comunitate, alte pri interesate din cadrul sistemului de nvmnt. Printre leciile nvate - transformate n recomandri menionm: utilizarea cadrelor deja existente (baza naional de date n educaie BDNE sau criteriile ARACIP), asigurarea coerenei ntre diverse sisteme i criterii propuse n evaluare, precum i ncurajarea caracterului participativ i formativ n procesele de monitorizare i evaluare.
Cuvinte cheie: evaluarea impactului, monitorizare, accountability
1. The Context of the Impact Study The impact study was initiated by Ministry of Education, Research and Innovation (MERI) within the framework of the project The Evaluation of the Impact and the Dissemination of the Results of the PHARE Programmes <Access to Education for Disadvantaged Groups> (PHARE/2006/018-147.0101.02), carried out between December 2008 and November 2009. Evaluation aimed twofold: 1) the collection of information on results, effects and benefits achieved by implementing the PHARE 2001, 2003, 2004 and 2005 as well as 2) the interpretation of these data for identifying future perspectives in policies and programmes related to improving access to education for children and young people from disadvantaged groups at national level. Programmes are briefly described below: Programme7 Name PHARE RO 0104.02 Access to Education for Disadvantaged Groups with focus on the Roma PHARE/2003/005Access to Education for Disadvantaged 551.01.02 Groups PHARE 2004-2006 Access to Education for Disadvantaged multi-annual Groups Total
Funds allocated 8,33m 11,33m 5m + 10,83m + 1,5m = 17,33m 36,99 m
MERI8 specified the development of institutional capacity to support the fight against social exclusion and marginalization and to promote human rights and equal opportunities by increased access to education for disadvantaged groups. The programmes were focused on preschool education (accessibility and improving conditions in schools), preventing school dropout (ways to stimulate children to finish compulsory education) and the correction of school dropout (Second Chance type education programmes). Accordingly, the activities carried out were the followings: Training programmes for teaching staff working in schools with a majority of Roma pupils on the themes of the adaptation of teaching and learning methods; the assessment
7
The information was provided by the PIU in October 2009
TOR, MERI 2008, sections 1.2. The description of the existing framework from the relevant sector and 1.3. Programmes implemented or in progress in this sector, pp. 4-12.
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of target group needs and specific, intercultural education; curriculum development, etc.; A distance learning programme to prepare qualified teachers (primary school teachers or teachers of the Romani language); A training programme for school mediators in communities with Roma children of school age; Producing educational materials for children, teachers and parents following the principles of the programme; Rehabilitation of schools from the target communities.
1.2. Reported results MERI reviewed a number of results reported at the full programme level. From the analysis of the available data for the entire PHARE programme we can summarise the following results1: 391 pilot schools from disadvantaged areas (in 36 counties) were involved in the 2001, 2003 and 2005 PHARE programmes; all have added to their facilities and most of them have benefited from fitting/rehabilitation/construction work in order to offer the pupils a more friendly environment; Over 60,000 children from schools belonging to disadvantaged communities (from socio-economic, educational and cultural criteria) have benefited from the application of inclusive education principles in their schools. For the 2005 PHARE programme there were 28,792 pupils, of which: 15,542 were Roma and 1,350 were children with SEN; 576 trainers from all 42 counties have been trained in areas such as: inclusive education, active teachinglearning methods, development of curriculum and implementation of remedial programmes; 140 teachers trained at national level for SC programmes; 90 support teachers trained at national level; local training programmes were accredited and held in all counties, with the participation of 7,815 teachers, these efforts being supported by TTC; remedial/"School after school type programmes and intensive courses such as the Summer Kindergarten were developed in 36 counties, with good levels of participation; 6,997 trainees (490 groups) in the SC programmes, at primary and lower secondary school level, received training in the PHARE 2001, 2003 and 2005 programmes; 1,500 sets of guidelines for pupils in the SC programme and 300 sets for teachers were developed and distributed in counties; 395 school mediators received specific and accredited training programmes (64 in PHARE 2001, 98 in PHARE 2003 and 233 in PHARE 2004), 268 school mediators were employed (33 in PHARE 2001, 61 in PHARE 2003 and 174 in PHARE 2004), 68% of those trained therefore working in disadvantaged communities; topics on the Roma culture are present in the new curriculum developed for the SC programmes and in the 4th form history textbooks; 36 RCIE were established in the participating counties through PHARE projects; 113 young Roma adults trained in PHARE programmes to become primary school teachers/ teachers of Romani language. 1.3. Functions of impact evaluation
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In general, the processes and the evaluation procedures are the main levers for maintaining and enhancing the quality of programmes9. The evaluation of programmes has several crucial functions: it certifies them in terms of quality and gives responsibilities to those who initiated and implemented the programme accountability function; optimizes the programme management function; supports investment policies in the field political function. More specifically, according to the ToRs one of the main purposes of the impact evaluation is to review policies and to provide support for the action plan. Beyond emphasizing certain results, the conclusions of the impact study could inspire policies and strategies referring to the question How can we move forward? In this respect, the results of the impact study will be used to elaborate the action plan of MERI for improving access to education for disadvantaged groups over the next five years. 2. Impact evaluation 2.1. Issues related to the impact evaluation Amongst different definitions, we used Blankenbergs working definition10 (Blankenberg 1995:11): "The impact refers to sustainable changes over a long period brought about by an intervention in the lives of beneficiaries. These changes can be in line with the objectives of the intervention or unforeseen consequences of the intervention, which may affect the lives of people who do not belong to the group of beneficiaries. They can also be both positive and negative, the latter being as important as the former in assessing the changes. The approach to the impact evaluation responds to the needs identified in recent years. On the one hand, in the world today "two-directional change" appears to be the dominant model combining centralized approaches of educational changes from top to bottom (top-down) with initiatives from bottom to top (bottom-up). On the other hand, education policies are more and more becoming social learning exercises as here in Romania: in terms of methodology, the development and improvement of realistic and sustainable educational policies, like life-long learning, requires a participatory approach and a sense of ownership when it comes to decisionmaking. 2.2. Evaluation Questions Taking into consideration the issues recommended by the beneficiary, a profound analysis of the results, changes and effects associated with the four projects of the multi-annual PHARE Access to Education programme was proposed for the impact study. The research focused on four main questions: Question 1: How effective was the project in: A. Enrolling and keeping in school children from disadvantaged groups? B. Improving their school performance? In order to assess the effectiveness of the programme, the research focused on several indicators in all schools from the representative samples, including: attendance and rate of absenteeism at school;
Education ", presentation held in the National Conference - The role of impact studies to ensure quality in continuous training programmes, June 18, 2009, Bucharest
10
BLANKENBERG, F. (1995) Methods of Impact Assessment Research Programme, Resource Pack and Discussion. The Hague: Oxfam UK/I and Novib
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enrollment in pre-school education programmes (divided into ordinary kindergartens and summer kindergartens); qualifications, marks and averages obtained; rate of school dropout; rate of re-enrollment/re-entering courses after stopping school attendance; transfer/pupils transfer from segregated schools into mixed schools; completion rate of compulsory education; enrollment/admission into upper secondary and higher education, rate of attendance and graduation rate; extent of absorption in the labor market after graduation (after compulsory education, high school and university).
Question 2: Has the strategy in each county promoted institutional and policy change in schools in the sense of prioritizing equal opportunity and quality in education?
To answer this question, the research identified and examined changes in relation to: government policies at national level as well as local educational policies; support from government structures (CSI) and support from the school to implement and continue the project; a quality learning environment for all students; training programmes and extra-curricular programmes developed in school; school interest in promoting diversity (inter-cultural curriculum, extra-curricular activities); management structures and school management (support group, participation of the school mediator, etc.); interaction of the school with families and Roma communities (school mediators contribution, other forms); interaction of the school with families of children with SEN. Question 3: Does the project have effects in terms of: changes in attitude towards children from the disadvantaged groups/ Roma children/children with SEN among teachers and school staff? changes in attitude towards Roma children and children with SEN among nonRoma children and their families? changes in the rate of self-identification of children and young people as Roma?
To assess such changes in attitude the research examined: the characterizations made of Roma children/children with SEN and the expectation from them by school staff; social interaction between Roma children/children with SEN in the classroom and in non-academic contexts (playground, gym, in front of school etc.); the characterizations made of Roma children and children with SEN by non-Roma children and parents;
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the frequency and nature of inter-actions between Roma children/children with SEN and non- Roma inside and outside classrooms; the institutional treatment of Roma children and children with SEN (for example, classroom placing, disciplinary actions, etc.) compared to other children.
Question 4: What is the feasibility of each project, taking into account costs, resources, institutions, cultures? In considering the question of feasibility the analysis in the research was developed starting from: aim of project, target group; nature of intervention; philosophy promoted as regards inclusive education; approach to participatory evaluation; project management; needs/requests relating to facilities; requests regarding human resources (skills, workload); equipment, materials and other resources; financial resources; relationships and interaction with families (Roma and with children with SEN) and communities; relationships and interaction with governmental institutions and non-government ones. These questions do not require a high level of statistical accuracy, but the following are more concrete and require evidence-based answers: 1. Do we deal with measurable changes at the target population level, reflecting the intentional impact of the projects? 2. What impact do the projects have on different groups from the target population (the Roma, children with SEN, adults who abandoned compulsory education)? Can we differentiate between the impact on males and females? 3. Are the communities/schools involved in the projects representative of the "disadvantaged groups" class in Romania? Is it necessary for the project to be replicated on a much larger scale? 4. What are the factors that are associated with the changes that have taken place? Is it likely that the conditions that facilitated the changes will continue, so that we can speak about a sustainable impact? 5. Can we assume that the changes are due significantly to the project and/or external factors? 2.3. Data Sources In the evaluation we made use of very different sources of information which generated solicited data as well as unsolicited data. The exploration of data available was a critical concern because the impact evaluation used many categories of data. Since evaluating the true impact required information from individuals (inspector, LSG member, teacher, pupil, principal) we used individual interviews as well as focus groups for authenticity of opinion. On the one hand, we used the data already available: Quantitative reports (baseline and final report for PHARE 2001 and 2003);
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Self-assessment of schools; Quarterly county reports (for PHARE 2003); Case studies (for PHARE 2003); Studies regarding segregation (PHARE 2003 and 2004); Additional reports (causes of dropout in PHARE 2003, report on the activity of school mediators in PHARE 2003); County strategies ( all counties); Institutional development projects in schools; Statistics at county level (annual, all counties); Assessment reports of the training courses, accreditation files (available at TTC, CSI, National Center for Pre-university Training of Education Staff (NCPTES), PIU); Materials presented during the conferences of PHARE16.
On the other hand, during the research data was gathered from other sources such as: Beneficiaries of the programmes (inspectors, principles, teachers, pupils, mediators); Administrators of the programs; LSG members; Representatives of NGOs; Persons or groups benefitting from the effects of the training programme (parents, representatives of community); Decision makers in the field of teachers training and the education system; Persons who designed the programme or who contributed to developing the budget; Activities that can be directly observed (e.g. teaching activities), etc. 3. Strategy 3.1. Design of the evaluation study The research design was quasi-experimental and descriptive. The impact was controlled by focusing on average and long-term results, measured by achieving significant comparisons between the situation prior to and after the intervention and between the schools involved in the programme and similar schools within a control group. In the study the generic word intervention is taken to mean the implementation of activities related to the projects of the PHARE programme Access to Education for Disadvantaged Groups. In order to achieve the objectives of the research through an optimal use of resources (time, human, financial), the following were taken into account: Identification of the most suitable data sources and related analysis methods; Maximum use of existing and valid data; Consensus development (with PIU and other stakeholders); Consultation with and involvement of a variety of stakeholders to develop a sense of ownership and for the development of institutional capacity. The complexity of the impact evaluation is caused by: The complexity of the interventions (teacher-training, the SC programme, support programmes/remedial education, education of parents); Differing institutional capacities in the monitoring and evaluation of interventions;
1
To review the available documents, see www.acces-la-educatie.ro where there are archived materials from all four PHARE projects.
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The complexity of the problem, associated with the complexity of contexts (some new to Romania, such as desegregation, the SC programme); The beneficiaries (CSI) have differing institutional capacity in solving the problems associated with the interventions (wave I, wave II, wave III, etc); The quality and validity of the information we can rely on during the secondary analysis: some projects include reports describing the original situation, as well as the situation at the completion of intervention and after that completion, for significant comparisons; The different levels of familiarity with the activities and results of the projects (project teams within the CSI and other involved institutions underwent some changes during the PHARE projects); The very large number of direct and indirect beneficiaries and the huge volume of heterogeneous information (because different monitoring schemes have been used in the projects); The number of interventions and the time elapsed from the implementation of the projects until the impact evaluation, leading to different stages of maturing change. In certain counties, where a sufficient period of time has elapsed since the first PHARE 2001 project was launched, we can conclude that the changes reflect a clear impact on the beneficiaries as opposed to counties that have only benefitted from one project.
For the research we used a participatory approach, believing this has three advantages: 1. It allows for contributions from insiders (first hand data, represented by the observations and comments of those who designed and implemented the programme as well as other interested parties) and outsiders (researchers); 2. It actively involves human resources in the programme and other categories of participants in the development of the research design, collection of data and formation of conclusions/recommendations. This process gives them better understanding and a larger involvement towards obtaining the outcomes and towards the consistent monitoring of the long term outcomes; 3. It strengthens the capacity of those involved in the programme to understand, develop and even design their own evaluation research programmes. The round-table discussions held during the period 14th to 17th July in Bacau, Cluj, Bucharest and Sibiu were an opportunity to discuss the partial results and to identify some approaches not sufficiently tried. 3.2. Complementarity between the quantitative and qualitative approach Given the complexity of the units of analysis, the institutional structures involved, the geographic distribution and the variables of the context (economical, cultural, linguistic), multiphase stratified samples were constructed for each point of analysis. Triangulation was applied as a central element on which the research design and the process of research. In the research, we find the triangulation14 principle in the types of approaches (quantitative/ qualitative), both in complementarity of sources and methods used in order to ensure data validity.
Triangulation can be applied using a combination of methods, instruments, analysis perspectives, in this way counteracting any possible weakness resulting from the implementation of one particular method. Teamwork, using several sources for obtaining data, counteracts the favoring of any one opinion and generates an acceptable level of objectivity.
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Methods, favourite tools Object of analysis Involvement of school mediator Reflecting the concept of inclusive education in national and county strategies Quality of educational environment Second Chance Support education programmes (Summer kindergarten, remedial education, extra-curricular activities) Teacher training Institutional changes (in schools, CSI s, TSRCs level) Human resources trained in PHARE projects
Document analysis
Questionnaire Interview X x x
Observation Focus group
x x x
X X X
x x x
x x x
x x
x x
x x
The impact was measured and interpreted quantitatively and qualitatively. The table below summarizes the main areas approached in the research, as well as the principle methods and instruments for data collection. Types of beneficiaries Direct beneficiaries Investigation Indirect beneficiaries methods/tools CSI team Focus-group, Parents questionnaire Teaching staff Questionnaire School
Investigation methods/tools Interview Case study, observation, document analysis Interview Interview, Focusgroup
Students School managers School mediators
Questionnaire, focus- Local community group, essay, picture Questionnaire, Roma representatives interview Interview, document analysis
From the quantitative point of view we used samples selected as far as possible in a probabilistic way to deduce causal relationships between programme, results and changes/effects. The questionnaire-based investigation was the main method for collecting quantitative data. The quantitative analysis also includes an analysis of available databases.
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In general, the success of an intervention is demonstrated with various types of proofs. Quantitative indicators are frequently used, demonstrating both problems and achievements. Similar indicators can not fully describe and explain the causes and mechanisms behind problem or success. Therefore, in order to identify the results and effects of PHARE projects for teaching staff, managers, pupils, parents, school mediators or CSI teams, we used the quantitative and qualitative approach at the same time. Among the qualitative methods of highlighting the effects produced through the changes generated by the project, we proposed case studies. We anticipated that through case studies we would understand the effects of changes upon the participants and also identify good practices and lessons learned. Moreover, data was collected through focus group interviews with pupils, parents, teachers and individual interviews with managers, teachers and mediators from within the 15 education institutions which formed the sample for the institutional analyses; also from the 45 schools included in the research of the desegregation phenomenon and the 30 analyzed concerning ESP. The impact study involved the collecting of qualitative and quantitative data from representative target groups. Questionnaires were applied to four types of respondents: 8th form pupils, teaching staff for the 4th and 8th forms, pre-primary school teachers and school managers. They come from schools that have benefited from programmes funded by the grant schemes of the programmes PHARE 2001, PHARE 2003, PHARE 2005. We received answers from 73 schools out of near 400 schools that have benefited from programmes funded by the mentioned grant schemes. Four other schools that have not benefitted from such programmes were also added. We had replies from 68 school managers, 1023 8th form pupils, 186 preprimary school teachers and 1281 teachers from the 4th and 8th forms. Institutional analyses were carried out in 15 schools; 45 schools were visited by experts on the desegregation component, while in another 30 schools the experiences related to Educational Support and Second Chance (SC) programmes were analyzed. 3.4. Methods and tools for data collection 3.4.1. Questionnaires Questionnaires were used to explore the perceptions and opinions of subjects towards the changes which came about through participation in the PHARE programme. The choice of this research tool was determined by: The methodological framework, involving the collection of quantitative data that could be compared before and after the intervention; The time framework (length of time available for data collection); The financial and human resources available (experts conducting field research, LIA). With the questionnaires the four types of data necessary for the impact evaluation (Valadez and Bamberger, 1989, p. 40) were collected, namely: Classified nominal data, with the respondents divided in accordance with their participation in the programme (teachers, managers, students, school mediators, responsible RCIE) or belonging to comparison groups; The variables of exposure to intervention (grants, training programmes, etc..) which record not only the received services and benefits, but also the frequency, quantity and quality (harder to assess); The variables of the results that measure the effects of the programme: produced immediately, results confirmed, and also the impact of the continuous training programme. 49
The variables which intervene which are factors that affect participation in the programme or the type of impact affecting the individual, educational institution or community (these variables are important in exploring the deformations).
3.4.2. Interview Guides Through semi-structured interviews first hand data, faithfully reflecting the views and comments of the beneficiaries, was collected. In addition this produced the following advantages: Direct contact with the beneficiaries, enabling them to express and explain their own experiences; Flexibility, in that the interviewer followed unexpected paths of investigation for greater depth on certain issues; From a cultural point of view, the chance to have direct contact with representatives of various communities; The opportunity to challenge and record spontaneous, authentic reactions from different social actors. 3.4.3. Institutional Analysis (Case Studies) 15 case studies were proposed, focusing on institutional analysis. By applying a complex methodological approach we made a diagnosis of the each schools identity with the accent on the effects attributed to training programmes which benefited teachers and managers in promoting inclusive education. The institutional profile for 15 educational institutions was effected, taking into consideration: Correlations between the managerial approach and the work climate within the educational institution (effects of managers exerting authority on the daily life of the school); Placement of schools within some institutional networks (through participation in projects, membership of schools networks, etc.); The perceptions that the beneficiaries of the training programmes have towards their own professional development; Articulation of the relationship between teachers and pupils; Social practice in school life; The characteristics of the educational community; Granting support to some students who need individualized treatment; How the pupils themselves see (desirable) changes in school; Characteristics of the school social environment (demographic structure, cultural and linguistic diversity, economic stratifications); Socio-economic context of the education institution (relations with local authorities, economic operators); Beyond the institutional analysis, the research particularly focused on exploring the experience of children in school; in most cases only the quantifiable results of the pupils, as beneficiaries, are taken into account. Moreover, the analyses often remain at the above levels of the intervention. In a schematic representation we have: the training and development of human resources, change of school policy, improvement in teaching, improvement in learning and pupils progress. Through the impact study we also proposed to explore in depth issues such as: self-esteem of pupils and teachers, general attitudes and behavior, school organization, interest and motivation, assertion of ethnic identity, collaboration of stakeholders, etc. Special attention was given to children with SEN and to Roma children transferred from segregated schools.
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3.4. Data Interpretation For the interpretation of qualitative information, the main method used was content analysis. Impact evaluation can be achieved directly, comparing the values of the indicators for each area of research, as registered before the start and after the close of the project. Such a measure does not pick up inherent changes within the system. Therefore it is necessary to compare these changes with those registered in the control group. Moreover, in order to see to what extent the changes resulted from the intrinsic characteristics of the school (size, general performance, etc) or of the teaching staff (gender, professional training, age, seniority, etc) we applied specific analysis techniques to separate changes determined by such factors from those engendered through participation in the project. This is the multiple regression analysis technique, in its multi-level version. The comparison with the control group, including schools that did not benefit from the PHARE programme, is useful and possible using the above mentioned analysis technique. However, as the composition of the control group changed between the two waves of research, the conclusions reached must be regarded with caution. Even so, controlling (through regression analysis) the characteristics of respondents (gender, age, education, teaching experience, teaching expertise degree, curriculum area, etc..) and their school of origin (size, performance, location, etc..), we were able to remove many of the shortcomings mentioned and draw some strong conclusions, which can lead to corrections in future programmes. 4. Limitations of the evaluation 4.1. Challenges of monitoring and evaluation process The purpose of the programme and the expected results are generated by a frequently reported problem in Romania in recent years. In general, the monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in our country represent the most problematic aspect of the government action. In particular, monitoring and evaluation are designed and constructed in terms of compliance with formal rules particularly and there is very little regarding the co-participation of all stakeholders, with data collection to allow in-depth analysis and the full use of that to correct and design future interventions. This is particularly the case for strategies, policies and programmes designed to benefit disadvantaged groups which are associated with this vulnerability. Frequently, both the institutions financing the projects and the beneficiaries do not pass the quantification of activities stage and, sometimes, analysis stage of the immediate qualitative results of the programs/projects/interventions. This project, however, ensures not only continuity and sustainability of activities undertaken but also an in-depth analysis of the impact. The monitoring and evaluation systems implemented during the project faced a number of challenges. Some of these were identified during the previous PHARE projects, whilst others have emerged more recently. Some of the challenges are common to all M&E systems, whilst others are specific to this particular project. a) Accuracy of data: several studies conducted after the first project suggests that there were considerable problems regarding the accuracy of the data collected. The inaccuracies were sometimes due to carelessness, and at other times were due to the deliberate provision of misinformation or selective information. b) Sustainability of monitoring systems: during the project implementation the technical assistance teams owned the process, however certain parts of the systems (such as the 51
quantitative reporting) were owned by the MERI. The intention was to ensure that the system can ultimately be handed over to the MERI on completion of the project. This helps to ensure the sustainability of the system in the long-term, but may cause some problems in the shortterm as it is not always clear who has jurisdiction over the M&E system. c) Size of the systems: three different systems have reached alarming proportions in terms of the size. This is not unusual given that there are a number of different stakeholders, each with different demands of the system. However, it is important to ensure the system is kept minimal, and it is not allowed to spiral out of control, as already appears to be the case (particularly with quantitative reporting, and to some extent qualitative reporting as well). d) monitoring and control: as in many countries, the monitoring process in Romania is often confused with control processes. Monitoring and evaluation systems contained elements of both. Main challenge was to separate out these elements of the system intended to supervise individual staff from those intended to look seriously at the performance and results of the project itself. e) Bias: there are a number of vested interests that inevitably encouraged positive reporting at all levels. Teachers may wish to assign higher grades to school children in order to look good. Some schools think they have to show higher enrolments of Roma students or give money back. County school inspectors may wish to hide mistakes or failures if they think it reflects badly on them. The Ministry itself was keen to show the project is successful, the EU wants to see value of money on the project and technical assistance teams wanted to prove that they have facilitated real change. In this context it is vital that main stakeholders are honest in its reporting and encourage others to be so, so that information collected and used is as full and honest as possible. 4.2. Evaluation of social inclusion As far as the impact evaluation for projects / strategies which concern disadvantaged groups / communities we mention a number of issues in particular. In recent years the global approach to social inclusion of disadvantaged groups has tended to be sectorial and the programmes focused on limited issues, without correlating with other areas (programmes are focused either on health, or education, or housing, etc.). Poor performance and effectiveness of certain interventions are attributed to several aspects, which are illustrated below: Conditions which relate to context and are not directly related to the priority sector of the intervention. For example, poor school attendance of Roma children is associated with the economic situation of the family and can only partially be remedied by providing a free meal or the "After-school" intervention (activities run outside classes); The problems of disadvantaged groups can only be solved by an integrated approach through simultaneous intervention on several levels (health, legal assistance, counseling and orientation, education, medical services, etc) (Brofenbrenner); The difficulties met by disadvantaged groups curve deepen progressively the poverty gap associated with a low level of education and a low employment level; Many of the problems which people from disadvantaged groups have are associated with the phenomenon of stigma, marginalization, discrimination and exclusion. Therefore the analysis of the impact of the intervention should bear in mind the selfesteem and self-identification for certain ethnic or cultural groups or persons with special needs, or socially vulnerable groups etc; Analysis of certain phenomena (such as the different treatment of girls and boys in a community) requires a thorough knowledge of values, cultural patterns and traditions of 52
the communities to which the children or the young belong and the respect for cultural diversity in the interpretation of these particular phenomena; Interventions which have an educational component need a long period of time for impact evaluation (the rate for continuation of studies, the rate of success in the job market, etc.)
4.3. Program evaluation within the education system Impact evaluation at institutional (school) level needs to look at organizational culture. Also it needs to analyze teaching practice in schools contravening common practice as well as isolation in schools and classes. Evaluation of teacher training often fails to take into account the effect on pupils, remaining focused on the results and quality of the courses. Although in the last two years the idea of co-participation in formative evaluation is discussed more and more (see responsive evaluation - Robert Stake11), those carrying out the evaluation are usually outsiders (external evaluators) with no experience of the implementation process itself who analyze only the results and the effects, without having first hand information related to the implementation process itself. It is very difficult both in the process of implementation and in evaluation for diverse groups of stakeholders to be represented consistently in a balanced way. Sometimes in the projects focusing on Roma the "voices" of various groups, communities and Roma leaders are represented more or less visibly. The same phenomenon is partially true for persons with special needs. Although the research was designed rigorously (to ensure the plausibility of impact estimates), a series of issues not addressed and of precautions linked to the validity of some conclusions are mentioned. Despite the methodological requirements which have been taken into consideration, aspects of a practical nature have inevitably intervened: time, the protection of subjects, hierarchical institutional structures, etc. More specifically, analyzing the framework where the impact evaluation took place, some of the possible distortions in the process of impact evaluation which could affect the validity of conclusions are mentioned: a) The complexity of change in the education system: changes in institutional and educational practice occur at the intersection of many sources of influence whose provenance is the system and not merely a certain specific intervention. Work is being developed at the same time on the professional development of teachers, changes in school organizations and in classroom teaching. Each type of intervention has a specific profile, follows objectives, with expected results and specific activities carried out, organized in a specific way. b) Conceptual ambiguities found among the stakeholders in the project: the term school dropout has varying interpretations. Data on actual school dropout differs from data provided by schools, which follow the legal definition of school dropout. c) The difficulty of attributing the effects to an intervention is a feature of the methodological approach characteristic in evaluating educational programs. The proposed methodological approach is the quasi-experimental type; this is an option coming from the fact that participants are not or can not be randomly distributed to the experimental or control group, demanding certain forms of comparable groups, pre-supposing repeated testing of the variable. For
11
See Stake, R.E. (2004) Standards-Based and Responsive Evaluation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications
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example, some institutions (schools, TTC, CSI, RCIE) were involved in several projects/ programmes. In this case it is difficult to accurately parcel out the effects. It is not possible to attribute accurately effects to an intervention and say these were only due to that particular program or project. In addition, many of the teaching staff who were subjects of the research follow various professional development programs (other training courses, didactic grades I or II, participation in national and international projects). Besides the PHARE Access to Education, the most often quoted projects were the Rural Education Project (REP), digital literacy projects and Comenius projects. d) The harmonization of methodological requirements with specific institutional conditions. The quality/relevance of the results of the impact study depends significantly on the representation of the sample of schools proposed both for the quantitative analysis and for the qualitative one. The sampling process is a complex approach and assumes compliance with certain conditions and rigorous steps and scientific exactitude. In the various projects of the multi-annual programme there was a relative uniformity of problems and difficulties which children met in schools and a great heterogeneity of strategies and local approaches. Accents are different in each school; there are schools involved in different phases of the project (veteran schools, with great experience, which have become resource-schools for other institutions in the project, but also schools in which the priority was the renovation of the buildings). e) The difference in the period of time covered from the start of involvement in the PHARE project and the phase in which the impact evaluation is made or the monitoring: some schools or institutions have had a longer period of time in which to "digest" the changes proposed or inspired or even required by the project, while others have benefited of few interventions (some with a timely character and of short duration). f) The identification on ethnic grounds (or on other criteria) is associated with research that has dealt with the problem from the perspective of multiple discrimination or in terms of access to services. g) The quality of data is a long debated question not only in Romania, but also in Europe. The main problems are self-identification, hetero-identification of Roma, the question of the protection of identity, and the caution in respecting personal choice regarding ethnicity. In the first two projects there were reported problems related to the identification of the Roma children (self-identification as opposed to hetero-identification) and as a result criteria for identifying the target group were established. h) The difficulty of establishing the long term impact on various types of beneficiaries. There are a number of associated issues: the school results of pupils were followed in the short and medium term (i.e. over the duration of the project or the multi-annual programme); the collection of relevant data regarding the evolution of the school performance of Roma children captures only partially the question of ethnic provenance. School statistics capture these aspects only partially, the new questions introduced in the national12 database address this type of affiliations. However the accuracy of the data available in the database was not certain before requesting these indicators for reporting. Statistics capture the global data on the entire school population of a certain age, but do not capture in the longitudinal way (chronological way) the development per individual (pupil). In addition pupils who change the location of their home
12
We refer to the National Database project from Romania, MECI, SIVECO
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due to internal or external migration are not monitored. In this respect, it is even desirable that the impact evaluation precedes the implementation so that during the programme not only the achievement of activities and results but also the desirable effects in the medium and long term are kept in mind. i) Fluctuations in the teaching staff make it difficult to follow the effects of teacher training programmes and the changes in the organizational culture of the school. j) Sample characteristics: the typology and the composition of the resulting samples allow the framing of strong conclusions which can be generalized by implication to all projects. The relatively small number of questionnaires completed by schools from the control group means that there needs to be some caution in interpreting the results. The methodology used provides a partial solution, the final conclusions being equally consistent from both a theoretical and an empirical point of view. k) The effect of desirability on responses: the association of personal responses with implications for the institutional level. More specifically, it is possible that some responses of those interviewed or questioned, teachers, inspectors or school managers, only partially express personal opinions in order not to put the educational institution in an unfavorable light. 5. Lessons learned: The culture of accountability Monitoring and evaluation processes can have a number of different purposes, not all of which are necessary complementary. It may be designed to learn or be accountable to donors or other stakeholders. Controlling, proving and publicity are also often ingredients. The above described processes would appear to include elements of all of these. However, the over-riding concern should be to learn from current practice in order to improve future performance. If people focus on this element, however difficult it may appear at times, the system will help MERI, county school inspectorates, EU to be accountable to the ultimate beneficiaries, including children, their parents and local communities. The processes and procedures of evaluation in our education system are more associated with administrative issues and less with formative evaluation and of self assessment both for individual or organizational learning. In this context in the framework of the research the perception of the researchers from the perspective of control and of research tools as management tools is prevailing. Both the project implementation and impact evaluation showed a poor accountability culture within the educational system. Lack of accountability is reflected in poor and unreliable data, which makes difficult impact evaluation. It also makes less effective the changing efforts within the institutional framework. In this regard, the impact evaluation showed clearly several issues to be taken into consideration in the future: MERI shall continue to monitor the progress in achieving the county educational strategies. To increase the effectiveness and efficiency of the monitoring process, the reports should be presented and discussed together with the stakeholders (e.g. civil society, local authorities, parents etc); MERI shall ensure that any planning of interventions should contain from the beginning the monitoring and impact evaluation mechanisms; MERI shall continuously maintain monitoring and evaluation systems regarding
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inclusive education (including measures for prevention of segregation and desegregation, stimulation of participation of pupils and parents, etc.) for improving and possibly correcting through the collection, correlation and interpretation of acquired data and information actions taken at local, county and national level; MERI shall establish specific duties and powers for the monitoring of interventions associated with access to education for disadvantaged groups, by all those responsible for school inspections within the CSI; MERI shall implement the monitoring mechanisms using the RAQAPE criteria and standards of quality in designing the strategic direction of institutional development for educational institutions and in institutional self-evaluation; National Education Database should be regularly updated and used as reference point for schools and other stakeholders; MERI shall ensure the coherent and systematic use of quality standards in the implementation, monitoring and evaluation of all interventions developed within the education system; The annual report of the Minister of Education on the condition of education shall include information about the evolution of the segregation phenomenon in the education system in Romania, along with the CSI annual report on the condition of education in the county which should include, according to the Order of Minister of Education, Research and Innovation no. 1540/2007, a section on the results obtained in implementing the plans for the removal of segregation. MERI shall systematically collect and make available in an easily comprehensible form, statistical data on the situation of children and young people from disadvantaged groups, desegregated data on inclusion in the education system, pupil performance and progress recorded, observing data protection legislation. According to the European Commissions Guide on Impact Assessment (2009) each public policy must be approved and implemented after a preliminary ex ante impact assessment, which requires following a certain steps (which include a pilot impact study and the design of the impact assessment). We hope that such a policy framework and the description and interpretation of these results will contribute to a better understanding of the effects of educational interventions upon children and young people from disadvantaged groups. We also hope that the evaluation results will support the government institutions and the non-governmental organizations (NGO), school inspectorates and education institutions in adapting certain aspects related to the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of strategies and practices for improving access to education for disadvantaged groups in Romania. Reference Bamberger M, Ed. (2000) Integrating Quantitative and Qualitative Research in Development Projects. Washington, DC: World Bank Guskey, T (2000) Evaluating professional development SAGE Oakley, P., Pratt, B., Clayton, A. (1998) Outcomes and Impact: Evaluating Change in Social Development. INTRAC. Oxford Rdoi, M. (2005) Evaluarea politicilor publice Tritonic Stake, R.E. (2008) The Incredible Lightness of Evidence: Problems of Synthesis in Educational Evaluation University of Illinois
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Neculau A (2002) Ghid de analiz instituional n Vlsceanu, L. coala la rscruce. Schimbare i continuitate n curriculumul nvmntului obligatoriu Polirom, volumul 2 Ulrich, C., Voicu, B (2009) Studiu de impact Bucureti: Editura Atelier Didactic CNFP MECI Valadez J, Bamberger M (2000) MONITORING AND EVALUATING SOCIAL PROGRAMS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES The World Bank Vlsceanu, L. (coord.) (2002) coala la rscruce. Schimbare i continuitate n curriculumul nvmntului obligatoriu Polirom ECthe new programming Period 2007-2013 Indicators for monitoring and evaluationA Practical Guide Equality impact assessment toolkit, http://www.oldham.gov.uk/eia_toolkit.pdf Impact evaluation. Methodological and operational issues, Economic Analysis and Operations Support division Economics and Research Department, September 2006 Asian Development Bank
Ctlina ULRICH este confereniar universitar dr. la Catedra de Pedagogie a Facultii de Pshihologie i tiinele Educaiei, Universitatea din Bucureti. Susine cursuri de Sociologia educaiei, Toeria i practica educaiei civice (nivel licen), Formarea i conducerea echipelor i supervizarea practicii de specialitate la Masterul de Formarea Formatorilor. A coordonat studii de impact pentru programe PHARE (impactul programelor de formare a cadrelor didactice, Acces la educaie pentru grupuri dezavantajate). A realizat cercetri individuale n proiecte internaionale privind: evaluarea programelor educaionale 2004, 2005, 2006, 2009 (abordarea metodologic prioritar fiind studiile de caz); educaie n comuniti multietnice (HESP 1997, 2001, EUMAP 2006, AUF 2006, 2007), formarea cadrelor didactice (ISSA 2004), discriminare multipl (ANES, 2007). Lucreaz ca i consultant pentru Wohlfenson Institute Washington (2009 - 2010), SLO National Institute for Curriculum Development, Olanda (din 1998 - prezent). A oferit consultan pentru UNICEF (2007, 2009), Open Society Institute (2006), ILO (2006), Banca Mondial (2004), OIM (2004), Fundaia pentru o Societate Deschis (1997 - 2000), EFA UNESCO (2000). Email: Catalina.Ulrich@g.unibuc.ro
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AQAC CSC CSI Assessment and Quality Assurance Commission County Support Committee County School Inspectorate
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ESP LIA LSG MERI M&E NCTPES NED NGO ODL PIP PIU RAQAPE RCIE RCRC SC SCIE SEN SSC TA TTC WG
Educational Support Programmes Local Implementation Agent Local Support Group The Ministry of Education, Research and Innovation Monitoring and Evaluation National Center for the Training of Pre-university Education Staff National Education Database Non-Governmental Organization Open Distance Learning Personalized Intervention Plan Programme Implementation Unit Romanian Agency for Quality Assurance in Pre-university Education Resource Center for Inclusive Education Resource Center for Roma Communities Second Chance School Center for Inclusive Education Special Educational Needs Steering and Support Committee Technical Assistance Teaching Training Centers Working Groups
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Diferene culturale, strategii identitare, politici interculturale adaptate spaiului romnesc Prezentarea proiectului
Lavinia BRLOGEANU Universitatea din Bucureti
Rsum Larticle prsente le contexte, les objectifs et les rsultats du projet Diffrences culturelles, stratgies identitaires, politiques interculturelles en espace Roumain, droul pendant trois annes dans deux rgions multiculturelles de la Roumanie (Mures et Sibiu). Le dbut de la prsentation voque les filires scientifiques autour desquelles sorganise la recherche et la physionomie des communauts tudies, en fait trs diffrentes entre elles (lune multiculturelle, lautre interculturelle). Une remarque essentielle a surgit par le croisement des donnes scientifiques et la ralit du terrain, elle visant lurgence dune approche critique de deux catgories identit et interculturalite en vue de construire des modles locaux pour vivre ensemble. Lquipe de recherche a suivi cette piste dans sa recherche-action, indiquant, dune part, les repres qui organisent les cartes cognitives des acteurs qui cohabitent (Roumains, Hongrois, Allemands) dans le volume collectif Stratgies identitaires et interculturalite dans lespace Roumain interculturelles adapt au terrain tudi. Le projet a t initi et implment par la Facult de Psychologie et Sciences de lEducation de lUniversit de Bucarest et ralis avec le support financier du Dpartement pour les Relations Interethniques du Gouvernement Roumain, Agence Universitaire de la Francophonie et Centre Education 2000+. et laborant, dautre part, un Guide de politiques
Mots cl : Identit, interculturalite, globalisation
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Proiectul Diferene culturale, strategii identitare, politici interculturale adaptate spaiului romnesc a fost iniiat i implementat de ctre Facultatea de Psihologie si tiine ale Educaiei din cadrul Universiti din Bucureti i Centrul Educaia 2000 +, organizaie independent de politici, consultan i servicii educaionale i realizat cu sprijinul financiar al Departamentului pentru Relaii Interetnice al Secretariatului General al Guvernului Romniei i Centrului Educaia 2000+.
Descrierea proiectului i a rezultatelor cercetrii: Pornind de la realitatea c filosofia intercultural este una esenial n construcia European la care Romnia s-a angajat s participe, proiectul pe care-l prezint n acest articol analizeaz multiplele identiti care compun spaiile multietnice din centrul Romniei, acestea filtrnd fiecare, dup o gril proprie de valori, interaciunile n mediul de via comun. Istoria i cotidianul actorilor sunt martori: afirmarea identitilor culturale i recunoaterea interculturalitii se pun cel mai adesea n termeni de tensiune. i totui, cele dou aspecte ale realitii sunt inseparabile, ele formnd solul pe care proiectul european este edificat i constituie unica aprare, protecie sau construcie mpotriva debordrilor xenofobe i separatismului. A gndi Romnia ca i Europa n general, n termeni de deschidere, a defini spaiul romnesc ca i cel european sub unghiul respectului i al recunoaterii entitilor care-l compun, este valoarea esenial a acestui proiect. Cu alte cuvinte, proiectul gndete o Romnie, parte a Europei, capabil s fac fa provocrilor viitorului apropiat ale crui semne verbale cheie sunt integrarea, minoritile, migraia, piaa unic i implicaiile sociale i culturale rezultnd din toate aceste transformri.
Filiere de cercetare 60
cercetrile realizate de ctre cercettorii spacialiti n interculturalitate de la Universitatea din Geneva pentru Consiliul Europei n problema identitilor culturale din Europa i a contactelor culturale, publicate n mare parte de ctre Centre Europeen de la culture, sub coordonarea unor cercetrori de presitgiu n plan european i mondial precum Micheline Rey, Christian Ghasarian, Pierre Dassen, Marc Abeles, Irene Bellier, Anna-Maria Losonczy
cercetri realizate sub egida UNESCO, grupate sub genericul Motenirea cultural intangibil coordonate de profesorul Christoph Wulf de la Universitatea din Berlin, partener in acest proiect
tradiia colii unversitare de la Bucureti, una care a reuit s fac coal i n plan european prin modelul interdisciplinar pe care-l propunea n studiul socialului, unul care ar fi trebuit s ofere o viziune ct se poate de real celor cu responsabiliti n elaborarea de politici. Este vorba despre tradiia legat de numele lui Dimitire Gusti i a colaboratorilor si, o tradiie abandonat att de ctre oamenii politici ct i de cercettorii universitii, chiar dac dup cderea regimului comunist ar fi fost condiii pentru reluarea cercetrilor monografice. Astzi se vorbete mai mult despre tradiia interdisciplinar a colii de la Bucureti n occidentul european dect n Romnia. Prin proiectul de fa am ncercat renvierea anumitor aspecte ale acestei valoroase tradiii, n special a acelora viznd cercetarea de teren n echipe pluridisciplinare pe care le-am transformat n fapt in echipe internaionale, deoarece la anchetele de teren i la discuiile interpretative asupra datelor observate i culese din teren au participat pe lng cercettori de la Universitatea din Bucureti i cercettori strini care fie cunosc limba romn, fie limba vorbit n cadrul unor comuniti etnice din centrul Romniei. i am n vedere pe Frank Alvarez Pereyre, director de cercetare la CNRS, cercettor care cunoate bine terenul romnesc i care i-a elaborat una dintre tezele de doctorat n Romnia (La fonction pedagogique de la tradition orale roumanie) i pe Christoph Wulf de la Universitatea Liber din Berlin cu sprijinul cruia am putut identifica elemente ale visului educativ ale actorilor comunitii sseti din zona Sibiului. Filierele de cercetare enunate le-am combinat, nelegnd bine c modelele
interculturale care funconeaz bine n anumite spaii europene i pentru anumite comuniti nu pot fi pur i simplu implantate n zonele multiculturale ale Romniei, deoarece comunitile n sine se difereniaz enorm unele de altele iar interaciunile pe care le genereaz sunt expresia particularitii acestor comuniti. Proiectul intercultural pe care-l descriu coreleaz experiene
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europene n materie de interculturalitate cu ceea ce se regsete realmente n terenul studiat (zonele Mure i Sibiu), pentru a oferi o materie care s se bucure de atributele obiectivitii tiinifice celor care iau decizii n ceea ce privete construcia european a Romniei. Demersul nostru face deci vizibil participarea mediului academic la dialogul avnd ca tem construcia european a Romniei, pe dimensiunea evocat, i anume, interculturalitatea. Proiectul debuteaz cu o serie de cercetri de teren, prioritar n Mure i secundar, ca element de comparaie, n Sibiu. Alegerea nu este o surpriz, dat fiind c vorbim despre un teren conflictual n care, urmele nfruntrilor violente din martie 1990 sunt nc vii n mentalul actorilor romni i maghiari, acetia declarnd n interviuri cu toii, dup ce-i asum un timp de reflecie, c violenele se pot repeta. n acest teren, am ncercat degajarea reperelor cognitive n funcie de care comunitile etnice se identific, se gndesc ca specii sociale, ca tipuri culturale, prin studiul speranelor, nevoilor, nostalgiilor i interesele actorilor, prin studiul flexibilitii frontierenlor etnice ale comunitilor care coabiteaz, prin explorarea modului n care comunitile etnice i elaboreaz strategii de mpotrivire n faa prejudiciilor reale sau imaginare crora le sunt victime sau de aprare a propriilor interese n faa instituiilor statului ca instan a puterii, prin reconstrucii narative ale istoriilor personale n raport cu apartenena etnic. Alctuirea unui minim repertoriu de strategii identitar etnice n terenul investigat a constituit deja o baz de dezbatere n cadrul Colocviului Internaional Identitate i globalizare organizat la Bucureti. Profesori universitari i cercettori din Frana, Elveia, Germania, Ungaria, Bulgaria i Romnia au reflectat n interveniile domniilor lor i n dezbaterile care au urmat fiecrei intervenii, la resurgena chestiunii identitii etnice pe fondul construciei europene i au prezentat diverse faete ale acestei chestiuni n rile numite. Colocviul amintit a fost un pas important n proiectul nostru n ceea ce privete construcia obiectului cercetrii. ntrebndu-se de ce? i cum? istoria categoriilor identitate i globalizare precum i istoria relaiei dintre cele dou categorii a produs discursuri n diverse cmpuri disciplinare dar mai ales n spaiul politicului i al deciziei, trecnd inevitabil, chiar dac cel mai adesea implicit, prin chestiunea alteritii, participanii la colocviu au fcut explicit problema alteritii evocnd sensuri, interpretri, reprezentri, credine, informaii, mrturii despre alteritate sau despre diferena cultural precum i despre gestionarea ei prin diferite tipuri de politici devenite prilej de abordare metateoretic. Ideea atenurii aspectelor tensionate care decurg din multiplele configurri ale diferenei ne plaseaz n spaiul datoriei morale a discursului academic de evaluare a aspectelor sociale i educaionale responsabile de diversele configurri ale diferenei. Aceast datorie pe 62
deplin asumat n proiectul de fa m determin s indic i s argumentez in prezentare, urgena unei abordri critice a comprehensiunii identitii i interculturalitii n scopul construirii de modele locale i pariale infra-istorice, pentru un viitor discurs istoric iar aceast abordare presupune: studiul proceselor interculturale, a cunoaterii practicilor singulare, a chestiunii disimulrii, implicitului i non-verbalului n procedurile iniiate pentru modificarea i transformarea societii romneti, a culturilor reprezentate n acest spaiu, a chestiunii istoriilor multicentrate i polifonice, a produciilor private i clandestine de semnificaii, a luptelor instituionale sau individuale pentru oficializarea de semnificaii asociate categoriilor evocate.
Dou ci s-au conturat astfel n aceast cercetare - aciune: cea a indicrii i argumentrii universurilor cognitive care genereaz toate elementele mai sus enunate, cale dezvoltat n volumul Strategii identitare i inerculturalitate n spaiul romnesc cea a formulrii bazelor unui proiect intercultural adaptat zonei centrale a Romniei, cale dezvoltat n produciile grupate generic sub denumirea de Ghid de politici interculturale n cele ce urmeaz, voi prezenta cteva dintre aspectele cele mai relevante ale cercetrii realizate pe parcursul a doi ani de teren n zonele Mure i Sibiu (cercetarea a nceput cu un an naintea solicitrii de finanare adresate DRI), precum i a unor consideraii metodologice prin care aceste aspecte au fost reliefate n volumul Strategii identitare i interculturalitate n spaiul romnesc. ncep aceast prezentare cu cteva indicaii generale despre starea terenului transilvan din zonele indicate i despre necesitatea proiectului intercultural. Logicile comunitare dominante n mentalul actorilor din teren, egocentrice i lineare, se fac vizibile n frontierele care filtreaz interaciunile sociale i care delimiteaz spaii relativ nchise n care funcioneaz comunitile. n fapt, afiarea de frontiere comunitare este un act care nsoete cele mai evidente manifestri ale actorilor n cotidian. Aceast manier de a privi doar la propria comunitate i de a te opri acolo nu nseamn a vedea aproape ci a vedea ru, fr perspectiv, a avea o viziune deformat din cauza absenei profunzimii. A vedea i a gndi doar la propria comunitate izolat de celelalte comuniti este nu doar o simpl eroare ci o grav greeal att la nivelul moralei sociale, ct i la nivelul realitii care, mai mult dect morala n
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faa creia poi nchide ochii, ofer propriile lecii i sanciuni. Suntem ntr-un teren n care vocaia etnocentric este nc larg i dramatic rspndit att la nivelul actorilor ct i la nivel insituional i al reprezentanilor politici ai comunitilor care urzesc pentru ele cele mai eficiente strategii de separare i raportare opozitiv. Totul se ntmpl n numele diferenei culturale ncrcate de valori partizane i foarte frecvent de judeci ierarhizante, sau radicalizat n unele discursuri care fac din excluziune reacia imediat i cea mai frecvent n terenul nostru multietnic, chiar dac logica urmat este una eronat. Raporturile tensionate sau chiar de for ntre comuniti preocupate n mod prioritar de securitatea lor n faa ameninrilor demografice, economice, structurale sau chiar geografice, justific mobilizarea unui ntreg arsenal de drepturi n organizarea discursurilor sociale i n revendicrile politice, sau chiar violena. n terenul nostru, blocurile comunitare fac din ameninarea reciproc o marc a cotidianului fr a trece ns la act, deoarece tiu c totul poate exploda cu o for de necontrolat, aa cum s-a ntmplat n acel martie negru, prezent nc n memoria colectiv. Ori pacea ciudat fondat pe ameninare i team, care este esena vieii de relaie, se raionalizeaz permanent prin renvierea conflictelor i violenelor trecutului comun. Ele stau n spatele strategiei comunitilor de a considera diferena drept pretext pentru a nu se nelege. Abordarea intercultural care invit la desacralizarea comunitii i descentrare, la recunoaterea i cultivarea interdependenelor, a interaciunilor locale i internaionale i la construirea unei solidariti sociale fr frontiere etnice i rivaliti este tocmai perspectiva care lipsete din mentalul actorilor din zona Mure unde coabiteaz de secole actori romni i maghiari. Aceast perspectiv este una calitativ iar cuvntul ei cheie este interaciunea. Consonant cu construcia european la care Romnia viseaz s participe n curnd, perspectiva evocat este deja vizibil n terenul romnesc dar n alte zone (am n vedere zona Sibiului) dect cea evocat anterior, pentru care interculturalitatea d uneori impresia c este un vis imposibil. Unul din punctele cheie pe care proiectul nostru vrea s le pun n eviden este acela c, n ciuda faptului c identitatea i interculturalitatea sunt n tensiune, n actualitatea cultural este sunt de fapt inseparabile iar a le gndi mpreun este o exigen pentru Romnia ca de altfel pentru ntreaga Europ. Acest raport tensionat este punctul nevralgic al negocierilor sociale prin care se construiete pacea sau se declaneaz violena. A gndi n actualitatea cultural interaciunile umane n ali termeni i alte raporturi dect acela al identitii cu interculturalitatea este un proiect social periculos care poate antrena violene, dup cum demonstreaz istoria recent a terenului nostru. Interculturalul ne determin s gndim i s transformm violenele trecutului n surse de pace. Eecul tematicii preferate a interculturalului, 64
solidaritatea, este expresia strategiei evocate iar proiectul social de a gsi o surs de pace fondat nu pe team i amintirea violenei, ci pe libertate, dreptate sau anse egale este nc departe de a funciona n terenul transilvan. Faptul c sursele separrii ca valoare nu-i au paternitatea n terenul nostru nu este totui o scuz. Este drept, ele sunt vechi de cnd lumea i lecia biblic dat nou, oamenilor, prin istoria simbolic a triunghiului Avraam-Sara-Hagar, pe care o mai putem numi un tat i dou mame este paradigmatic pentru mesajul su intercultural. Criza cuplului Avraam Sara este o parabol a imposibilitii culturii ebraice (autocentrate, nchise) de a creea ceva, de a produce ceva nou. Soluia propus de Sara, la rndul ei simbolic, privete uniunea dintre dou culturi. Fiul care se nate este un nou tip de cultur, un nou tip social, o nou identitate rezultat din mbogirea reciproc a dou viziuni despre lume. Umilirea reciproc a celor dou mame deschide cercul vicios al raportrilor reciproce despre care terenul nostru, i multe altele nc, ofer dup mii de ani, un lung ir de lecii. Devalorizarea reciproc a celor dou femei este un model de raportare reciproc violent, o reprezentare n mic a ceea ce istoria universal ofer la scar mrit. Sara i Hagar ofer modelul respingerii unui ir de posibiliti infinite care dorm n snul culturilor. Reacia lor care se perpetueaz necontenit i pretutindeni pn n zilele noastre, este aceea de separare simbolic i de nchidere n sine, n cadrele aceluiai teritoriu. Raportul cu teritoriul mi se pare esenial n aceast pild, pentru c el este deopotriv surs de revelaie i nefericire pentru cei care-l locuiesc dimpreun, pentru cei care sunt constrni de istorie s-i triasc viaa, cultura, valorile i spiritualitatea, s-i vorbeasc propria limb n acelai teritoriu. Sursa disputelor se gsete deci ntr-un raport incontestabil cu teritoriul, n ultim instan cu pmntul, probabil n numele aceleiai lecii oferite de Genez prin interogaia de unde vii i unde te intorci? . Chestiunea originii i a sfritului conine n ea nsi sursa violenelor simbolice i reale ale cotidianului care fac dificil sau uneori imposibil coabitarea pe un teritoriu, unde, de fapt, cu toii suntem strini, dar unde toi ne considerm acas din cauza unui transfer semantic ntre termenii pmnt i teritoriu. ntr-un registru cu totul diferit de cel oferit anterior prin lecia Genezei (reflecie antropologic de tip universalist), un extras din imensul corpus de oralitate pe care l-am organizat n cadrul cercetrii ce face obiectul acestui proiect, un extras care prefaeaz n fapt universul cognitiv al actorilor din teren, sun cam n felul urmtor: unul dintre inerlcutorii notri, fcnd haz de necaz, ne introduce ntr-un univers umoristic tipic romnesc i ne spune o glum despre Ion i Janos, care nu se nelegeau tocmai bine, urmnd fidel modelele transmise de naintaii lor. Dup o ntlnire la nivel nalt la Budapesta n care responsabilii destinelor celor dou ri se angajeaz s depeasc disputele istorice, Ion se duce cu o sticl de plinc la 65
Janos (sa nu uitm c i paternitatea acestui produs cultural este disputat n culturile care coabiteaz n teritoriul magic transilvan) s pun la rndul lor capt disputelor istorice, urmnd pilda guvernanilor i de a se mpca. Dar Ioane, noi nu cu istoria am avut probleme, ci cu geografia!, rspunde Ianos. Cu aceast glum, am prefaat oarecum problema naturii corpusului prelucrat n cercetare, i anume, oralitatea n mod principal. Corpusul este format n mare parte din Obiecte necanonice de tipul limbajului cotidian, repertoriul oral transmis din gur-n gur, gesturi, ritualizri, indicaii orale, forme de organizare social i cultural legate de cuvnt, povestiri care adesea ptrund n spaiul anropologiei politice dar pe care le integrm oralitii pentru motivul c rmn fidele valorii fundamentale a culturii orale, i anume, angajarea crezului actorilor. Nu excludem genuri canonice de tipul povestirilor, glumelor, proverbelor, zictorilor Recursul la textul scris i documentul etnografic Analiza discursurilor reprezentanilor societii civile care fac o tem principal din chestiunea identitii i care, chiar dac sunt publicate n reviste, rmn n spaiul oralitii deoarece urmeaz retoricile discursurilor orale, sunt pronunate pentru a fi auzite i pentru a convinge, nu pentru a fi scrise i analizate. Prelucrarea corpusului aduce la vizibilitate un ntreg arsenal educaional, religios, politic ce ntreine pasiunile care au declanat martie negru i care antreneaz pe alocuri creteri exponeniale i crize pe care competenele culturale ale statului romn nu sunt capabile s le evite sau s le gestioneze. Ca de obicei preferm s nu vorbim despre chestiuni dureroase sau care ar putea rni orgolii, sau care este mai bine s nu fie spuse n numele unei pretinse diplomaii, dup o veche i pguboas vorb romneasc ce ne nva s nu punem paie pe foc, uitnd c uneori este nevoie s ardem ntru purificare lucrurile care ne-au fcut s trim ru, chiar dac aceasta nseamn a renva s trim. Un astfel de lucru dureros este organizarea cotidianului n terenul studiat n termenii opoziiei noi - ei, o opoziie care marcheaz practicile culturale la nivelul principalelor instituii de identificare: familie, coal, biseric, partide politice, instituii artistice. Selectez doar un exemplu al ipostazierii opoziiei noi ei care face vizibile reperele ce organizeaz mentalul actorilor celor dou comuniti i care aduc la vizibilitate unitile emic noi, romnii, stpni de drept i noi maghiarii, stpni legitimi, uniti practic echivalente, dup cum vom vedea, din perspectiva mecanismelor subterane angajate. Unitatea noi romnii, stpni de
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drept se construiete printr-o lung raportare la ei care vor s fie stpni aici. Ori noi suntem acas ne spun interlocutorii notri. Metafora casei face natural angajarea termenului stpn, proprietar care nu are nimic de negociat cnd este vorba de casa lui. Noul folclor cunoscut bine de actorii romni i exersat cu prilejul diverselor serbri colare marcheaz cu claritate uimitoare emicul n care ne situm: Noi suntem romni, aici in veci stpni, Asta-i casa noastr, nu suntem n gazd, azi singuri noi, romnii suntem in ea (in cas) stpni i parc nu ar fi deajuns, repertoriul se nchee tot ai amenintor cu treceti batalioane romne Carpatii. Limbajul comun abund de aceast metafor: noi i-am primit n casa noastr pentru c noi i includem n spaiul nostru pe toi oamenii. Fiind majoritari, prezena lor nu ne-a deranjat. Sa stea aici, dar s stea linitii, s ne lase-n pace! n acelai registru aflm c noi romnii nu suntem etnici, etnici sunt ei, care profit de statutul de minotitari si reclam c nu sunt bine tratai. Aceeai unitate se construiete i angajnd retorica suferinelor ndurate din partea lor care-i bteau si omorau pe reprezentanii notri bisericeti, astfel nct ajungem noi romnii s-i reprezentm pe ei n iconografie chiar ca purtnd vina rstignirii lui Iisus. Venicului ap ispitor evreu i se schimb apartenena n mentalul romnesc. Istoriile personale abund la rndul lor de astfel de elemente care-i mpiedic pe romnii de astzi s-i lase pe nepoeii lor s se joace cu urmaii agresorilor unguri care duceau romni la groapa cu var. Cotidianul colar nu este nici el strin de aceste elemente, anumite poetici celebre fiind angajate mai ales pe secvenele lor cu iz naionalist, dup cum declar anumii profesori de limba romn. Asistm la depresia reactiv a comunitii romne fa de ideea de autonomie a liderilor maghiari, fa de recent difuzatul film Trianon, fa de istoria care reamintete c Tansilvania a fost parte a Imperiului austro-ungar nainte de a fi prima oar integrat Romniei i mai nou, fa de legea minoritilor pe care toat lumea o consider producia partidului parlamentar care reprezint pe scena politic, comunitatea maghiar. Manifestrile reactive romneti indic subteranul (Girard) supra-actorilor romni lansai pe calea dorinei mimetice. Se contureaz n discuiile cu actorii din teren idolul fascinant cu care vor s fuzioneze, modelul crora vor s semene: el maghiarul, cu instinct dominator, dup cum se exprim un actor, cu spiritu-i naionalist, cu rutatea-i caracteristic, extremist, rasist i ru, el care este nvat la coal i biseric misiunea de a conduce Transilvania devine obstacolul adorat, modelul cu care trebuie s se identifice. ntrebarea retoric De ce s nu facem i noi un film ca Trianonul? De ce s nu vibrm i noi aa? De ce s nu vrem i noi Romnia Mare? Nici analistul fin al acestui tip de mecanism nu-i poate imagina o rzbunare mai bun dect aceea de a-l imita pe cel care te insult pentru a-i arta c-l tratezi ca pe un obstacol insignifiant. Vedem astfel cum graniele noastre imaginare (De la 67
Nistru pn la Tisa) imit graniele lor imaginare (Ungaria dodoloa) sau cum ne blamm c nu facem ca ei chiar i n dialogul civic al feelor subiri intelectualiceti din Transilvania ce actualizeaz acelai mecanism al fascinaiei subterane fa de inamicul adorat. Discuiile avnd ca obiect legea privind maghiarii din rile vecine Ungariei a fcut cteva voci romneti s sugereze s-i fac i Romnia o lege a romnilor. nc o dat inamicul adorat din universul cognitiv romnesc trebuie imitat, se convertete n model i fuziunea cu el este rzbunarea cea mai dulce. Proiectul de lege n care unii vedeau mobilizarea naiunii maghiare i adugarea unei dimensiuni etnice la valorile politice ale dreptului internaional modern, care fcea ca Ungaria s fie perceput ca o promotoare a naionalismului... al crei demers nu este nici raional, nici generos, ci chiar periculos strnete o anumit contagiune, o adevrat epidemie etnic n mentalul romnesc. Parlamentul Romniei ar trebui- urmnd fidel expresia romneasc a adoraiei obstacolelor i a transformrii lor n modele, s emit o lege asemntoare cu cea maghiar, s transgreseze aceleai constrngeri habituale ale frontierelor naionale pentru a impune frontiere simbolic etnice care au toate ansele s fie mai puernice dect cele geografice sau ar putea s aprind flcrile unor geografii alternative: o lege asemntoare ar putea emite parlamentul Romniei pentru romnii din Ungaria, Ucraina, Serbia. Dar Parlamentul Romniei a optat pentru statul unitar i nu pentru naiunea unitar. A fost i de aceast dat n urma celui maghiar n fapt vedem cum ne simim obligai s cutm ceva care, n mod potenial, este valorizat, place rivalilor notri. Unul dintre aceste lucruri este chiar, aa cum rezult din interviurile realizate n teren, recunoaterea calitii de stpn n propria ar, lucru care sfrete prin a-i antrena pe ei, maghiarii n jocul de-a stpnii pentru care au un bizar antrenament istoric. Istoricul stpn de fapt (maghiar) interesat de dorina istoricului stpn de drept (romn) de a se menine stpn dup cderea unui regim care impusese prin for aceast calitate i a condus la transformarea majoritii ungureti din Mure n majoritate romneasc, intr repede n complicitate cu ipostaza sa istoric i dezvluie n ochii notri alte voci ascunse ale realului sau alte mecanisme subterane ale actorilor cum ar fi mania obstacolelor izvort din dorine egoiste care vizeaz obstacolele cele mai grele, acelea care mobilizeaz trup i suflet i care, dup analistul acestui tip de mecanism, transform oamenii n personaliti groteti.Pentru a evidenia acest mecanism recurgem mai nti la dialogul civic, n care o voce maghiar afirm c ameliorarea conflictelor interne ale unei societi segregate etnic se poate atinge prin potenarea sau slbirea acestei segregri. Corul care cnt repertoriul potenrii segregrii etnice este ns mult mai puternic i mai activ, mai bine exersat, i foarte aproape de ctigarea trofeului anti-interculturalitate. Problema cea mai mare a acestui cor 68
este c n Transilvania deocamdat nu se poate vorbi dect despre o subcultur instituionalizat, delimitat pe linia de demarcaie etnic, subcultura maghiar. Astzi nu se poate ntrezri nc acea subcultur cu elita creia ar fi posibil un compromis. n spatele cercului restrns al intelectualitii romneti transilvaniste care a participat la aceast dezbatere, nu st nc o subcultur care s sprijine acest grup (Provincia 2001, p. 98). n fapt, dac dou subculturi s-ar ntlni exact pe aceeai linie de demarcaie etnic, ar opera cu aceleai frontiere etnice, am avea de-a face, dup R. Girard, nu cu dorine individualizate ci cu o indifereniere a dorinelor, fapt care provoac la nesfrit nfruntarea dintre rivali n jocul extrem de periculos al rivalitii mimetice. Aceast manie a obstacolelor avem impresia c sa declanat n visul ntririi celor dou subculturi pe dimensiunea etnicitii, n compromisul ce devine cuvntul-cheie al nfruntrilor permanente, unul n care succesiunea de pierderi i ctiguri de ambele pri lanseaz cu i mai mare amplitudine n jocul rivalitii mimetice. Compromisul ntre dorine identice ale unor oameni pe care nu-i separ nici timp, nici spaiu este de fapt o condamnare la disput continu i o mpingere a egoismului pn la dimensiuni diabolice. Iat un vis care, dac ar deveni real, s-ar transforma n comar. n mod concret, n terenul studiat, mania afirmrii n dauna lor, parte a jocului social al compromisului, devine o modalitate raionalizat i tehnicizat a iraionalitii. Dimensiunea sumbr a vieii, aa cum se contureaz ea prin analiza acestui vis, face, n cele din urm, ca maniacii obstacolelor s impute starea lor de ru ordinii sociale, culturale, chiar geografice care trebuiesc deconstruite i singura cale a reconstruciei ordinii sociale (n terenul nostru) este despotismul total al dimensiunii etnice, unul care face i din Dumnezeu instrumentul su: mai nti sunt maghiar i dup aceea preot sau Biserica trebuie s cultive dragostea de neam sunt doar cteva exemple de fascinaie subteran pentru modele-obstacol. Reperele de difereniere active n teren, sunt radicalizate i transformate n repere de separare (cartea prezint mai multe maniere de ritualizare a acestora), unele extrem de dureroase pentru sufletele romneti, fac vizibile n discursuri nevoia morbid de cel care respinge (dei maghiarii le repet ntr-una n teren vorba romneasc ce ne nva c dragoste cu sila nu se poate), ori tocmai aceast coordonat romneasc a subteranului o accentueaz pe cea maghiar a maniei obstacolelor. Expresia n cotidian a acestei fee ascunse a mecanismului mimetic indicat pentru comunitatea romneasc este suspinul cu tot mai mult ardoare pentru liceul Bolyai, celebrele urale din demonstraiile de odinioar sun nc viu n urechiile romneti Bolyai este-al tuturor, chiar i al romnilor. Acest suspin este intensificat de reluarea acelorai demonstraii panice maghiare cu cri i lumnri aprinse n mini care au prefaat martie negru, pentru continuarea procesului de separare la nivelul colilor i 69
universitilor (demonstraia din martie 1990 a fost amplu analizat n carte prin funciile ei rituale). Aceste manifestri sunt expresia maniei de a-i ine la distan pe ei, o manie care practic a primit o confirmare prin organizarea nvmntului n cele mai bune coli ale oraului Trgu Mure exclusiv pe criterii etnice, prin decizie guvernamental. Succesul acesta care ntrete mania obstacolelor este expresia unei alte legi a subteranului sau o alt faet a fenomenului mimetic care a fost adus la vizibilitate de nii actorii din teren prin abundena n limbajul interviurilor a sinagmei exclusiv maghiar. Vocea ascuns a sintagmei exclusiv maghiar ofer nelegerii o alt faet a mecanismelor subterane, i anume, iluzia produs prin contagiunea sau influenarea reciproc a actorilor unei comuniti. Este iluzia c exist un vinovat care trebuie respins, eliminat pentru c genereaz o situaie de criz care-i gsete soluionarea prin separarea de factorul ru i periculos. Evocm o situaie de criz, a Liceului Bolyai, care se preteaz natural unei analize girardiene pe baza indicilor acestei teorii: 1. colectivitatea maghiar de la Bolyai se simte ameninat de o minoritate redutabil (aici comunitatea romneasc a fost ntotdeauna minoritar), cnd, n realitate singura ameninat este minoritatea. 2. caracterul incredibil al acuzaiilor: prezena claselor romne mpiedic grav procesul de nvmnt n limba maghiar, amenin identitatea maghiar, nu exist destul loc pentru toi n coal, activiti comune nu sunt tolerate nici mcar la nivelul banchetelor de absolvire sau al discotecilor sau a altor tipuri de activiti extracolare, i convingerea absolut a acuzatorilor n temeinicia acuzaiilor i a revendicrii de separare. Exist toate raiunile din lume pentru a rmne singuri n cldirea care le aparine de drept, ridicat de naintaii lor Teoria mimetic ne ajut s nelegem realitatea care este reconstruit prin argumentaia care susine separarea. Prezena claselor romne n cldire nu are n sine, nimic fantastic dar este dramatizat din teama, uneori verbalizat de ctre actori, de pierdere a diferenei. Izolarea poate calma rivalitile mimetice i poate chiar s consolideze comunitatea, s fac legturile din interior i mai profunde, s produc n fapt, linitea mult dorit. i interviurile marcheaz clar acest lucru: dup separare identitatea maghiar nu mai este n pericol, ea se poate consolida n cadrul colii Efectul de catharsis nu este o simpl chestiune mitologic, terenul ne arat c este viu, real, este prezent n sufletele oamenilor i se manifest ca recunotin pentru salvatorul misterios care a organizat totul, avnd raiuni foarte bine fondate. n cazul de fa salvatorul nu are nici o legtur cu divinitatea ca n mit, el este extrem de real, este partidul care reprezint pe scena politic comunitatea maghiar i care a fcut pact cu 70
guvernarea trecut, dar n numele unei misiuni care rmne totui sacr penru el: conservarea diferenei culturale a comunitii maghiare. Salvatorul aplic o corecie asupra realitii, separnd comuniti de adolesceni etnic diferite, oferind astfel pacea fidelilor si i restaurnd ordinea social. Victima colectiv rmne vinovat din cauza unei decizii fondate pe un singur punct de vedere, cel al acuzatorilor Am evocat o situaie clasic de persecuie care se termin de asemenea n mod clasic: dup separare se instaureaz ordinea i calmul. Ele se fondeaz pe certitudinea de culpabilitate care explic respingerea global a unei minoriti i adeziunea total, fr rezerve, la ideea culpabilitii sale. Aceste elemente clasice primesc n terenul nostru, dac mai era nevoie (am mai evocat cteva n care sunt persecutai pe rnd, maghiarii, evreii, etc) nc o confirmare a transculturalitii lor: minoritatea maghiar din Romnia, victim a privaiunilor i violenelor dup formarea statului naonal unitar i mai ales n timpul regimului comunist, devine ea nsi violent de ndat ce se ivete prilejul s se manifeste n raport cu o minoritate (volumul mai ofer cteva exemple la acest punct). Un loc aparte are n terenul investigat comunitatea sseasc din Sibiu, care ofer vizibilitii un univers cognitiv unic n peisajul romnesc prin modul n care se configureaz valoric fa de celelalte comuniti etnice. Evoluia valoric dinspre tradiional spre raional devine criteriul de pertinen al organizrii acestui univers cognitiv. Aspectul evolutiv se evideniaz (sau probeaz) prin atitudinea fa de diverse aspecte legate de diferen. Cuvntul cheie al interviurilor organizate n comunitate este deschiderea. El are aceeai freven n discursuri ca i exclusivitatea etnic n cellalt teren. i este un cuvnt care are putere material, n spatele lui vezi lucruri, de pild, deschiderea bisericii evanghelce n actualitate, o biseric ce nu se consider naional (aa cum se ntmpl n cellalt teren, unde Biserica Ortodox are i n titulatra ei termenul de naional iar Biserica Reformat este perceput de toat lumea ca biserica maghiarimii din Transilvania) i n care se confirm un numr important de romni sau romi. Evoluia bisericii evanghelice ca urmare a deschiderii i a vocaiei sale ecumenice, pune n eviden naterea de noi tradiii, noi ritualizri ale vieii religioase. n orice caz viaa religioas este perceput de unii dintre interlocutorii notri ca o cale de construcie a soldaritii etnice. Contactul cultural i fenomenele de identificare cultural pot fi observate pe viu n acest spaiu i n alte planuri ale socialului: n educaie unde colile germane sunt frecventate n mod semnificativ de etnici romni sau romi (fenomenul este semnalat nc din 1850), n plan politic unde formaiunea german este votat masiv de ctre etnici romni iar programele sale nu vizeaz doar comunitatea german ci pe toi locuitorii zonei, pe plan cultural unde, indiferent de apartenena etnic, oamenii particip dimpreun la 71
marile evenimente organizate n regiune (iari fac comparaia cu Trgu Mure unde la srbtorile oraului particip oameni de etnie corespunztoare celor care organizeaz evenimentele sau susin manifestrile). Nu putem ignora la acest punct nici uurina angajrii diferitelor coduri verbale n funcie de context i de interlocutori, oricum, tensiuni legate de utilizarea limbii materne nu s-au semnalat n nici un interviu realizat n acest teren. Totul este pregtit cu grij de ctre etnicii sai, influena lor spiritual important n regiune este cultivat cu grij, n numele speranei c numrul germanilor din regiune va crete cu timpul. Deja fenomenul este vizibil n Sibiu ne spune un interlocutor, e o zon pitoreasc cu oameni primitori i putem oferi mult dac stabilitatea politic se ncheag iar o alt interlocutoare mrturisete sigurana domniei sale n ceea ce privete revenirea urmailor sailor plecai n Germania i pentru ei ne strduim s s pstrm i s transmitem ceea ce avem aici, pentru a le uura venirea n ara unde strmoii lor s-au format i au trit. Pentru actorii comunitii sseti deschiderea i fidelitatea fa de propria cultur se mpac foarte bine i concilierea lor n plan subiectiv este semn c oamenii neleg actualitatea: timpul naionalismelor trebuie s apun fiindc a venit timpul Uniunii Europene. Valorile ei sunt valabile pentru noi toi i de aceea trebuie s le mprtim. n acord cu aceste declaraii, ali interlocutori afirm c deschiderea este un el pentru mine. Imi place pluralismul de toate felurile sau Vreau s m deschid pentru a cunoate oameni interesani, altfel dect mine sau Eu nu cred n getoui-zare, vreau tot timpul s am contact cu oameni din alte culturi. Raportrilor reciproce de odinioar li se rspunde n actualitate prin deschidere, interaciune, transfer cultural, noi ritualizri n toate planurile socialului (via de familie, religie, politic, etc) care dau impresia de lume schimbat i caracterizat social vorbind prin valoarea performativitii (din punct de vedere intercultural). ntre altele performativitatea acestei lumi schimbate, dup cum sesizeaz muli actori din teren, rezult din valorizarea individualitii: n acest univers cultural important este responsabilitatea mea, implicarea mea, hrnicia mea, ordinea mea, sinceritatea mea, a inspira ncredere i valoarea cuvntului personal care devine act de voin, form intenional schimbtoare de via. Toate aceste elemente indic o distan cultural major ntre acest univers cognitiv, situat mai aproape de ceea ce literatura de specialitate indic a fi valabil pentru spaiul german recunoscut n actualitate prin valorizarea individualitii i a formelor de autoritate asociate acesteia, dect fa de mentalul comunitilor din imediata vecintate teritorial. Pentru c am insistat pe deschidere i contact cultural ca valori distinctive ale acestui univers special configurat n spaiul transilvan, afirm c aceste valori pot fi identificate i n cealalt parte a terenului nostru, i cu exemplul ce urmeaz ncheiem prezentarea 72
rezultatelor studiului realizat. Interesantul fenomen al mimesisului prin care noi romnii urmm dorina lor, a maghiarilor de a fi elite, se face vizibil prin detaarea superioar fa de balcanismul, lipsa de civilizaie, mizeria, ignia i multe alte rele ale lor restului de dincolo de Carpai n care prototipicalitatea este reprezentat de Bucureti. Interlocutorii maghiari fac vizibil o manifestare similar fa de secuii care sunt un fel de olteni de-ai maghiarilor, repezii, necivilizai, rurali. Formule verbale de tipul dac nu erau ungurii i nemii aici, eram i noi ca voi apar frecvent n discursuri i se unesc ntr-un cor ce intoneaz la unison Ardealul e altceva!. Identitatea transilvan nu este doar altceva, este rezultatul unei judeci ierarhizante care se bazeaz att pe istorie (pentru nimeni stpnirea austriac nu a fost totuna cu cea turceasc), ct i pe actualitate n care, cu toate ptrunderile din exterior, Mitic este totui mai rar pe Corso-ul clujean dect pe Calea Victoriei. Dar pericolul dilurii identitii transilvane exist din cauza invaziei lipsei de gust a Bucuretiului...care distruge patina local, care face cunoscut n Transilvania vocea politicii autoritariste de la Bucureti afectnd vocaia democratic a regiunii inclus de interlocutori n zona central-european fa de restul romnesc integrat ntr-o alt geografie (cea balcanic). De aceast dat alteritatea nu este doar implicit ci este analizat i opus procedurilor de construcie a identitii transilvane ale crei repere sunt ironia brbteasc, soliditatea intelectual, consistena, anvergura spiritual,polemicile inteligente, pline de ndrzneal, construciile mentale. Modelul identitii transilvane aa cum se contureaz el n discursurile romneti mai ales, este unul care integreaz i depete dimensiunea etnicitii, o desacralizeaz n favoarea fenomenelor de metisaj cultural i al vieii trite mpreun. Unde s-ar plasa identitatea maghiar n acest vis identitar romnesc? Pn la rezlvarea acestei probleme de coeren a modelului identitii transilvane care mobilizeaz voinele n cntul comun i la unison al refrenului Ardealul e altceva! ne ntrebm cum rmne cu problema reconcilierii care este una acut n cotidian i n care unii intelectuali vd un nou...potenial de confruntare: Eu cred c rezultatul final va fi c toat lumea i va da seama c exist o discrepan profund ntre ateptrile i dezideratele minoritii maghiare pe de o parte, i disponibilitatea majoritii de a le accepta. Ceea ce este un lucru foarte periculos. Absena unui instrument al dialogului sincer privind ansele reconcilierii rezultnd din tonul pesimist al discursului evocat anterior este acompaniat de alte poziii cheie rezultnd din dialoguri, organizate pe ideea c, pentru a reui, schimbrile trebuie s fie dorite de actorii ale cror istorii personale vor primi noi mrci identitare. n aceste condiii ntrebarea naiunea de voin transilvan este un vis pentru toi actorii din teren? este una care nu are nc un rspuns care s poat fi anticipat, n ciuda plasrii ei, cel din perspectiva inteniei angajate, n orizontul 73
interculturalitii. Discursul acestei prezentri urmeaz impregnrii cercettorului de temele dominante ale actorilor din teren i a abordrii experienelor adesea dureroase i destabilizante dar care au marele merit de a ne ajuta s ne distanm de lucruri pe care, n general, le lum ca mergnd de la sine n propria cultur. Tocmai expresia de la sine nelese am particularizat-o, caracterizat-o i interogat-o n proiectul de fa, evocnd punctele de vedere ale actorilor din teren n ncercarea de a o aduce la vizibilitate. Pentru aceasta terenul a fost mai degrab dect un dispozitiv din care am extras elemente pentru a proba ceea ce am avansat ca obiect de cercetare, un spaiu de interaciuni, o negociere continu de sensuri, ntr-un veritabil co-savoir. nchei mrturisind c este vorba de o cercetare marcat de diverse tensiuni, dintre care cea a concilierii obiectivitii cu subiectivitatea este esenial, ea rezultnd din grija de a nu dezincarna subiectul abordrii i de a-i proba totodat consistena, de a nu pierde emoia interaciunilor din teren prin ordonarea ei n cadre teoretice pentru a fi fcut vizibil celui interesat de fizionomia unor terenuri inter i multiculturale din spaiul romnesc.
Profilul academic si profesional
Lavinia Brlogeanu este profesor universitar doctor la Universitatea din Bucureti, Facultatea de Psihologie i tiine ale Educaiei. Pred cursurile de Antropologie cultural i pedagogic, Filosofia educaiei i Psihopedagogia artei. Este cercettor asociat al UMR 8099 Langues, Musiques, Societes din cadrul Universitii Paris 5 Ren Descartes i al CNRS din Frana. A coordonat proiecte de cercetare finanate de Agence Universitaire de la Francophonie, Guvernul Romniei (Departamentul pentru Relaii Interetnice) i Centrul Educaia 2000+. Face parte din echipe internaionale de cercetare susinute de ctre Office pour la Jeunesse FrancoAllemande.
lavinia.barlogeanu@idilis.ro
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How Student Assessment Increases the Learning Process: case studies
Author(s) Elena Cano (University of Barcelona) Nati Cabrera (Open University of Catalonia) Xavier Ximeno (Autonomous Universtity of Barcelona) Georgeta Ion (university of Bucharest)
Abstract
The paper presents a case study on good assessment practices in the students learning process within the university scope. Six professors of most important Catalan public universities have been selected. There has been made an attempt to understand to what extent the selected practices display characteristics that make them practically excellent. Data has been gathered from three main sources: an in-depth interview with professors, a questionnaire applied to their students and the analysis of documents. The purpose was to get an exhaustive understanding of what a good assessment practice consists of and how it may generate better learning for students. Assessment/Evaluation, Quality, Student experience, Teaching methods
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The project investigates the assessment of students learning in the ECTS context. The main aim is to analyze the assessment practices currently in use, placing special emphasis on the ones considered to be excellent, in order to identify their strengths and to propose ways of disseminating specific actions that are likely to enhance our assessment activity in general. The objectives of our project are: C. To define and characterize assessment practices of excellence. D. To analyze and compare the views of teachers and students from public and private universities regarding the proposals for assessment processes; to assess their transparency, flexibility, and accuracy, and their ability to measure the competencies acquired. E. To explore teachers' conceptions and planning processes that lead to the implementation of assessment activities; to investigate the variables that best explain what quality assessment practice should be. F. To promote the use of teaching-learning processes with the most successful assessment systems, in terms of students' and teachers satisfaction with the learning achieved. The results of this two-year project provide the basis for the beginning of a new phase in which we focus on the evaluation of competencies inside the ECTS framework. Perspective or theoretical framework The area of educational assessment is relatively recent. In recent decades it has evolved considerably, generating studies on the assessment of institutions, programs, and professors. At international level, the literature on the subject dates back to the classic works of Scriven (1967, 1973, 1981), continuing with Stufflebeam and Shinkfields syntheses (1987), MacDonalds proposal of democratic evaluation (1988) and the well-known standards of the Joint Committee on Standards for Educational Evaluation (1981), Boud (1991) and Dressel (1961). The evolution in the evaluation of programs has been particularly notable, from Tylers objectives-driven model to Stakes model of responsive evaluation, Parlett and Hamiltons illuminative model, or Eisners artistic criticism model. Institutional and teaching staff assessment has also undergone numerous developments. However, student assessment, especially within the university area, has developed little since the already classic studies of psychometrics. In spite of this, in the last two decades, some interesting studies on the subject have been conducted. Particularly important are the contributions of Allal, Cardinet and Perrenoud (1979), Lafourcade (1985), Heywood (1989) and the Joint Committee (1988). We should also mention the international investigations by Bangert, 1995; Boud, 1988; Breland, 1983; Cohen-Schotanus, 1999; Cruse, 1987; Ebel and Frisbie, 1986; Gibbs, 1989; Millman and Greene, 1989; Rolfe and McPherson, 1995 or Topping, 1998; Boud and Falchikov (2006). These classic works constitute the basis for the study we present here. The starting-point of this study, then is our review of the classic literature, expanded and complemented by the works on educational assessment that have been produced in the last decade. Among these recent developments, we would highlight the following points: 2. Assessment is situated at the "crossroads" of teaching. This means that it is an effect of the learning process, but simultaneously it is a reason for it. In Miller's words, assessment orientates the curriculum and can thus generate a real change in the learning processes. Allen (2000) and Brown and Glassner (2003) have shown that assessment
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cannot be limited to the issue of a grade, but that it means far more than this. It cannot be centred on the mere reproduction and repetition of information - high order cognitive competencies must be evaluated as well. Equally, it cannot be limited to "pencil and paper" tests, since complex and varied instruments are needed. 3. Assessment must constitute an opportunity for learning and must be used, not for selecting the students who possess certain competencies, but for promoting these competencies in all the students. This formative dimension, formulated by Scriven, has been studied in recent years by Hall (2003) and Kaftan (2006). 4. Assessing competencies obliges us to use a diversity of instruments and to involve different agents in the process. We have to take samples of pupils productions, and use observation as a strategy for obtaining systematic information. This can be accompanied by closed records such as check-lists or scales, or by open ones, and it can be done by the professor, by peers, or by individual students (or by all of them, in a 360 assessment model). In any case it must provide information about the development of the competency and suggest ways for improvement. In this respect, authors like McDonald et al (2000), Stephen and Smith (2003), Scallon (2004), Gerard (2005), Laurier (2005) or De Ketele (2006) have analyzed the meaning of designs for competencies, and of what competencies assessment implies. 5. The assessment has to be consistent with the rest of the elements of the formative design and integrated in it. For this reason, the methodological experiences that are most in tune with the designs for competencies, that is, simulations, projects, PBL, etc., are associated with activities that are highly relevant for competencies assessment. The works of Segers (2001) and Gijbels (2005) have proved highly illustrative in this respect. Jennings, Rienzi, Lyda (2006) conducted a student assessment using an embedded assessment technique, in which a class assignment served as an assessment tool. Their assessment was designed to measure students knowledge of theory. More specifically, they measured three program objectives associated with one program goal. 6. The assessment must heighten students awareness of their level of competencies, of how they solve tasks, what strong points they must promote and what weak points they must correct in order to face future learning situations with confidence. This process of self-regulation, described by Boedaerts and Zeidner (2000), will be essential for the future of Life Long Learning and, constitutes, in itself, a key skill. 7. Assessment must be shared. This means that students must be partners in the assessment processes. Giles, Martin & Bryce, 2004 report that most course evaluations in higher education are designed and conducted by university staff, and that students are only rarely given central responsibility for planning and implementing an evaluation. Involving students as partners in educational assessment may offer them authentic ways to develop their professional competencies.
Methods, techniques or means of inquiry The study subscribes to the qualitative/interpretative paradigm (Haberman, Maxwell, Wittrock). Our aim is to understand what a good assessment practice consists of, taking into account its complexity and multidimensionality. The intention is neither to offer general hypotheses nor to establish patterns of behaviour; we leave it to the reader to make inferences. We base our methodology on the logics of the qualitative paradigm (Shawn, Guba, Lincoln).
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First, we analyzed the literature in the field of study in order to provide a framework for our theoretical approach, and to formulate a perspective on educational assessment in general and on the assessment of students competencies in particular. In a series of group discussions, the team conceptualized assessment as a systematic process of gathering, analyzing and interpreting data in order to make judgements and take decisions. We then performed a multiple case study, analyzing six cases of educational actors viewed as promoters of assessment practices of excellence.
Our case studies are courses taught at six Catalan universities in a range of specializations: Universit Autonomou y of s University Barcelon of a Barcelona Social Sciences Technologica X l Sciences (Pharmac y) Health Sciences Education Sciences X (School Teachers) Polytechnic Open University Universit of Catalonia y of Cataloni a X (Law) X (Engineerin g) University Rovira i Virgili (Tarragona) Universit y Pompeu Fabra
X (MicroBiology) X (Psychology )
Table 1: Selected cases The six cases analyzed were selected in accordance with the following criteria: A. The extent to which they present features that the investigation group considers as determinants of good evaluation practices. B. The teachers profile, based on aspects such as students satisfaction, leadership, membership of an innovation group, and the number of publications on the teaching/learning process and their impact factor. C. A range of specialities, in order to be representative of different disciplines. D. Use of innovating teaching/learning methodology such as problem-based learning, project-based learning, autonomous study and the assessment techniques used in the cooperative learning process. E. Different types of formative experiences e.g., face to face or e-learning. F. Curriculum design.
Data sources or evidence 78
The mechanisms of information collection chosen shed light on the asssessment processes and allow us to determine the quality of the interviews with professors, the questionnaires, and the documentary analysis.
Research Technique Interviews teachers
Information sources with Teachers
Information Description of evaluation system Explanation of the reasons for adopting and implementing the present evaluation methodology. Understanding the multidimensionality of the assessment process. Opinions of the characteristics of the evaluation system. Students satisfaction with their evaluation system. Correspondence between program components (objectives, contents, methodology, evaluation).
Questionnaires for students
Students
Documentary analysis
Curricular program
Assessment system Correspondence between assessment tests design (exams, and objectives, contents and methodology. activities, practice handbook, portfolios, etc.) Other e.g. Teachers feed-back and contribution to students continuous assessment.
Table 2: Sources of information The semi-structured interview was designed in accordance with the characteristics of good assessment practices and incorporated quality assurance processes. To ensure consistency, the interviews were designed and processed by the same person. The data were sorted and analyzed by means of Atlas Ti. The students questionnaire comprised 25 items structured in two parts. The first part consists of 20 items covering approximately 20 characteristics of a good assessment practice. The questionnaire was completed anonymously and was administered by our researcher (except in the case of the Open University of Catalonia, where the questionnaires were administered through the virtual platform). The second part of the questionnaire, comprising five items, aimed to compare and improve the data obtained in the first part. The questionnaires were analyzed statistically. In our documentary analysis, we examined new data on types of assessment tools, feedback and proposed materials. Our use of data triangulation enabled us to achieve a fuller understanding of the assessment practices used by teachers and a more detailed explanation of the extent to which these practices correspond to the ideal characteristics of quality assessment that we established at the beginning of our research.
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Results and/or conclusions/points of view The first contribution of our research concerns the identification of 20 fundamental characteristics of a good assessment practice. Thus, this must be: Consistent Proportionate Accreditative* Formative Diagnostic Explicit Flexible Different Correct Contextualized Viable Meta- evaluative Motivating Friendly Fast Precise Individualize d Continuous Ethical Collective
G. By accreditative, we mean a process that certifies students knowledge Table 3. The 20 characteristics of a good assessment These 20 characteristics are broadly similar to the ones proposed by the Assessment Reform Group (2002), which states that: Evaluation is part of the teaching and learning process It implies sharing of learning objectives with the students It assumes that students know and understand evaluation criteria It incorporates students' self-evaluation It provides information to students so they know what the next step in their education should be It implies that students know and understand evaluation criteria It is based on the belief that every student can progress It requires the commitment of both teachers and students to check and decide on the evaluation data
Individualized reports were produced for each of the case studies, based on the analysis of the questionnaires, the interview and the documents. As the table below shows, our triangulation found three characteristics that were present in each case, and three other characteristics which were missing, in spite of being considered good practices. This finding emphasizes the contextual nature of all evaluation practices. University of Barcelona (UB) Autonomo us University of Barcelona (UAB) Polytechnic University of Catalonia (UPC) Open Universit y of Catalonia (UOC) University Rovira i Virgili (Tarragona) (URV) Universit y Pompeu Fabra (UPF)
Consistent Proportionate Accreditative * Formative Diagnostic Explicit
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Flexible Different Correct Contextualize d Viable Metaevaluative Motivating Friendly Fast Precise Individualized Continuous Ethical Collective * By accreditative, we mean a process that certifies students Table 4: Global results: According to our responses, a good evaluation has to be formative and consistent. First, all teachers and students indicated that they value an assessment that is in alignment with the aims of learning, the contents, and the methodologies used. This consistency is rated particularly highly by the teachers interviewed and emerges clearly in the documentary analysis. Consistent design is a prerequisite for an assessment to be formative. There is a correlation between consistency and the formative aspect of the assessment. However, other aspects which would be desirable in assessment practices do not appear. These aspects are: diagnostic, flexible, and individualized. The results show that the assessment at the beginning of the course or a unit in order to explore students previous knowledge and expectations is not sufficiently developed. This idea was confirmed by students, teachers, and the documents. This is clearly an aspect that should be worked on in the future, especially in the process of competencies assessment. Nor did the assessment practices emerge as flexible (there is no negotiation, there are no itineraries enabling students to choose from among several options), or individualized (catering for diversity or adjusting to students needs). In general, similar systems of assessment are used for all students, presumably to ensure that the evaluation is correct. Clearly, this situation does not correspond to a constructivist paradigm of education (in which each individual actively constructs his/her own knowledge starting from his/her previous knowledge or what he/she considers significant and functional). The rest of characteristics (of the twenty initially outlined) are more evident in some cases than others, and with different weights. Clearly, future studies are needed to explore each one of them in greater depth.
Results of each case study:
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The case study at the UB was the course Pharmaceutical Technology a core subject in the third year syllabus studied by 350 pupils in any one year. The most interesting features of the assessment in this course were the following: pupils themselves prepare a set of multichoice questions, and act as monitors of other pupils in the laboratory; professors use diagnostic assessment (which is not perceived as such by the pupils); and surprise tests are set during the course (which, regardless of the grades obtained, helped to improve students final performance). The teaching team constantly discussed their assessment techniques: We changed the methodology and assessment in one of the seminars, and kept the others the same (that is, in the traditional lecture format), so that we would be able to study whether student satisfaction changes and whether their performance improved. This is something that we do not take for granted. Thanks to this meta-assessment, the teachers were able to modify their assessment tests to bring them more into line with the aims of the course, plan the practicals to adapt them to the demands of the professional world, and diversify the assessment tools in order to obtain relevant, reliable information from each pupil. This had a positive impact on the cohesion and exhaustiveness of the assessment practices: the objective tests aimed to reflect whether the pupils had mastered the main concepts of the subject (which ties in with the idea of assessment as a process that certifies students knowledge), the essay test allows an assessment of taxonomically higher levels of learning, and finally, questions reproducing real-life problems promoted the integration and application of knowledge (in this case, interpreting the pharmacopoeia, the official compendium of drugs). At the UOC, a virtual university with adult students, the assessment process is defined explicitly and thoroughly. The process comprises continuous assessment tests which students send to their tutors during the course and which are returned both in a group (in the virtual classroom) and individually. Other features to be highlighted in the course chosen (Procedural Law) are its consistency with the objectives of the course and the fact that it is formative. The documents and the opinions of the students and lecturers reflect the close relation between the course contents and the assessment activities, and the extent to which these activities correspond to the aims, especially the learning of certain procedures: Focusing on the question, identifying the problem, seeing the implications and quoting the legal regulations involved in the question this is what we are looking for. The solution the pupil actually reaches is not so important as the method of analysis used and the capacity to identify and deal with problems he or she shows This proposal is also very formative. Perhaps the quality of the feed-back and its agility are the elements that most contribute to this formative element. We highlight the importance of the immediacy of feedback, and of the students involvement in the revision. This can help us to make assessment more motivating (which is one of the key features in this case). Finally, this assessment proposal was proportionate and precise. At the UPC, a school of engineering which offers a range of degree courses, the assessment procedure involved three main features: project work (in which a first version is presented and discussed and improvements are then introduced in a second version); continuous assessment, in which work is handed in (continuous assessment has been shown to increase both the number of students who sit the end-of course exams and the number who pass); and self-regulatory practices, in which each pupil writes an account of how a particular problem was resolved and how it should have been resolved, noting the mistakes to be avoided in the future. This assessment procedure is therefore continuous, formative and consistent. The teacher supports this kind of assessment in order to promote autonomous, reflective learning. 82
Learning from the dynamics that this teacher applies can help to develop the ability to learn autonomously in the future. The consistency of the assessment with the philosophy of the institution, the viability of the proposal (for instance, changing the assessment scale for some of the work handed in from 0-10 to pass/fail), the transparency of the criteria, the speed with which the work was returned and the personalization of the evaluation (based on a very clear protocol) were very positive elements. The case study carried out at the UPF (a new university, founded some fifteen years ago) presents some interesting features of its own. We analysed the course entitled Microbiology, where traditional lectures have been replaced by a set of reading materials that pupils study before coming to class (at the beginning of each session there is a short test to check what they have read) and by cooperative work in class for the collective construction of knowledge. A debate was also held on a specific theme taken from the course contents, and a final written test was set. This assessment procedure was characterized by its explicitness and transparency (from day one onwards, the students knew what work they had to present and the criteria according to which they would be evaluated). The role of the assessment procedure in certifying students knowledge was also very important. Both the teacher and the students stressed that the assessment allowed them to know whether the basic concepts of the course had been mastered. However, they differed in terms of the type of knowledge: the teacher considered that the procedures (of application, of reflection) and the transversal competencies are developed and assessed, but the students considered that the assessment was based more on the conceptual content. These comments may give us useful clues for the future; we must help the students to appropriate the objectives of the course and the assessment criteria for themselves. We can also learn from this teachers continuous interest in improving assessment techniques: I change the assessment procedure a little every year For example, last year I didnt do what I did a couple of years ago, involving colleagues from outside: I set an exam (and another colleague gave me the exam that he sets his pupils), to see what they thought, and to have some kind of external control, to compare We also did an experiment with the dean to see if after three years, if you reset an exam theyve done, to see what they remember most clearly, depending on the type of course subject, the type of assessment and the time The varied and continuous nature of assessment is another emerging dimension that should be borne in mind. At the URV the assessment was carried out at the faculty of psychology, in a course based on portfolio work in which the pupils hand in essays based on their learning and select the ones they consider best reflect their process of knowledge building. We stress its consistent, formative and continuous nature, although this may make it relatively unviable (i.e. the material for the portfolios had to be selected randomly). It is consistent with the teachers conceptions (another point that we extract from this analysis is that each of us should review our own conceptions of the teaching-learning process in order to improve our teaching practices). The process should be based on the need to learn to learn, to ensure that learning is meaningful, and to seek genuine assessment experiences able to enhance transversal and professionalizing competencies. It is also consistent with the teaching methodology, which combines presentation sessions, the supervision of teamwork, oral presentations, autonomous work and guided practice for the case analysis. All these features heighten the formative dimension. One of the most interesting elements of this practice is the incorporation of selfassessment (that is, a more profound evaluation than merely giving oneself a grade) and of peer assessment (to promote honesty and reflection on the assessment criteria). These two activities 83
may prove very helpful in the future for the assessment of competencies, which requires the integration of various perspectives to obtain a more holistic vision that will help us to take stock of the ways in which we perform certain tasks, and thus improve them. The UABs assessment project also focused on portfolios made by teacher trainees in the field of Artistic Expression. This is a more homemade assessment project, with longer processes of preparation and slower results, but consistent with the dynamic of the course and the classroom practices. It is interesting to see that the diagnostic assessment performed was not perceived as such by almost a third of the students. This probably indicates that the processes of diagnostic assessment should involve a certain degree of self-assessment. One of the most interesting aspects is the process of negotiation of the assessment with the classroom group and the individualized form that the assessment eventually adopts. The preparation of portfolios produces some very interesting results, such as the need to organize their development carefully if one has not previously worked with this format (and making them progressively more free) or the need to estimate the time needed for their preparation very accurately (so that it should not go on too long). On occasions, preparing a portfolio may cause stress and disorientation, and it may be some time before it appears to be motivating passed. Preparing meetings to guide the teachers and peers in this process of the construction of knowledge and of mechanisms for revision that is, providing a scaffolding for the work is extremely important. Finally, we should stress that this is one of the cases in which the pupils valued most positively the acquisition of attitudes (in preference to concepts and procedure). Having an attitude that promotes initiative, responsibility and systematic analysis of pre-conceived ideas (in this case, with respect to artistic representations) are key competencies for students academic development and for success in the professional environment in the future.
Educational or scientific importance of the study The main purpose of the study was to make practical proposals for the improvement educational processes in universities, specifically the assessment of the learning process. We conclude that appropriate evaluation design may help to bring the formative results into line with the needs and expectations of prospective employers. The most important issues covered by the research are the following: Firstly, the processes of certifying students knowledge by different units (for instance, the external evaluation of processes on the basis of pre-established instructions), and, moreover, the award of grades as part of the curriculum. Clearly, additional viable information on students performance will be needed. In this regard, the assessment of learning processes will be fundamental and research may be relevant to their improvement. Secondly, little research has been carried out in this area to date; in the context of the creation of a European Higher Education Area, our study is timely and its outcomes may be of use to the academic world in general. Thirdly, by improving assessment we may also improve educational performance. Assessment should not be considered in isolation from the other elements of the curriculum. Innovations in the field of assessment may help to open up new ways of approaching education and the teaching-learning process, and will encourage the use of new methodologies.
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References ALLEN, D., Ed. (2000). La evaluacin de los aprendizajes de los estudiantes. Una herramienta para el desarrollo profesional de los docentes. Barcelona, Paids. BAIN; K. (2004). What the best College Teachers Do. Cambridge: Harvard University Press BANGERT, A.W., (1995), Peer assessment: An instructional strategy for effectively implementing performance-based assessment, Dissertation Abstracts International, 56, 3505 BIGG, J. (2003). Calidad del aprendizaje universitario. Cmo aprenden los estudiantes. Madrid, Narcea. BOEKAERTS, M. PINTRICH, R.; ZEIDNER, M. (2000). Handbook of self-regulation, London: Academic Press. BOUD, D. (1991, 2 ed.), Implementing student self assessment Campbelltown: Higher Education and Development Society of Australasia Incorporated. BOUD, D. (ed), (1988), Developing student autonomy in learning, Kogan Page, Londres BOUD, D.; FALCHIKOV, N. (2006). Aligning assessment with long-term learning. Assessment & Evaluation in Higher Education, 31 (4), 399-413. CENTER FOR THE STUDY FOR HIGHER EDUCATION FOR THE AUSTRALIAN UNIVERSITIES TEACHING COMMITTEE (2002), Assessing Learning in Australian Universities. Melbourne: AUTC. BROCKBANK, A.; MCGILL, I. (2002). El aprendizaje reflexivo en la educacin superior. Madrid: Morata. BROWN, S., GLASNER, A. (Ed.) (2003). Evaluar en la universidad. Problemas y nuevos enfoques. Madrid, Narcea. COHEN-SCHOTANUS J. (1999). Student assessment and examination rules. Med Teach 1999; 21: 318-21. DE KETELE, J.M. (2006), Caminhos para a Avaliaao de Competencias. Revista Portuguesa de Pedagogia, 40 (3), 135-147. DRESSEL, P. (1961) Evaluation in Higher Education. Cambridge: The Riverside Press/ Boston: Houghton Mifflin. EBEL RL, FRISBIE DA. (1986), Essentials of educational measurement (4th ed.). Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986. GERARD, F.M. (2005), Lvaluation des comptences travers des situations complexes. Actes du Colloque de lAdmee-Europe, IUFM Champagne-Ardenne, Reims, 24-26 Octobre 2005. GIBBS, G. et al., (1989), 53 interesting ways to assess your students, TES, Bristol GILES, A.; MARTIN, S.; BRYCE, D.; HENDRY, G. (2004) Students as partners in evaluation: student and teacher perspectives. In: Assessment &Evaluation in Higher Education, vol. 29, no.6, December, 2004 GIJBELS, D.; VAN DE WATERING, G.; DOCHY, F. (2005). Integrating assessment tasks in a problem-based learning environment. In Assessment and evaluation in higher education 30(1): 73-86. HALL, K. BURKE, W. (2003). Making formative Assessment Work. London, Open University Press. HAVNES, A. (2004). Examination and learning: an activity-theoretical analysis of the relationship between assessment and educational practice. Assessment & Evaluation in Higher Education, 29 (2), 159-176. HEYWOOD, J. (1989), Assessment in Higher Education. Chichester: Wiley. JENNINGS, P., RIENZI, B., LYDA, L. (2006). Assessing student learning: a case study. In: Teaching Sociology, vol. 34, July, pp. 286-295
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KAFTAN, J. M. BUCH, G. A.; HAACK, A. (2006). Using formative assessment to individualize instruction and promote learning. In Middle School Journal 37(4): 44-49. LAURIER, M.D. (2005), valuer les comptences: pas si simple Formation et Profession (Montral), 11 (I), 14-17. MACDONALD, J. (2003) Assessing online collaborative learning: process and product. Computers and Education. 40 (4) 377-391 MACDONALD, J., HEAP, N. & MASON, R. (2001) "Have I learnt it?" Evaluating competencies for resource based study using electronic resources. British Journal of Educational Technology 32 (4) 419-434. MCDONALD, R,; BOUD, D.; FRANCIS, J.; GONCZI, A. (2000), Nuevas perspectivas sobre la evaluacin. Boletn Cinterfor, 149, 41-72. MCVAY, M. (2002) 9 Principles of Good Practice for Assessing Student Learning. In Evaluating Student Mastery and Program Effectiveness. Publications for American Association for Higher Educations, Pennsylvania. MILLMAN J, GREENE J. (1999). The specification and development of tests of achievement and ability. In: Linn RL (Ed.) Educational Measurement (3rd ed.). New York: MacMillan, pp 447-474. OCDE. (2005). "The definition and selection of key competencies. Executive summary". Available from: http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/47/61/35070367.pdf ROLFE I, McPHERSON J. (1995). Formative assessment: how am I doing?. Lancet 1995; 345: 837-9. SCALLON, G. (2004). La evaluation des apprentisages dans une approche par competences. Qubec, Ed. Du Renouveau Pdagogique. SCRIVEN, M. (1973). Goal free evaluation. In F.R. House, School Evaluation. The politics and process. Berkeley: McCut Cheon Publisher. SCRIVEN, M. et al. (Eds.) (1967). Perspectives of Curriculum Evaluation. Chicago: RandMcNally. SEGERS, M. DOCHY, F. (2001). New Assessment Forms in Problem-based Learning: the value-added of the students' perspective. In Studies in Higher Education 26(3): 327-343. SHAWN, I. F. (2003): La evaluacin cualitativa: introduccin a los mtodos cualitativos. Paids, Barcelona. SIMPSON, D. RONALD (2003). A Search for the complete Education: Balancing the Needs for Survival and Fulfillment. Innovative Higher Education, 28 (2), 91-105. STEPHEN, R., SMITH, R.,et al. (2003). Assessing Students Performances in a Competencybased Curriculum. In Academic Medicine 78(1), pp. 97-107. TOPPING, K., (1998), Peer assessment between students in colleges and universities, Review of Educational Research, 68(3), 249-276 AIDA group (an interuniversity research group which receives funding from the Spanish Ministry of Education and Culture: reference SEJ2007-65786/EDUC13) was created to research aspects of student assessment at Universities in the European Higher Education Area.
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Project SEJ2007-65786/EDUC: EVALUACION DE COMPETENCIAS DE LOS ESTUDIANTES NIVERSITARIOS ANTE EL RETO DEL EEES: DESCRIPCION DEL ESCENARIO ACTUAL, ANALISIS DE BUENAS PRACTICAS Y PROPUESTAS DE TRANSFERENCIA A DIFERENTES ENTORNOS. Members: Coloma Barb, Rosario Barrios, Natividad Cabrera, Elena Cano (coord.), Xavier Chavarra, Jaime Fabregat, Xavier Gimeno, Georgeta Ion, Pilar Iranzo, Teresa LLeix, Francesc Martnez, Juana M Tierno
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LIMBAJUL NONVERBAL N EDUCAIA I RECUPERAREA ELEVIILOR CU AUTISM Cristina Tabacaru Universitatea din Bucuresti
Mottto : Cnd vorbeti, semeni ; cnd asculi, culegi.
(Plutarh) "Toata lumea tie c anumite lucruri sunt imposibile, pn vine cineva care nu tie acest lucru i le realizeaz." (Albert Einstein)
Abstact
The present study is dedicated to the evaluation of the problem of nonverbal communication, the first dimension conceived by persons with difficulties in the psychic development. The purpose of this research is conditioned by great lately transformations in psychological science, in direct link with increasing importance of nonverbal communication, the examination of nonverbal communication competence of 6 12 years old children with sever disabilities. The results indicated that children with difficulties exposed strengths and lacunas in nonverbal communication skills, they are a significant deficit in nonverbal language compared to normal. Role of family (parents and relatives) is considered to be of maximal importance in achievement of some progress in development of children. Methodic applying of development improvement resources to children with sever difficulties can be more efficient if it
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is done as soon as possible by a team of divers specialists in collaboration with relatives and family of child.
Cuvinte cheie: deficien sever, limbaje nonverbale, comunicare nonverbal, educaie, recuperare. Studiul documentelor colare, al cercetrilor arat c numrul elevilor cu deficiene severe care sunt colarizai a crescut simitor, iar efectivul claselor speciale cuprinde i un numr semnificativ de elevi care au dificulti majore n dezvoltarea abilitilor colare. n practica psihopedagogic de la clas se simte lipsa unor repere de dezvoltare a comunicrii dintre profesorul psihopedagog i elevul cu deficien sever, cteva noi strategii de desfurare a leciei, care de altfel, nu mai este o lecie tradiional, ci se desfoar sub forma unor secvene terapeutice, instructiv-recuperative. nvmntul nostru special este dominat nc de activitile comune, dirijate strict de educator, cu desfurare uniform pentru toi copiii, n care comunicarea nonverbal dei este prezent ntodeauna mai ales atunci cnd lipsete cea verbal, ea este mai puin valorificat i exploatat n activitile instructiv-educative. Este important subiectul pentru c acum n practica de zi cu zi accentul a rmas pe verbal i mai puin pe nonverbal, sarcinile activitilor instructiv-educative nc nu i-au schimbat formatul tradiional. Se impune realizarea de cercetri n cadrul natural (n cadrul colilor speciale) pentru perfecionarea coninutului nvmntului special, pentru diversificarea metodelor i mijloacelor de stimulare a comunicrii verbale i nonverbale la diferite categorii de elevi cu deficiene. Eficiena actului educativ reprezint rezultatul interaciunii tuturor factorilor i condiiilor ce particip la desfurarea lui, iar relaia de comunicare este un factor extrem de important de care depinde reuita sau eecul activitii pedagogice ;
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Dei este binecunoscut relaia dintre nonverbal i verbal n literatura pedagogic i didactica de specialitate, mai rmne totui n prezent accentul pe comunicarea verbal, evaluarea conform performanelor verbale, uitarea i trecerea n planul al doilea al comunicrii nonverbale, incapacitatea actorilor i participanilor, direci sau indireci, la educaie de a recepiona, decodifica, nelege i ncuraja mesajele nonverbale.
Cercetarea interaciunii dintre comunicarea nonverbal i implicaiile psihopedagogice (activiti instructiv-educative i de recuperare) ne d posibilitatea s punem o serie de probleme legate de coninutul i caracterul programelor, la realizarea modalitilor de evaluare, cu privire la bazele tiinifice ale alctuirii manualelor (cu att mai mult cu ct n cadrul colilor speciale elevii nu beneficiaz de manuale corespunztoare, iar copii cu handicap sever sunt lipsii de orice manual), la elaborarea metodicilor predrii disciplinelor i la gsirea unor criterii tiinifice de ntocmire a materialelor intuitive.
G.
Formele variate ce difer de la diagnostic la altul, precum i caracterul
difereniat al manifestrilor comportamentale i ale comunicrii nonverbale, precum i mecanismul complex al dezvoltrii acestui sistemului comunicrii totale atrag atenia specialitilor din domenii diferite (logopezi, psihologi, neuropsihologi, clinicieni, educatori).
H.
Interesul pentru acest subiect este legat de faptul c dei metodele de profilaxie,
de diagnosticare i stimulare a comunicrii nu s-au schimbat de-a lungul ultimilor ani, practica activitii terapeutului, a profesorului psihopedagog cu deficienii severi care au astfel de dificulti dovedesc necesitatea introducerii unor modificri n organizarea i desfurarea acestui serviciu. Acest lucru se datoreaz i schimbrilor care au loc n dezvoltarea copiilor (posibilitatea unei intervenii timpurii n urma unei diagnosticri precoce pot uneori ameliora considerabil
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deficitul, dar i nivelul de cerine mai nalt al vieii actuale determin apariia unor complexe tulburri la diferite categorii de copii, unor noi forme de abatere i dificulti de formare a unor sfere ale dezvoltrii psihice a copilului). La copiii cu deficien mintal ntrzierile i uneori stagnrile din dezvoltarea limbajului duc la dificultti de nvare care implicit duc la inadaptare social. Trebuie s reinem c la aceti copii procesul de nsuire al limbajului este ncetinit i de deficitul sau inegalitatea dezvoltrii sferelor emoional-volitive i intelectuale; nivelul de motivaie foarte sczut pentru activitatea de cunoatere; insuficiene n organizarea i atingerea scopurilor, a obiectivelor. n astfel de condiii orice studiu realizat obine actualitate i semnificaie practic. Acest studiu permite depistarea condiiilor favorabile formrii acestor structuri, a factorilor care determin denaturarea procesului de dezvoltare a comunicrii precum i strategiile, metodele de dezvoltare i formare a comunicrii adecvate n situaii de via care s foloseasc n final scopului i idealului educaiei speciale i anume integrrii sociale.
Realizarea cercetrii se justific prin faptul c : - copilul cu handicap este sensibil mai mult la comunicarea nonverbal dect la cea verbal, iar aceasta poate deveni prghia esenial n elaborarea strategiilor de relaionare i recuperare a copilului cu handicap sever. - coala special este predominant verbal, profesorul intervine mult pe partea verbal, cu insisten chiar, nevalorificnd comunicarea nonverbal care este primar i mai accesibil beneficiarilor. - copilul are o receptivitate sporit, nelege i stabilete mai uor o relaie de comunicare la acest nivel primar (al comunicrii nonverbale); Contradicia indicat a marcat problema cercetrii: care este formula pedagogic de formare a situaiilor de comunicare? Lucrarea se nscrie n tendina de schimbare pedagogic, de
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mbuntire a practicii educaionale, tendin general ce caracterizeaz ntreg sistemul nostru de nvmnt.
Gradul de cercetare a temei. Important este c acest sistem complex, comunicarea, este perceput i tratat ca element fundamental al existenei umane ( La nceput a fost cuvntul ). Elemente concrete de teorie a comunicrii apar nca de la Platon i Aristotel, care au introdus-o ca disciplin de studiu (alturi de filosofie, matematic) sub forma retoricii. Obiectul de studiu al comunicrii devine astfel lumea ntreag interpretat ca o imensitate de mesaje ( interprete comme une myriade de messages , (P. Watzlawick, 1986) care genereaz la rndul lor alte mesaje ce provoac o reaciune a propriilor surse. Ultima decad este bogat n studii i cercetri n domeniul comunicrii (P. Colette, P.
Watzlawick, A. Pease, Cuilenburg J.J.Van, E. Shannon, W. Weaver, Meyer-Eppler, Th. Bohn, C. Baylon, C. Berger, J. DeVito, S. Hybels, R. Weaver, A. Mucchielli, J. Watson, Tatiana Slama-Cazacu, E. Verza, C. Paunescu, D. Popovici, L. Iacob, I. O. Pnioar, .a.). n literatura de specialitate s-au construit teorii ale comuncrii, au aprut numeroase modele, totui nu vom trece n revist dect acele modele care au stat la baza conceperii cercetrii. Suportul teoreticotiinific i metodologic al cercetrii l-au constituit: considerarea comunicrii ca fenomen social integrat (coala de la Palo Alto, G. Bateson, P. Watzlawick), teoria social a nvrii limbii (B. Skinner); teoria dezvoltrii limbajului (L. S. Vgotski), conceptul demersului cognitiv n nvare (N. Chomsky); conceptul situativ-comunicaional al nvrii limbii (M. Zlate); idei din filozofia i psihologia limbajului (.. , .. ); dezvoltarea conduitelor verbale precum i comunicarea total (E. Verza, E. F. Verza, 2000); limbaj i intelect (C. Punescu, 1973). n Romnia nu s-au realizat cercetri speciale ale problemei comunicrii nonverbale la deficienii severi, exist totui studii i cercetri despre comunicare - integrarea teoriilor 91
lingvistice cu cele psihologice, concretizate ntr-o bogat i complex cercetare experimental (T.S.Cazacu), precum i despre conduita verbal la deficieni (E. Verza), conceptul de comunicare total (E. Verza), comunicarea la deficieni (D.Popovici) etc.
Descrierea proiectului. Eforturile investigaiilor noastre au fost orientate spre studiul comunicrii nonverbale la deficienii severi i impactul acesteia asupra activitilor instructiveducative i de recuperare ; procesul de evaluare i stimulare a comunicrii totale prin axarea pe comunicarea nonverbal, aceasta devenind prghia principal care s mobilizeze sistemul comunicativ al elevilor deficieni severi, ceea ce a i constituit obiectul cercetrii. Scopul principal al studiului teoretico-experimental a constat n determinarea particularitatilor de formare a comunicrii, caracteristicile comunicrii nonverbale la deficienii severi i stabilirea strategiilor de ameliorare a comunicri totale. n vederea atingerii scopului definit am formulat urmtoarele obiective:
Obiectivele proiectului de cercetare:
S evalum
caracteristicile dezvoltrii comunicrii nonverbale la colari mici din
instituiile de nvmnt special; S stabilim corelaiile ntre nivelul de dezvoltare a comunicrii nonverbale la deficienii colari mici i nivelul de dezvoltare, ndemnare i maturizare psihomotric; S selecionm/ adaptm / elaborm un deblocarea i dezvoltarea comunicrii; S elaborm i validm experimental strategia terapeutic, programul de stimulare a comunicrii totale prin utilizarea limbajelor nonverbale; limbaj nonverbal i instrumente pentru
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S validm experimental sistemul PECS; S msurm nivelul abilitilor i mijloacelor comunicaionale de care dispune
profesorul; s prezentm un model al profesorului capabil s stabileasc o relaie favorabil comunicrii i nvrii. S realizm un ndrumator, o metodologie pentru cadrele didactice n domeniul comunicrii totale. Etapele cercetrii. Cercetarea se va desfura pe parcursul a 3 etape care vor urmri precizarea ipotezelor, verificarea acestora, aplicarea metodelor tiinifice, elaborarea de probe proprii, precum i de programe de terapie. ntr-o prim etap, s-a realizat o analiz documentar a studiilor teoretice privind comunicarea, cu o anumit gril tematic viznd: stabilirea bazelor teoretice pe care se va baza cercetarea, consultarea surselor bibliografice, formarea eantionul. n etapa a doua se vor pune la punct metodologiile care vor fi aplicate pentru evaluare i pentru investigare, se va realiza experimentul de utilizare a limbajelor nonverbale din cadrul activitatilor instructiv-educative la eleviii cu handicap sever. Vom utiliza sistemul cu pictograme PECS. n acest sens cadrele didactice care vor folosi acest limbaj vor beneficia de o formare. A treia etapa va cuprinde experimentul, analiza datelor, corelarea rezultatelor,
generalizarea concluziilor investigaiilor.
Desfurarea cerectrii:
Studiul aprofundat al problematicii propuse n literatura romana i internaional, pentru formarea unei vederi de ansamblu pentru formularea ct mai complex a conceptelor, analiza rezultatelor obinute de diveri autori, evidenierea direciilor generale de cercetare a problemei;
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Evaluarea
caracteristicilor dezvoltrii comunicrii nonverbale la colari mici din
instituiile de nvmnt special; Alegerea eantionului, studierea dosarelor elevilor a documentelor colare, a fielor psihopedagogice, completarea fielor de studiu cu participarea tuturor celor implicai n activitatea elevilor, precum i a elevilor nii. Msurarea efectului colaborrii cu prinii n implicarea elevilor n activiti de comunicare i identificarea barierelor i a situaiilor favorabile comunicrii; Studierea nivelului de dezvoltare a comunicrii nonverbale la deficienii colari mici i corelarea rezultatelor cu nivelul de dezvoltare, ndemnare i maturizare psihomotric; Msurarea nivelului abilitilor i mijloacelor comunicaionale de care dispune profesorul i oferirea unui model al profesorului capabil s stabileasc o relaie favorabil comunicrii i nvrii. Dezvoltarea unor atitudini pozitive fa de actul de comunicare la ambii parteneri comunicaionali. Alctuirea unor studii de caz, relevante pentru caracteristicile psihologice ale utilizrii comunicrii nonverbale de ctre elevii deficieni n situaii de nvare i de via;
Ipoteza general a cercetrii. Se prezum c utilizarea de limbaje nonverbale n cazul elevilor cu handicap sever si grav, pe baza teoriei comunicrii totale, va conduce la : deblocarea treptat a
comunicrii, la acumularea de achizitii utile in educarea si recuperarea acestor elevi.
Definirea conceptelor. 94
Comunicarea
este procesul de trimitere, receptare i interpretare a mesajelor, prin
intermediul cruia relaionm unii cu alii i cu lumea nconjurtoare (Smith, 1992). Comunicm pentru a ne transmite ideiile, sentimentele , emoiile, prerile, pentru a influena, socializa. Comunicarea nonverbal este cea care nu folosete cuvinte i prin care se exprim sentimente, emoii, atitudini, de exemplu mimic, gestic, limbaj corporal, comunicare senzorial, estetic (pictur, muzic, dans, imagine, etc). Comunicarea nonverbal este diferit de vorbire, include expresia facial, gesturi cu minile, braele, postura, poziie, i numeroase micri ale corpului sau picioarelor. Adesea, n fenomenul de nonverbal, sunt incluse i elementele paralingvistice, vocale, intensitatea, timbrul, erorile vorbirii, pauzele, durata discursului. Limbajul este orice sistem sau ansamblu de semne care permite exprimarea sau comunicarea; codul cu care este transmis informaia, legatura ntre cel ce transmite informaia (emitor) i cel ce primete informaia (receptor). .Din categoria limbaje non-verbale fac parte : limbajul mimico-gestual, limbajul trupului, Braille, PECS, al imaginilor etc. Comunicarea total utilizeaz toate mijloacele posibile, care pot abilita comunicarea beneficiarului ntr-un mod optim (att verbal, ct i non verbal, paralimbajul, ccomunicarea acional).
Populaia int: Deficieni severi din clasele I-IV, profesori psihopedagogi care lucreaz cu aceti elevi, prinii acestora. Eantion: 20 de elevi din clasele I-IV, de la coala Special Valea Mare, Arge. 10 elevi cu autism (handicap sever), clasele I-IV, integrai n nvmntul de mas din Piteti.
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30 de elevi din clasele I-IV, din colile Speciale din Bucureti (coala nr. 5, coala nr. 9)
60 de profesori de la aceleai coli care predau elevilor respectivi de cel puin un an de zile (alesi aleator).
100 prini ai elevilor cercetai.
Lotul va fi format din elevi severi clasele I-IV din coli speciale i elevi cu tulbuurri pervazive de dezvoltare din nvmntul de mas (sunt deficitari, severi, mai ales pe palierul comunicrii), iar n cadrul acestuia vom avea att elevi verbali, ct i nonverbali. Lotul de elevi va fi ales dup vrst (primii 4 ani de colaritate). Cadrele didactice care vor participa n cadrul cercetrii vor fi cele care lucreaz efectiv cu copii pe care i studiem, indiferent de vrst, sex sau pregtire profesional.
Metode, tehnici i instrumente de investigaie ale cercetrii. Lucrarea reprezint un studiu teoretico-experimental al problemei n cauz. Vom folosi: H. Metoda observaiei, ea este utilizat mult n aceast studiu pentru investigare i culegere
a datelor experimentale, cu respectarea urmtoarelor cerine: formularea unui scop precis al observrii, alctuirea unui plan de observare, nregistrarea fidel a datelor (video, audio sau clasic), clasificarea, compararea, raportarea i interpretarea datelor. Vom intocmi fie complexe de inregistrare a tuturor comportamentelor comunicaionale ale subiecilor. Fiele vor fi completate imediat, pentru a nu pierde detalii importante i utile, de asemenea edinele de lucru vor fi nregistrate video pentru a completa i verifica ulterior datele. Ideea majora care a stat la baza demersului nostru experimental a fost abordarea evalurii comunicrii nonverbale ale elevilor deficieni severi prin observaia direct. Vom participa la activitile instructiveducative i vom nregistra comportamentele comunicaionale din cadrul pauzelor, a diverselor activiti practice, de relaxare, ale cadrelor didactice, vom nregistra exact, concret relaia
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comportament verbal - comportament nonverbal, precum i proporiile timpului folosit de elev i cadru didactic pentru a comunica. Se vor nregistra i relaia de comunicare dintre elevi, cu notarea tuturor elementelor ce intervin n acest context; dup care se vor analiza i compara nregistrrile. Vor fi observai toi participanii la cercetare: elevii, cadrele didactice, toi cei care intr n contact cu elevii. I. Metoda experimentului pedagogic prin introducerea variabilei independente a limbajului nonverbal alternativ PECS-ul n cadrul activitilor de la clas la elevi. De asemenea, vom introduce i alte tipuri de comunicare nonverbal n cadrul activitilor instructiv-educative: comunicarea tactil (prin atingere), comunicarea mimico-gestual (precum i stimularea producerii acesteia), expresie corporal (muzicoterapie i dans). Vom organiza mici experimente pentru stimularea funciei instrumentale ale limbajului, testnd tehnicile i principiile utilizate n terapia cognitiv-comportamental folosit n nvarea copiilor cu autism, pentru a le adapta i utiliza i n cadrul secvenelor educaionale cu elevii cu deficien sever. Este destul de greu s folosim experimentul la elevii cu handicap, mai ales la cei cu handicap sever, pentru ca progresele sunt destul de mici, iar invarea i rezultatele au nevoie de timp ndelungat de desfurare. Trainingul pentru cadrele didactice ce vor lucra cu copiii n cadrul experimentului va conine noiuni generale de utilizare a PECS-ului, metodologia desfurrii activitilor instructiv-educative prin folosirea limbajelor nonverbale, precum i cteva recomandri cu privire la metode ale ascultrii active. Acesta va conine exerciii i experiene practice cu privire la exersarea aptitudinilor i ale abilitilor necesare unei bune nelegeri i a decodificrii comunicrii mesajelor nonverbale ale subiecilor (acetia avnd dificulti n exprimarea nevoilor, iar drept rezultat au comportamente
inadecvate, bizare, agresive). Vom nregistra la finalul experimentului dac frecvena acestor comportamente va scdea drept urmare a nelegerii i feedbackului emoional, a
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diminurii frustrrilor i tensiunilor psihice. Acest seminar va conine recomandri privind strategii de nvare a copilor de modaliti de exprimare a emoiilor, sentimentelor, conflictelor exterioare, prin comunicare i expresie nonverbal, mai ales pentru persoanele cu dificulti de exprimare. Shema experimentului : Utilizarea limbajului nonverbal (PECS, gestual si un limbaj creat de noi) in activitatile instructive-educative Obiectivul experimentului : sa provocam o situatie experimentela unde vom folosi un limbaj nonverbal, PECS-ul, pentru a observa diferentiat efectele limabelor alternative pe deblocarea comunicarii, precum si in procesul de invatare. Ipoteza : se prezum c utilizarea de limbaje nonverbale n cazul elevilor cu handicap sever si grav, pe baza teoriei comunicrii totale, va conduce la : deblocarea treptat a comunicrii, la acumularea de achizitii utile in educarea si recuperarea acestor elevi. Esantion : lotul va fi format din elevi severi clasele I-IV din coli speciale i elevi cu tulbuurri pervazive de dezvoltare din nvmntul de mas (sunt deficitari, severi, mai ales pe palierul comunicrii). Lotul de elevi va fi ales dup vrst (primii 4 ani de colaritate). Vom avea doar un lot de subiecti, vom corela rezultatele subiectilor dupa situatia experimentala ce cele de inainte de experiment. Metode: pentru realizarea acestei cercetari am utilizat urmatoarele metode, procedee
de culegere a datelor si de prelucrare a lor, observatia, experimentul, inregistrarile video (pentru a surprinde manifestarea comunicarii nonverbale per ansamblu, analiza cantitativa si calitativa. Planul experimentului: vom realiza un experiment constativ, in cadrul natural, in timpul orelor de la clasa. Etapa pre-experimentala: familiarizarea cadrelor didactice care vor lua parte la experiment cu utilizarea limbajului nonverbal PECS, familiarizarea cu strategiile si
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metodele de lucru, crearea situatiilor propice nevoii de a comunica, crearea unui cadru natural, securizant unde elevii se vor simti bine. Elevii vor fi testati inainte de inceperea experimentului pentru a se stabili nivelul de la care incepe cercetarea. Metodele utilizate in cadrul experimentului: programe de lucru pe unitati de invatare, alcatuite de noi, urmand recomandarile curriculare; fise de observatie care vor fi completate ulterior; inregistrari video; discutii cu cadrele didactice participante. Subiectii participanti la experiment vor fi alesi aleotor din esantionul nostru din randul subiecti nonverbali. Durata experimentului: se va lucra cu elevii participanti la experiment zilni, cate doua ore, timp de 3 luni. Variabile utilizate in experiment: Variabila independenta limbajul nonverbal PECS Variabile dependente achizitia de notiuni, discriminarea imaginilor, receptarea mesajului (limbaj receptiv), cererea, spontaneitatea cererii, exprimarea mesajului (limbaj expresiv), expresie corporala (limbajul trupului), comportamente verbale si nonverbale inadecvate (ecolalii, ticuri, automatisme, ecopraxii). J. Interviul, chestionarele scrise, convorbirea individual sau n grup, ancheta psihopedagogic i studiul documentelor colare constituie tehnici eficiente pentru culegerea i interpretarea datelor necesare cercetrii noastre pedagogice. Aceste metode vor fi nsoite de tehnica observaiei directe i de cea a observaiei indirecte (respectiv de cercetare a documentelor). Vor fi efectuate convorbiri, interviuri cu educatorii, nvtorii, profesorii din instituiile de nvmnt special i de mas (profesorii itinerani/ de sprijin). K. Metoda corelaional, vom studia direcia i mrimea ntre dou variabile, variabile ce vor fi testate n cadrul experimentului psihopedagogic (utilizarea limbajului nonverbal
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n cadrul leciei la elevii cu deficien mintal sever). Vom utiliza metode statistice n determinarea coeficientul de corelaie reciproc Pearson. Vor fi corelate rezultatele lotului experimental, cu cele de nainte de experiment (datorit specificitii i diferenelor foarte mari n cazul subiecilor cu handicap sever). L. Studiul de caz, vom prezenta cazurile cu evoluii mai deosebite, ale elevilor cu care
lucrm deja de civa ani, utiliznd empiric datele i tezele pe care le vom cerceta. Realizri propuse. Prin rezultatele sale proiectul va urmri mbogairea cunotinelor psihologice n domeniul dezvoltrii, stimulrii comunicrii la elevii deficieni severi. Completarea i mbogirea materialelor didactice existente n cadrul activitilor de dezvoltare a comunicrii poate constitui o surs de informaie sintetic i concret pentru specialitii care lucreaz cu copiii ce au dificulti n comunicarea verbal, precum i pentru prinii acestora prin oferirea de sisteme alternative de comunicare (conform teoriei comunicrii totale (Verza, 2005). Pe parcursul realizrii cercetrii se vor desfura i seminarii de informare pentru prini, cu scopul de a-i implica n procesul de educare a acestor copii i pentru a mri eficiena studiului, utilitatea lui practic i imediat. Valoarea practic a cercetrii va urmri optimizarea psihologic a dezvoltrii limbajului la copiii care intra n ciclul primar. Aspecte importante din cercetare vor fi prezentate i discutate n cadrul conferinelor ce se vor desfura. Cercetarea a mai urmrit ca, pe baza rezultatelor obinute, s se elaboreze concluzii, prioriti i recomandri privind revalorificarea comunicrii nonverbale (strategii i programe de evaluare, strategii i programe de formare a capacitilor de comunicare i de decodificare a semnalelor nonverbale a cadrelor didactice i a prinilor, de deblocare a comunicrii verbale prin folosirea limbajelor nonverbale), posibilitatea introducerii n cadul programei colare pentru nvmntul special a opionalelor de stimulare a comunicrii nonverbale ( de exemplu, expresie corporal dans, muzic, dar care s aib un curriculum i strategii de implementare potrivit specificitilor
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elevilor cu CES, precum i a obiectivelor propuse stimularea comunicrii nonverbale, oferirea alternativelor de exprimare a elevilor nonverbali etc.).
Semnificatia teoretica si valoarea practica aplicativa a cercetarii. Se va urmari imbogatirea cunostintelor psihologice in domeniul dezvoltarii, stimularii comunicarii la elevii deficienti severi, aducerea la cunostinta in Romania a cercetarilor din psihologia rusa, prin analiza si sinteza a numeroase surse bibliografice importante. Completarea si imbogatirea materialelor didactice existente in cadrul activitatilor de dezvoltare a comunicarii. Poate constitui o sursa de informatie sintetica si concreta pentru specialistii care lucreaza cu copiii ce au intarzieri in dezvoltarea limbajului, precum si pentru parintii acestora. Pe parcursul realizarii cercetarii se vor desfasura si seminarii de informare pentru parinti, cu scopul de a-i implica in procesul de educare a acestor copii si pentru a mari eficienta studiului, utilitatea lui practica si imediata.Valoarea practica a cercetarii va urmari optimizarea psihologica a dezvoltarii limbajului la copiii care intra in ciclul primar. Aspecte importante din cercetare vor fi prezentate si discutate in cadrul conferintelor ce se vor desfasura. Cercetarea a mai urmarit ca, pe baza rezultatelor obtinute, sa se elaboreze concluzii, prioritati si recomandari privind revalorificarea comunicarii nonverbale (strategii si programe de evaluare, strategii si programme de formare a capacitatilor de comunicare si de decodificare a semnalelor nonverbale a cadrelor didactice si a parintilor), posibilitatea introducerii in cadul programei scolare pentru invatamantul special a optionaleor de stimulare a comunicarii nonverbale ( de exemplu, expresie corporala dans, muzica, dar care sa aiba un curriculum si strategii de implementare potrivit specifictatilor elevilor cu CES, precum si a obiectivelor propuse stimularea comunicarii nonverbale, oferirea alternativelor de exprimare a elevilor nonverbali etc.)
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Cteva contribuii: Principalii factori ai sistemului comunicaional. Realitatea sistemului imagini-semne este realitatea semnificaiilor imaginilor i a semnelor, cea care mpreun cu realitatea material contribuie la formarea nevoii de a comunica. Omul a dat natere la sistemul semnelor, care influeneaz activitatea psihic interioar, identificnd-o i n acelai timp determinnd crearea de noi obiecte ai lumii reale. Sistemul de semne actual se mparte n verbal i nonverbal. Cel verbal este mult mai dezvoltat n cultura uman, aprnd ca modalitate de realizare a activitii psihice, putnd modifica i transforma nu doar activitatea psihic, ci i omul prin manipulare (Muhina, 2000, pg. 371). Acest sistem poate fi identificat deja n copilrie. Cuvntul care intereseaz mai ales sub aspectul semnificaiei, este partea semantic a activitii, unul din aspectele nsuirii istorice. Semnificaia exprimat de om i fixat n noiune reprezint reflectarea activitii n norm. Valoarea subiectiv a semnificaiei este surprins n neles. nelesul, gndurile, se formeaz prin prisma experienei individuale ca educaie. Cuvntul poart n sine sensul i semnificaia obiectelor lumii materiale, iat de ce lumea material este dizolvat n realitatea semnelor. Cuvntul poate fi apreciat ca viu, puternic, sincer, urt, etc. Cuvntul apare ca o arm de aciune asupra altui om. El poate sa devin i nceputul cunoaterii. Copilul este atras de magia cuvintelor, se joac cu cuvintele, le admir, le d sensuri generale, dar i formuleaz sensuri proprii, individuale; se supune cuvntului dar i se opune. Copilria este fermecat de magia cuvintelor, care ajunge la inima copiilor, mai ales prin balade, poveti, povestiri, purttoare de experiene importante pentru dezvoltarea imaginii de sine, a crerii unui model, al binelui i al frumosului. Gestul nsoete vorbirea ntrindu-i expresivitatea. n cadrul relaiei de comunicare, persoanele i arat prin gesturi ca i prin cuvinte atitudinea fa de cei cu care comunic. Copilul nsuete de mic cultura gestual. Mimica i gesturile determin succesul sau
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insuccesul n comunicare, n atingerea obiectivelor, n propria sa mulumire. Copiii au propriul limbaj gestual, specific exprimrii unor sentimente. S-a demonstrat c nsuind gesturi negative, copilul, prin imitare nva sentimente negative. Este important ajutarea copilului n formarea i controlarea gesturilor, acesta putndu-i asigura succesul n comunicare. Realitatea natural va fi ntotdeauna condiie i surs a vieii i activitii omului. Este important pentru formarea contiinei de sine pentru c permite subiectului de a se situa ca obiect n acest univers, dar i de a se diferenia de ea. Omul ncearc s cunoasc natura pentru a o putea folosi, dar o mitologizeaz i o cnt n poeme. Omul a mprit materia n apa, aer, foc i pmnt. Aerul reprezint n contiina mitologic a persoanei locul de stabilire a forelor rului i ale binelui. Apa reprezint moartea i viaa, care poate sau nu nsuflei trupul omului. Pmntul creaz viul i l cere napoi. mpreun cu cerul reprezint perechea dumnezeiasc ce d via plantelor, animalelor, omului. Focul este purificator, simbol al cminului familial, al cldurii sufleteti, aprtorul familiei, dar i este periculos, cci l poate distruge. Din copilria mic, prin folclorul popular i prin psihologia sa proprie, copilul nsufletete natura, individualiznd fiecare parte a viului. Acestea, pentru el, dispun de suflet. n acest moment copilul este gata s cunoasc importana naturii i s nvee s o ocroteasc. Copilul ia o atitudine de prietenie fa de natur, ncercnd sentimentul de unitate cu natura i simind o nemrginit admiraie fa de ea. Realitatea social include ntreaga existen material i spiritual a omului n paralel cu comunicarea, activitatea uman cu sistemul de drepturi i obligaii. Pentru copil n prima parte a copilriei o importan aparte o au obligaiile. nc de la o vrst timpurie se dezvolt sentimentul puterii regulator al comportamentului lui, rezumat n cuvntul trebuie. Aceasta l orienteaz pe copil n spaiul realitii sociale. Componentele duale pozitive - negative ale obligaiilor se poate - nu se poate, bine ru desemneaz dezvoltarea nivelului moralitii. Din copilria timpurie, el i nsuete nu doar semnificaia cuvintelor, dar i participarea acestora n 103
contextul relaiilor de comunicare personale, n situaii schimbtoare. Bun ru sunt semnele corespondenei necorespondenei cu ateptrile sociale ale celorlalti, ce vor influena permanent asupra controlului moral al comportamentului copilului. Aceast pereche de calificative poate fi folosit de copil pentru autoaprecierea proprie i aprecierea celorlali. Unitatea dintre limbaj, personalitate i comportament este unanim recunoscut de teoria contemporan. Finalitatea cunoaterii este actul de comunicare, iat de ce comunicarea acioneaza ca o funcie de reglare, de dezvoltare a personalitii. n absena limbajului, dezvoltarea personalitii devine imposibil. n cadrul comunicrii i activitii practice la copil cu ajutorul adultului se formeaz imaginea de sine, aceasta fiind i o premis iniial a contiinei de sine. Exist mai multe fapte care confirm rolul primordial al comunicrii n dezvoltarea treptat a copilului. Printre ele pot fi menionate dezvoltarea insuficient psihic a copilului, fenomenul ospitalismului, care apare n condiiile deficitului de comunicare a copilului cu oamenii aduli. S revenim din nou la comunicare ca factor de baz n procesul dezvoltrii personalitatii. Adultul este nu numai mijloc pentru satisfacerea trebuinelor organice, ct i obiectul trebuinei de comunicare. Acetia trebuie s constituite baza ntregii viei a copilului. Unii autori menioneaz c trebuina n comunicare cu ali oameni este o trebuin n apreciere pe care el o face altor oameni. Astfel o apreciere determin cunoaterea de ctre om a posibilitilor proprii i posibilitile altor oameni. La deficienii mintali nedezvoltarea gndirii determin efecte distructive asupra limbajului, comunicrii i reglrii contiinei. Acest raport determin construirea unei personaliti dizarmonice. Iat de ce dezvoltarea limbajului devine esenial pentru maturizarea celorlalte procese psihice cu care se afl ntr-o legtur indispensabil. n cazul deficienilor mintali pentru a putea obine unele progrese n sfera personalitii trebuie urmrit procesul de antrenare a limbajului, realiznd o mai bun adaptare a acestor
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ndivizi la mediul de existen. Forma i gravitatea deficienei perturb mai mult sau mai puin funciile comunicrii, aceasta devenind labil, cu momente de stagnare i cu dezvoltri progresive, lente, fapt ce se coreleaz cu nsuirile dominante de personalitate prin executarea unor interinfluene reciproce ca apoi s se evidenieze n comportamente globale ce au tendina de a se obiectiviza ntr-o form specific pentru fiecare subiect n funcie de condiia de ansamblu a ntregului psihism (Radu Gh., 2000, pg. 17-18). Fargilitatea comunicrii se reflect asupra personalitii i comunicrii. Cu ct diferena este mai mare cu att comunicarea verbal pierde tot mai mult din coninut, devine tot mai srac, lipsit de coeren i de fora mesajului. Comunicarea servete pentru exprimarea unor necesiti i interese imediate. Spre deosebire de comunicarea verbal la persoana normal, comunicarea la deficienii mintali, n funcie de forma i gravitatea deficienei, este laconic i ncrcat de violen verbal, aspectele semantice ale vorbirii se reduc n favoarea celor pragmatice, calitatea informaiei ce se vehiculeaz nu are claritatea i fora necesare pentru a produce o echilibrare adecvat la mediu; achiziiile nsuite n procesul didactic sunt slab reprezentate n exprimarea i n recepionarea ideilor, sentimentelor, atitudinilor. Toate acestea fac ca i particularitile de personalitate s fie estompate sau, dimpotriv, exacerbat i s finalizeze cu comportamente mai mult sau mai puin readaptate la situaiile concrete. Existena handicapului de limbaj i impiedic s se simt degajai i s-i exprime gndurile. n plan comportamental se poate ajunge la comportamente antisociale, la imposibilitatea sau slaba integrare n colectiv, la izolarea de colectiv i nchiderea n sine, negativism i ncpnare. Trsturile de personalitate devin astfel fragile i instabile. n conversaie apare reinerea i teama de vorbire ce creeaz o stare de inerie, de rigiditate. Limbajul copilului deficient mintal nu este operaional n plan formal-logic, susine Punescu (1977, pg. 87), i acesta nu devine niciodat operaional pentru c cuantumul de simbolizare este sub limita procesului de reflectare. Dialogul angajat ntre structurile personalitii, ntre
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ipostazele contiinei, pstreaz aceleai mecanisme ca i dialogul verbalizat. n simbol fiind depozitate o cantitate de informaii contient i incontient stabilite. De aceea muli psihologi i bazeaz ntreaga tehnic proiectativ pe funcia simbolic. Simbolul grafic constituie o nou form a dialogului i anume rspunsul copilului n faa unei situaii dup o confruntare cu propriul eu. Aceste tehnici proiective (desenul) reprezint o modalitate de investigare a lumii de relaii a copilului, relaii exterioare i relaii interioare. Analiza acestora a artat c comunicarea deficienilor mintali cu obiectele, cu lucrurile, cu oamenii este foarte srac. Se demonstreaz vdit o singularizare, o nstrinare a sa, o ieire din dialogul cu existena. Impins la aceast limit, comunicarea nu mai dezvluie caracterele sale sociale, funcia sa de dezvoltare a personalitii prin schimburile cu realitatea pe baza simbolurilor, funcie care la deficienii mintali este modificat profund i contribuie la srcirea structurilor de personalitate i la ngustarea orizontului relaional. Importana comunicrii verbale rmne major n formarea personalitii copilului, n special n determinarea structurilor intelectului. Dar sistemul comunicrii cuprinde mai multe canale contiente i incontiente, care stabilesc legturi de mare importan n procesul de structurare a personalitii pe baz de simboluri. La deficient, tulburarea funciei semiotice n special la nivelul comunicrii nonverbale constituie unul din cele mai serioase handicapuri ale procesului comunicaional. Cteva idei de incheiere: Acest studiu vine ca o necesitate din practica zilnic cu elevii deficieni severi, unde din lips de experin i modele la nceputul drumului am avut numeroase dificulti i bariere n relaia de comunicare cu aceti copii; atunci am realizat c lsnd la o parte cunotinele teoretice i a ateptrile nalte, am putut crea momente de reuit; apropierea a fost curat i sincer. Atunci am neles c principalul mod de relaionare cu copii cu deficien sever este comunicarea nonverbal, ei neleg mesajul prin tonalitatea vocii, prin muzicaliatatea ei, prin expresivitate,
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prin limbajul ochilor, a trupului etc. Un limbaj simplu este ntotdeauna mai eficace, acest lucru este cu att mai valabil la copii cu handicap sever, chiar i autiti. Copii cu autism nva limba matern ca pe o limb strin, dei aceast nvare la ei este cu mult mai dificil, pentru c acestea nu au o alt limb cum am avea noi de exemplu limba matern ca punct de reper. Fiecare comunic n funcie de ceea ce este. Singularitatea, unicitatea expresiei ntrete impactul comunicrii orale. Stpnirea vocii, a propriului corp, gesturilor i posturii permite gsirea de sprijin pentru a depi un trac. Deficienii severi sunt deficitari la autocontrol, dei acetia chiar daca nu au nevoie de stpnire a emoiilor, nu au momente de trac, ei sunt foarte deficitari la stpnirea corpului, a vocii, gesturilor, posturii. Autocontrolul acestor situaii depinde de anumite competene care la deficienii severi sunt defcicitare : savoir-faire (tehnica) savoir-etre (curaj i ncredere n sine)
Aceste caliti se pot forma doar exersnd cu regularitate i cu lucru ndelung asupra noastr. Oare reiese de aici c persoanele cu handicap sunt mai sincere ? nu speculeaz ? Copii cu autism sunt foarte antajiti , practica i lucrul de zi cu zi cu aceti copii ne confirm acest lucru. A asculta nseamn a te face disponibil fizic, intelectual i afectiv pentru a percepe prin toate cile informaiile transmise, spuse i nespuse de interlocutor. Privirea este o prob a ascultrii i ajut ascultrii. Iat de ce nainte de a ncepe orice act comunicativ trebuie i este important captarea ateniei. Pentru interlocutor este important susinerea i acompanierea n vorbire. Elevii deficieni severi se ncadreaz n 2 categorii: verbali i nonverbali, la ultimii comunicarea nonverbal este principalul mijloc de transmitere a mesajului. Dei este binecunoscut relaia dintre nonverbal i verbal n literatura pedagogic i didactic de specialitate, nc mai rmne n prezent accentul pe comunicarea verbal, evaluarea conform performanelor verbale, uitarea i trecerea n planul al doilea al comunicrii nonverbale,
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incapacitatea actorilor i participanilor, direci sau indireci, la educaie de a recepiona, decodifica, nelege i ncuraja mesajele nonverbale. Iat de ce este foarte important ca adultul care lucreaz cu acetia s aib aptitudini de a recepta mesajele transmise nonverbal i de a le decodifica. Este nevoie de multe ore i exerciii de exersare a acestor aptitudini cu att mai mult cu ct comunicarea nonverbal a acestor elevi este deficitar i srac. Dac formm aptitidini de comunicare atunci i nivelul de adaptare social emoional va crete, este ipoteza de la care a pornit studiul, urmnd ca aceasta s se concretizeze n semnalizarea importanei acestui palier al comunicrii de ctre cadrele didactice i de ctre cei care lucreaz cu elevii cu handicap sever, cu scopul pregtirii suplimentare, a exersrii i dezvoltrii anumitor aptitudini i caliti de decodificare a mesajelor nonvberbale (realizarea unui curs, master, ntlniri i supervizri). La fel de important este i informarea prinilor n acest scop, chiar dac prinii sunt primii care reuesc, fr s tie sau s contientizeze, s aib o relaie de comunicare nonverbal bun cu copii lor (instinct matern, o cunoatere bun i intuitiv a nevoilor copilului, o stabilire empiric a relaiei printe copil). Prinii au nevoie de anumite recomandri pentru a reui s depeasc anumite bariere pe care le ntmpin, precum i s dobndeasc anumite cunotine de a-i putea nva copiii metode de exprimare a emoiilor, sentimentelor, conflictelor interioare, prin comunicare i expresie nonverbal, mai ales pentru persoanele cu dificulti de exprimare. Desigur c neputina de a da afar, de a spune, de a exprima ceea ce exist n interior, constituie o surs de frustrri. Dificultile emoionale, frustrrile care vin din neputina exprimriii verbale genereaz anumite comportamente nedorite, stereotipii, agresiviti. (vezi Revolta trupului, Ane Rice, 2006) Abilitile necesare comunicrii sunt : atenia, jocul, ascultarea, nelegerea, imitaia, gesturile, alternarea (schimbarea rolului), vorbirea. Aceste abiliti nu se dezvolt izolat una de alta, ci sunt interdependente. Fiecare abilitate i are propriile etape de dezvoltare. Copilul
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nva s comunice nainte de rostirea primelor cuvinte. El nelege situaii i cuvinte nainte de a se putea exprima. Copilul i formeaz i dezvolt abilitile de comunicare menionate mai sus numai dac : 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Are cu cine comunica ; Aude cuvintele, vede la ce se refer i le ntelege sensul (nvndu-le) ; Repet des cuvintele n contexte diferite (generalizndu-le) ; Practic limba n diverse situaii semantice ; Primete rspuns la ntrebrile sale ; Simte plcerea de a comunica. (Mehrabian A., 2009)
Ce este comunicarea? Din punct de vedere cronologic, comunicarea este primul instrument spiritual al omului n procesul socializrii sale. Comunicarea uman se ocup de sensul informaei verbale, prezentat n form oral sau scris i de cel al informaiei non verbale, reprezentat de paralimbaj, micrile corpului i folosirea spaiului. Comunicarea ncepe nc din perioada intrauterin, se continu cu primul ipt al nounscutului i rspunsul mamei, i se dezvolt n procesul de interaciune cu lumea nconjurtoare. Limbajul corpului este foarte important n comunicare. Daca un din persoanele care comunic nu cunoate bine limbajul corpului, ciclul comunicrii se afl n pericol de a fi ntrerupt. S cunoti bine limbajul corpului nseamn : s asculi i s manifeti interes ; s pstrezi contactul vizual ; s transmii i s primeti mesajele succesiv ; s foloseti o tonalitate a vocii i o mimic a feei adecvate ; s ai o poziie adecvat ; s vorbeti ct trebuie.
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Bibliografie:
*** (1988). Teorii ale limbajului. Teorii ale nvrii. Dezbaterea dintre Jean Piaget i Noam Chomsky. Bucureti: Editura Politic.
Chelcea, S. (coord.) (2004). Comunicarea nonverbal n spaiul public. Bucureti: Tritonic.
Creu, V. (2006). Integrarea i incluziunea social a persoanei cu handicap. Strategii i metode de cercetare. Bucureti: Printech.
Frost, L, Bondy, A. (2002). The picture excange communication system traning manual. Newark: Pyramid Educational Consultants.
Muhina, V. S. (2000). Fenomenologhia rayvitia I btia licinosti. Moskva: Voronej. Punescu, C. (1977). Deficiena mintal i organizarea personalitii. Bucureti: EDP. Radu, Gh., (2000). Psihopedagogia deficientilor mintali. Bucuresti, Pro Humanitate. Salma-Cazacu, T. (1968). Introducere n psiholingvistic. Bucureti, Editura tiinific. Vail, T., Freeman D. (2002) Manualul Mariposa, Employee training manual (www.autism.ro/forum, accesat la 15. 03. 2009).
Verza, E. (2003). Tratat de logopedie. Vol. I. Bucureti: Ed. Fundaiei Humanitas. Verza, F. E. (2004). mbuntirea comunicrii interpersonale prin terapia de nvare structurat, Revista de psihopedagogie, 2, 15-27.
Watzlawick, Paul, .a., 1967, Pragmatics of Human Communication. A Study of Interactional Patterns, Pathologies, and Paradoxes, W.W.Norton & Company, New York, London.
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Tabacaru (Dumitru) Cristina, doctorand al Universitatii Bucuresti, profesor psihopedagog Scoala Speciala Valea Mare. Competente:
I.
Experienta in lucrul cu copiii cu autism, deficiente severe, tulburari de limbaj si
altii.
J.
Cunoasterea
principiilor
de
terapie
comportamentala
ABA;
alcatuirea
programelor individualizate de terapie si in aplicarea acestora;

K.
Cunoasterea sistemului de comunicare PECS si experienta in aplicarea acestui la copiii cu autism care nu au dobandit comunicare verbala;
sistem
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Classical philology and the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT): an analysis of the philologists identity and academic profile Dimitrios Vlachopoulos Department of Applied Pedagogy Autonomous University of Barcelona Abstract The new teaching methodologies within the European Space for Higher Education recommend the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) in learning activities. Nevertheless, the recent pedagogical studies on this issue have shown that these new tendencies are not applied widely in classical philology, basically, because of the instructors theoretical academic background and the tradition of their departments. The aim of this paper is to describe the utility of ICT for the classical languages (ancient Greek and Latin) and to analyze the academic profile of these instructors, in order to help the decision makers understand the idiosyncrasy of these studies and realize what is needed for their successful inclusion in the innovative projects.
Key words ICT in classics, new teaching methodologies, classics identity.
M. Context of the study In the last decades there is a growing interest among universities in the use of the internet for teaching and learning. In addition, the ICT have changed the nature of open and distance education by providing learning communities for teachers and students where they can interact with each other even if they are situated in different geographical locations. The importance of interaction in forms of flexible, online and distance education have been researched and described at length -whether learners interacting with individualized computer programs or learner-to-teacher or learner-to-learner interaction that at a distance requires the mediation of technology (Moore, 1989; Garrison & Anderson, 1998). Online learning in language university departments is used mostly in order to support the face-to-face teaching and learning and its application has offered some very important benefits to both instructors and students. One major benefit of online learning is its potential for entering new markets, since it offers a possibility of uncomplicated communication with students from all around the world. In addition, it provides more immediate feedback to the students in comparison with the traditional homework and also more customization to suit the different learning styles of 112
different students. Moreover, recent research (Vintr et al., 2008; Vlachopoulos, 2008) underlines that the use of ICT for course delivery can, in itself, attract the students more that the traditional teaching methods in the classroom, since the majority of the students use the New Technology very often in their everyday lives. From a pedagogical perspective, online education is an opportunity to implement more student-centered approaches to learning and to establish new roles for both teachers and students. Nevertheless, the efforts to develop new methodologies in ancient Greek and Latin language courses in Higher Education meet, basically, two important obstacles: the lack of familiarization with the use of technology (ICT) of both instructors and students, and the academic tradition. More analytically, the fact that until recently there were serious usability problems with the Greek fonts in software resources and the lack of training concerning the use of ICT in learning activities, have left classical studies and humanities "isolated" in the sector of teaching innovation (Koutsogiannis, 2007; Vlachopoulos, 2009). Apart from the technical difficulties, it is important to mention that it is very difficult to assume the new tendencies of didactics in a teaching system with more than two thousand years of uninterrupted traditionbased on paper support and on an extensively repetitive memorization, such as the teaching system in the departments of Classics. The current conditions in the departments of classics (Vlachopoulos, 2009) show that effective academic staff and ICT resources development for online teaching can be difficult to achieve. One reason is that there are often limited funds available. Another is that the diverse skills and knowledge required for the above roles are not formally described. Until now, we can find very few departments of classics that apply a complete online course in their curriculum. The Universities that are open to innovation and technology have designed online activities, online exercises, quizzes, surveys, and online theoretical feedback for the students, but there is no complete course delivery with periodical, stable interaction between the members of a virtual community/ classroom (Vlachopoulos, 2009). 8. The importance of ICT in classical languages teaching and learning ICT must not be reserved only for mathematical or scientific subjects, nor modern languages. Classics (Latin, Greek and Classical Civilization) should be involved also, both to promote
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effective learning and to help secure the future of these studies in Europe. This is of the utmost importance. At present time, we can find three basic applications of ICT that can be applied in the teachinglearning process of ancient Greek and Latin (Morgan, 2006):
L.
Computer Based Learning, which allows the student/user to study and learn
with autonomy, using the computer.

M.
Didactic Software, which allows the user (student or teacher) to create his or
her original product or use works previously created by others.

N.
e-learning, which refers to a new generation distance training for interactive
and/or collaborative learning. The above applications can provoke a significant change to the existing teaching methodologies in the departments of classics, since they can be used in the following activities: 2. archiving and distribution of ancient texts (tragedies, comedies, poems) 3. analysing classical texts 4. using programs for scansion or metrical analysis of Latin or ancient Greek verses 5. translating or locating translations of Latin and Greek texts 6. using Latin or Greek dictionaries or vocabulary lists 7. using programs or fonts to write in classical languages 8. creating lesson materials (eg, hypertext, presentations, tests) 9. research using Internet resources (eg, literature, art, culture, morphology) 10. 11. processing, sourcing or archiving images using mind-mapping software to help develop trains of thought
After presenting the influence of ICT in Classics, we believe that it is essential to describe the instructors background and academic profile in order to explain their conservative attitude towards ICT and distance learning.
9. Classical Philologists Identity
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The main obstacle we faced in our effort to define the philologists academic profile and attitude towards the ICT was the lack of similar pedagogical studies. After revising the recent literature (2002- ) we found only five researches that were analyzing the classical instructors profile (Krunic, 2005; Koutsogiannis, 2007; Dallas, 2008; Vintr, 2008; Vlachopoulos, 2009). It is important to mention, though, that the focus of these researches was different and the academic profile analysis was a secondary priority. A total of 89 instructors of classics from Greece (32), Spain (27), England (14) and the United States (16)14 participated in these studies and offered information about their academic profile and background in relation with ICT. Their general characteristics (specialty, ICT knowledge, ICT use in teaching and learning and attitude towards the use of technology in learning activities) are shown in the table below: Specialty Ancient Greek language, literature, philosophy, historiography, epigraphy, Latin, mythology, religion, history, ancient Greek prose, ancient Greek poetry, Latin poetry Average use of ICT in teaching-learning process, lack of online course delivery, average use of software application, wide use of ICT for communication, classes presentation and, generally as a supportive tool. Only 10% of the instructors has studied ICT. The majority (80%) believes that they have a basic knowledge. 30% conservative, 20% progressive, 50% mainstream
Use of ICT in teaching and learning
ICT knowledge/ studies
Attitude towards the use of ICT in classics
Table 1. General aspects of the academic profile of the classics instructors in relation with ICT. 10. Education As far as the instructors academic background is concerned, we can see various specialties and different professional orientations: from classical languages to mythology and religion and from epigraphy to prose and poetry. They all participate in recognized institutions and realize
14
University of Athens, University of Patras, University of Crete, University of Barcelona, Autonomous University of Barcelona, University of Valladolid, University of Complutense Madrid, University of La Laguna, University of Carlos III, University of Vigo, University of California Berkeley, University of California Irvine, San Francisco State University, University of Miami, University of Exeter, University of Oxford and University of Lancaster.
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quality research in most fields of classics. All participants have participated in postdoctoral training courses and have obtained apart from their PhD- master degrees in philology, linguistics or literature. Nevertheless it is important to mention that only one of the eighty-nine participants has focused on the pedagogical aspect of classics and has studied about the use of ICT in learning activities. In addition only 20% of the participants have attended courses for the new teaching methodologies with the use of ICT (virtual learning platforms, software applications, technological programs for teaching and learning etc.). In some interviews that took place concerning this issue (Vlachopoulos, 2009), the instructors said that their departments do not organize pedagogical activities and that, until now, they didnt feel the need to use ICT in their official curriculum. This general information about the participating academic staff show that they all belong in institutions with interesting research activity and their opinion about the issue of introducing Information Technology in Classics can be very useful for the policy makers and the administration in order to improve the conditions in humanities for innovation and online course delivery. 11. Attitude towards the use of ICT in learning activities We analyzed the data presented in the five researches mentioned above (after the use of questionnaires, interviews and discussion groups), and based on G. Moores classification of the teaching staff according to their attitude towards New Technologies and to innovation (1989), we can distinguish three general categories of instructors of classics, a) the conservatives, who are not open to innovation and do not trust ICT for their course delivery; b) the mainstream, who, even if they are in favor of an evolutionary change in teaching, they are risk averters and face ICT usability problems; and, c) the early adopters, who are open to innovation in their courses, are risk takers and have strong capability with the use of ICT. The table below shows a comparative description of the characteristics (also approached by Zayim, Yildirim, & Saka, 2006 and Gillard, 2004) of the three categories.
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Early adopters
Mainstream Faculty
Conservative Faculty
In favor of a In favor of an evolutionary Prefer stability and keep the revolutionary change in change in teaching traditional teaching methods teaching Take risks Focus on the efficiency of their teaching in students knowledge. Creation of new roles in the classroom and new teaching methods. Strong capabilities concerning the use of ICT in learning activities Believe that ICT can be easily combined with the tradition of classics Avert risks Do not take risks
Try to combine teaching all Focus on presenting all the the contents of the course contents that appear in their with the introduction of courses syllabus some innovative teaching methods, if possible Do not use ICT in their courses Do not believe that ICT can enter with success in departments of classics They do not want to try any kind of applications They cannot use ICT applications without support
Face usability problems with ICT Believe that it is possible to combine the tradition with ICT but there are a lot of problems to be sold They are experimenters They want proven applications of recognized value The majority does not They need significant need technical support support while using ICT while using ICT applications applications, they are self sufficient
Visionary attitude Pragmatic attitude Conservative attitude Table 2. The characteristics of the three categories of instructors according to their attitude towards ICT. After analyzing the results of the five researches in relation to the above characteristics, we designed a general diagram that shows the attitude of the academic staff of classics towards the use of ICT in learning activities. Since this study took place in some very distinguished institutions of Higher Education, we believe that this diagram can help us reach to some conclusions about the strategies that should be designed in the future in order to introduce with success online course delivery and innovation in difficult departments such as humanities and classics.
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According to Rogers (2003), individuals in a social system do not adopt an innovation at the same time; a certain percentage of individuals are relatively earlier or later in adopting a new idea. The characteristics mentioned above determine the instructors willingness to adopt an innovation and their leadership functions. Trying to unify the results of the five studies we can see that the majority of the instructors belong to the mainstream category (50%). Then comes the conservative group with 30% and only a 20% of the participating instructors was identified as early adopters. The following figure offers a schematic representation of the studies results.
CRITICAL MASS
20% Early Ad. 50% 30%

Conservativ
Mainstream
Figure 1. Instructors categorization on the bases of their acceptance to innovation. e At this point in time, it is important to mention that the gender and the age of the instructors didnt play fundamental role in their categorization since we had almost the same number of both senior and younger instructors, men and women in all three groups. The crucial issue for the decision makers and those who design innovation projects is to bridge the chasm (as it was described by Moore 1991) between the mainstream category (which is the biggest) and the early adopters. A study conducted in Canada (Anderson, Varnhagen & Campbell, 1998) concluded that comprehensive adoption strategies cannot be based on support of early adopters, but must be designed to appeal to the mainstream faculty drawing from the mainstream faculty the role models that are essential for the diffusion of innovation, staff who are better integrated into the traditional administrative and social norms of faculty culture (p.94). Moore also developed the same idea by saying that many technologies initially get pulled into the market by enthusiasts, but later fail to get wider adoption. So, the designers
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of innovative projects for education should come up with strategies that will help them build a bridge across that gap and attract bigger mass of individuals. Also, it is much more difficult to convince and collaborate with the conservative category because, as it can be seen from the results, they deny taking any risk or trying new teaching methodologies in their courses. So, the best practice would be to have as main target group the mainstream category, which is bigger and more flexible. The fundamental goal of innovation is to convince the majority of the teaching stuff, which is the early adopters and the mainstream faculty (70% of the total). 12. Conclusions The context analysis and the current situation in classics, concerning the use of ICT in learning activities, bring to the surface some general conclusions about the future of the teaching methodologies in these traditional university departments. Some more specific conclusions derive after analysis of their academic identity and their attitude towards the use of Information and Communication Technologies. A general conclusion is that the administration, the policy makers and the innovation designers should take into consideration the idiosyncrasy of classical studies before introducing any new teaching methods with the use of ICT. Because an innovative pedagogical project was very successful in science departments or in engineering doesnt mean that it will have the same acceptance or efficiency in classics departments, which have been working for many decades with almost the same structure and teaching methods. It is very important to make clear the fact that, because of their tradition, these departments need additional information, training and resources in order to be able to follow the rest of the sciences in this growing interest concerning the use of ICT in teaching and learning. This study does open a window for facing this issue, but this is an area that needs further research. The group of the 89 instructors that participated in the five different studies is considered a representative population, since it includes instructors of different countries, ages and specialties. All of them have attended various doctoral and postdoctoral training courses and they have produce important research in their field. It seems that their academic background is quite homogeneous but maybe we should collect more information from less prestigious institutions in order to see if this is true or not. In any case we believe that the variety of institutions, ages and specialties gives us the right to say that classics instructors do not get wide pedagogical training in a doctoral or postdoctoral level.
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The above conclusion is strictly connected with the teaching processes in classics. It is obvious that the instructors identity has been influenced by four parameters: a) the pedagogical tendency to use traditional teaching methods, b) the extensive debates about the importance of maintaining the academic tradition of classical studies, c) the extensive for many years- use of paper supported didactic resources and d) the existing examination systems that hasnt included yet, in a sufficient grade, the use of ICT. As far as the familiarization of the instructors with the use of ICT is concerned, we can underline the recent university policies in order to provide the necessary training for the academic community for the development of innovative projects. In classics, though, the situation is different. More analytically, one of the most important parameters for a successful application of an innovative teaching ICT project in classics is the need to convince the instructor of its efficiency. As stated by Bates (2000), because of the central role that the faculty members play in the work of the Universities, any change in core activities such as teaching and research, is completely dependent on their support. In this context, the administration and the project designers should begin a dialogue with the teaching staff (Wilson and Stacey 2004) about a) the projects advantage (does the innovation indicate an advantage over current ways of teaching?); b) the projects compatibility (is the innovation compatible with existing needs and expectations?); c) the projects complexity (does the innovation make life simpler or at least not contribute more complexity to their teaching duties?); d) the projects trialability (can the innovation be tried without a commitment to completely change the current practices?); and, finally, e) the projects observability (is the innovation visible to potential adopters?). It would be fruitful to build this dialogue on the work of the early adopters and diffuse their knowledge, skills and experience, showing, at the same time, that the majority of the rest of the faculty (mainstream category) is very close to reaching that level. Another important issue is the need for technology training, not only for the teaching staff, but for the students as well. It is obvious that the majority of the instructors in departments of classics do not have the necessary knowledge of ICT. Accredited training courses should be
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used for the teaching staff as vehicle for diffusion of staff development in ICT. Until now, there are no reported official courses for classics instructors, but it is proven from other science specialties (Edwards, Webb & Murphy, 2000 & Littlejohn, 2002) that the majority of the mainstream instructors makes a significant improvement in understanding and managing the New Technologies while attending these courses and comes closer to the early adopters category. As far as the students are concerned, our research showed that they have a higher level of understanding and use of ICT from their teachers but still they need more training in order to participate actively in ICT innovative projects. Finally, it has to be made clear that online course delivery and ICT approaches do not attempt to replace the face-to-face teaching and learning. The majority of the instructors in the departments of classics believe that these innovative teaching methods will eliminate the role of the teacher as physical presence and the tradition of the departments of classics, which is based, until now, on the instructors transmission of knowledge to the students through face-to-face teaching. In this context, it should be clear that the main objective of the ICT activities is to empower the traditional teaching methods and to provide the students with easier and more attractive ways of learning. So, an emphasis on innovation rather than the technology should be adopted by explaining to the instructors that the new learning environments created are an opportunity for them to try new teaching methods without requiring a high level of ICT knowledge.
References Anderson, T., Varnhagen, S., & Campbell, K. (1998). Faculty adoption of teaching and learning technologies: Contrasting earlier adopters and mainstream faculty. The Canadian Journal of Higher Education, 28(2, 3), 71-98. Bates, A.W. (2000). Managing Technological Change: Strategies for College and University Leaders, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
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Dallas, K. (2008). Technological demands for research in humanities. National Conference on Digitalization and Humanities research. Thessaloniki. Edwards, H., Webb, G., & Murphy, D. (2000). Modelling practice - Academic development for flexible learning. The International Journal for Academic Development, 5(2), 149-155. Garrison, D. R. & Anderson, T. (1998). Learning in a networked world. In C. Campbell-Gibson (Ed), Distance learners in higher education: Institutional responses for quality outcomes (pp. 97-112). Madison: Atwood Publishing. Gillard, S. (2004). IT educators and IT adoption. In Issues in Informing Science and Information Technology, University of Southern Indiana, Evansville, Indiana, USA (pp. 806809). Koutsogiannis, D. (2007). Use of ICT in philological courses teaching. A case study of the instructors that participated in Odisea project. Thessaloniki: Center of Greek Language. Krunic, D. (2005). Integration of the new media in the humanities and in the intermediation of culture. International Conference on New Technologies and Philology. Thessaloniki. Littlejohn, A. (2002). New lessons from past experiences: Recommendations for improving continuing professional development in the use of ICT. Journal of Computer Assisted Learning, 18(2), 166-174.
Moore, M. G. (1989). Three types of interaction. American Journal of Distance Education, 3(2), 1-6. Moore, G. (1991). Crossing the chasm. New York: Harper Business.
Morgan, J. (2006). A Classics and ICT Resource course for Europe. Brussels: European Commission. Rogers, E. M. (2003). Diffusion of innovations (5th ed.). New York: The Free Press. Vintr, E., Mestre, F., Gmez, P., Gonzlez Ll. & Vlachopoulos, D. (2008). B-learning per al grec clssic: dinamitzaci en laprenentatge de la morfosintaxi, V Congrs Internacional de Docncia Universitria i Innovaci. Lleida.
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Vlachopoulos, D. (2008). The perceptions of the academic staff of Classics of the use of ICT in learning activities: a case study, V Congrs Internacional de Docncia Universitria i Innovaci. Lleida.
Vlachopoulos, D. (2009). Ancient Greek language methods in Higher Education and the use of ICT: the design of a virtual community of knowledge. University of Barcelona: PhD dissertation. Wilson, G. and Stacey, E. (2004). Online interaction impacts on learning: Teaching the teachers to teach online. Australasian Journal of Educational Technology, 20(1), 33-48. Zayim, N., Yildirim, S. & Saka, O. (2006). Technology Adoption of Medical Faculty in Teaching: Differentiating Factors in Adopter Categories. Educational Technology & Society, 9 (2), 213-222.
Dimitrios.Vlachopoulos@uab.cat
LA FORMACIN PERMANENTE DEL PROFESORADO EN EUROPA

Francesc Imbernon Universidad de Barcelona
REZUMAT: Finalitatea acestui articol este aceea de a realiza o analiza reflexiva si critica asupra problematicii pregatirii permanente a profesorilor in Europa. Ideea principala a articolului de fata este aceea a marii diversitati, in Europa, a sistemelor de pregatire a profesorilor din toate nivelele educative.
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Pe de alta parte, prezinta anumite specificitati ale pregatirii permanente a profesorilor in diverse tari europene, pentru a sistematiza in cele din urma anumite constante comune in toate tarile Uniunii Europene.
ABSTRACT: This paper aims to summarize one analyzes reflective and critical about of the permanent professors formation of Europe. The principal idea of this article is the great diversity, in Europe, of the systems of training teachers of all the educational levels.
1. EL CONTEXTO EUROPEO
A pesar del discurso de la Europa Unida, parece que la preocupacin est en la unin monetaria y econmica y no tanto en la educacin y menos en los sistemas de formacin del profesorado ya que en Europa encontramos una gran diversidad en los sistemas de formacin del profesorado de todos los niveles educativos. Es cierto que uno de los grandes temas de la ltima dcada en educacin en todo el marco europeo, ha sido la preocupacin sobre el papel del profesorado y el desarrollo acelerado de la formacin permanente de stos en los estados europeos. A medida que el reclutamiento del profesorado ha ido descendiendo, como ha sucedido en los ltimos diez aos en la mayora de pases europeos, se ha realizado el discurso de la actualizacin, del perfeccionamiento y la profesionalizacin de la poblacin del profesorado en ejercicio. Parece que actualmente sea ms un tiempo de ajuste y de reformas internas que de unificacin de criterios. Y es posible que sea debido a factores externos como por ejemplo la baja natalidad europea que existe y va en aumento. Ello repercute en el profesorado. En el momento actual podemos encontrar en Europa tres grupos de pases. Un grupo lo formaran Dinamarca, Espaa e Italia que se encuentran an con un exceso de profesores; otro grupo corresponde a Alemania, Grecia, Luxemburgo, Portugal y Reino Unido que ya empiezan a tener un problema de dficit de profesorado (Inglaterra realiza campaas publicitarias dirigida a grupos de estudiantes jvenes en donde presentan personajes famosos que recuerdan a sus buenos maestros); y, finalmente Francia, como un caso excepcional, experimenta un crecimiento escolar de cerca del 14% en los ltimos aos, lo que prev, en cinco aos, un dficit de profesorado en la enseanza secundaria superior. En resumen, habr o no un dficit de docentes? Hasta el 2000 y con la excepcin del Reino Unido, donde la escasez de profesores ya es evidente, en el resto de pases comunitarios hay un excedente de profesorado, sobre todo en las reas de ciencias sociales y humanidades. Pero entre el 2000 y el 2.005, la situacin britnica se har extensiva a todos los
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pases comunitarios, con un gran dficit de profesorado. Todo ello va a repercutir en el futuro de la formacin permanente.
2. EUROPA, UNA GRAN DIVERSIDAD DE SISTEMAS DE FORMACIN PERMANENTE DEL PROFESORADO

Existe una gran diversidad de criterios respecto a la formacin permanente del profesorado, pero es cierto que las cifras hablan por s solas e ilustran las prioridades de los estados y los gobiernos en la dedicacin de presupuestos a la formacin permanente del profesorado. Ello ha supuesto, debido a la extensin de la formacin, la creacin de nuevas estructuras, organizaciones, y sistemas que coordinen una avalancha de propuestas formativas. As se han generado nuevos modelos de coordinacin entre las Administraciones centrales, las federales, las autonmicas, las locales y el colectivo de profesores. An as la situacin de la formacin permanente es ampliamente variada: as como en Alemania es casi obligatoria en la totalidad, tambin en Grecia, en otros pases es semiobligatoria, pues hay ciertos elementos que son obligatorios y otros voluntarios como es el caso de Austria, Finlandia, Luxemburgo, Holanda, Noruega y Suiza. En cambio en pases como Italia y Portugal, aunque no sea obligatoria, se considera como un deber profesional. La cuestin del tiempo tambin vara enormemente. Algunos pases han acordado un nmero determinado de das para todos el profesorado. As sucede en Blgica, Finlandia, Liechtenstein, Noruega y Suecia. Estos perodos suelen ser relativamente breves, de uno a tres das. En Francia, es algo mayor, pues se tiende a asegurar una semana por ao y por docente. En Suecia y Gran Bretaa son cinco das. En cuanto a la cuestin organizativa, en algunos pases se aprovecha la red institucional ya existente de la administracin educativa, en otros se amplia con nuevas instituciones dedicadas exclusivamente a la formacin permanente y tambin se estrechan las formas de cooperacin entre las instituciones de formacin y el colectivo o las asociaciones de profesores/as. En Italia la descentralizacin se realiza a travs de unos centros especiales para la formacin permanente y la renovacin educativa como son los IRRSAE ("Istituti Regionali di Ricerca, Sperimentazione e Aggiornamento Educativi" fundados en 1986). En Austria, Grecia, Portugal e Italia, nos encontramos con una fuerte estructura central de la formacin permanente y distintos grados de descentralizacin. El funcionamiento operativo se halla en el nivel regional o subregional. La administracin central, en cambio cumple la funcin de distribucin 125
presupuestaria y financiacin as como del establecimiento de las prioridades nacionales. Aunque hay cada vez una mayor tendencia a dar ms autonoma financiera e incluso de decisin a los niveles ms perifricos. Esta tendencia de mayor autonoma es muy presente en los pases nrdicos. Es el caso de Noruega, Finlandia y Suecia en donde la organizacin de la formacin permanente del profesorado se realiza bajo las autoridades educativas locales. En Gran Bretaa, la formacin permanente se da tambin de forma descentralizada a travs de las autoridades educativas locales, aunque el Ministerio determina las prioridades y administra los recursos. A nivel financiero, se hace una especie de divisin entre las partidas presupuestarias dedicadas a satisfacer las prioridades establecidas por el estado o prioridades nacionales, y otra partida a distribuir en funcin a las necesidades prioritarias locales que se establezcan de forma autnoma, con lo cual se descarga la gestin de la formacin para las necesidades ms locales. La importancia estratgica de la formacin permanente como instrumento de mejora de los programas para la puesta al da de los conocimientos del profesorado y la mxima sintona entre la realidad escolar y los cambios tecnolgicos y sociales, se propone en Europa, desde dos orientaciones. La primera es una orientacin de la formacin permanente dirigida a las disciplinas, la segunda orientacin dirigida a los problemas docentes. En cuanto a la primera orientacin, la orientacin disciplinar, aparece como mxima prioridad en la mayora de pases la incorporacin de las nuevas tecnologas a las materias, sobre todo a las matemticas. Otras disciplinas que hay que actualizar, suelen ser las tecnologas, la geografa, la ciencia, las lenguas vivas y la geografa. Ahora bien, estas ltimas con mucha distancia respecto a las primeras. La orientacin de la formacin permanente a partir de los problemas sita al interculturalismo como prioritario, para algunos pases se sita como el problema ms
acuciante de la escuela; seguido por la gestin escolar, la orientacin y la tutora. Esto no significa que no haya otras prioridades, pero en la mayora de los pases, aparecen en primer lugar estos problemas urgentes en la formacin del profesorado. En el ltimo decenio, adems, la naturaleza de la formacin permanente ha cambiado enormemente en diversos pases europeos. Ha pasado de ser una actividad auxiliar o secundaria, destinada muchas veces a posibilitar la promocin de nivel y la carrera profesional del profesorado a ser la clave y el motor de aceleracin para el ajuste y adaptacin escolar a la realidad social y tecnolgica en constante cambio. Aspecto ste ltimo del tratado de Maastricht en su artculo 127, donde adems dice que la Comunidad Europea se orientar a mejorar la formacin inicial y permanente del profesorado.
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3. ESPECIFICACIONES SOBRE LA FORMACIN PERMANENTE DEL PROFESORADO EN ALGUNOS PASES EUROPEOS
BELGICA
El Sistema federal de Blgica(tres regiones, tres comunidades culturales y cuatro regiones lingsticas) hace que el pas tenga tres comunidades con su propio sistema educativo. Trataremos de los temas comunes a las tres comunidades. Tradicionalmente, la formacin permanente del profesorado era tarea de los inspectores y se realizaba en modalidad de jornadas a iniciativa de las Universidades, de los Institutos pedaggicos superiores, las empresas y las asociaciones de profesores. Hoy da intervienen los inspectores, los coordinadores nacionales y los coordinadores internos de las escuelas (profesores con algunas horas libres y coordinadores de los proyectos de formacin del centro). La participacin en la formacin es voluntaria y no tiene ninguna incidencia en la carrera docente. Las modalidades ms usuales son las jornadas de estudio sobre la didctica de la asignatura o sobre cuestiones pedaggicas. Tambin estancias de profesores (de semanas a meses) para realizar proyectos de renovacin. Los gastos de desplazamiento y estancia van a cargo del Estado y el profesorado es sustituido en sus escuelas. Y tambin asume mucha importancia los proyectos de formacin en centros. Existen coordinadores en los Centros Pedaggicos Regionales que dinamitan los centros y recogen sus iniciativas. Sus lneas prioritarias son: la enseanza secundaria, la interculturalidad, la informtica, las nuevas tecnologas y los procesos de evaluacin.
FRANCIA
Francia tiene una estructura de la formacin permanente alrededor de las instituciones llamadas MAFPEN (Misin acadmica para la formacin del personal de la educacin nacional creadas en 1982 y compuestos por un nmero de miembros, entre 8 y 16, de los cuales un tercio deben ser de la Universidad). Existen 28 academias y por tanto, 28 MAFPEN en todo el pas y dependen de un director nombrado por el Ministro y que depende de un rector universitario. No son unidades autnomas sino "misiones " situadas cerca de los rectores que gestionan la formacin permanente del profesorado y se organizan por sectores (disciplinares y transversales). El Ministerio fija las directrices generales (anlisis de necesidades, recursos, elaboracin de planes, contratacin de formadores y evaluacin de la formacin).
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Las acciones formativas se desarrollan autnomamente en cada MAFPEN (con la "Nueva poltica para la Escuela" que potencia la descentralizacin) y cada vez ms son los propios centros escolares los que deciden y desarrollan su propio plan de formacin mediante su comisin de formacin. Han de elaborar un plan en el que se especifiquen las etapas, las modalidades formativas, las metodologas y los contenidos de la formacin. Los MAFPEN dan ayuda a estos proyectos. Los MAFPEN publican un PAF (Plan Acadmico de formacin). El profesorado tiene la posibilidad de asistir a las modalidades formativas ofertadas (muchas de cursos de menos de treinta horas y normalmente en los centros docentes). Si se desarrollan en horario lectivo piden permiso de asistencia a la direccin del centro y sta, generalmente, accede. Los desplazamientos corren a cargo del profesor asistente. Las prioridades son: Las diferencias individuales, la introduccin a las nuevas tecnologas, la formacin de directivos, la diversidad, la utilizacin de nuevos recursos educativos.
PORTUGAL
El sistema de organizacin de la formacin permanente en Portugal responde a un modelo fuertemente centralizado, a pesar que el decreto Ley nm. 139-A/90 en su artculo 16 reconoce la posibilidad de iniciativas descentralizadas de titularidad pblica o privada y las competencias que asigna a las escuelas el decreto Ley nm 43/89 (Rgimen jurdico de la Autonoma de la escuela) para organizar autnomamente la formacin de sus profesores. La falta de desarrollo normativo de estos preceptos y las competencias entre la Direccin General de Enseanza Bsica y las Direcciones Regionales de Educacin contribuyen a ello. Las modalidades formativas ms utilizadas son los cursos y los seminarios de asistencia individual. No existe una formacin en centros aunque las actividades formativas s intentan considerar las circunstancias que desarrolla el trabajo del profesorado desde un enfoque concurrente entre teora y prctica.
3 INGLATERRA Y GALES
Destacamos Inglaterra y Gales ya que en Escocia e Irlanda los sistemas de formacin permanente del profesorado son ligeramente diferentes. En los ltimos aos, ha habido una reforma profunda de la formacin permanente del profesorado. Actualmente los fondos para la formacin permanente ya no estn en manos de los LEA,s (distritos) ni de las Universidades sino asignados a las escuelas que pueden contratar la formacin que estimen adecuada. Ello sita a las escuelas en la responsabilidad de identificar las necesidades de formacin y planificar las acciones formativas. Se ha de reconocer que si bien funciona en algunas escuelas, en otras, provoca la provisin externa de recursos contratando formacin a instituciones privadas. Toda la formacin tiene que estar acreditada por el TTA (Teacher Treaning Agency, Departamento del Estado ocupado de la poltica financiacin, la acreditacin de la formacin permanente del profesorado y la imagen de la enseanza). Tambin esta institucin tiene el encargo de implantar ms de una estructura de carrera en la profesin docente, con
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competencias claramente definidas para diferentes niveles y roles, y un sistema de cualificaciones que conduzcan a carreras docentes especficas. Las prioridades en los cursos acreditados por la TTA son la preparacin para la direccin (necesario para, igual que en Espaa, acreditarse previamente), las competencias en la enseanza (con la creacin de un grado "el Avanced Skills Teacher", para reconocer y premiar al profesorado que tiene un elevado nivel de competencias de enseanza y cursos para estandarizar las coordinadores de las necesidades educativas especiales.
ITALIA
La organizacin de la formacin permanente en Italia fue replanteada en 1990 (C.M. 18 de mayo de 1990). Los agentes gestores de la formacin permanente en Italia son: El Ministerio de la Pubblica Istruzione, representado por las Direcciones Generales, la Inspeccin, la Direccin de estudios y programacin. El IRRSAE (Instituto de investigacin, documentacin y formacin) Los Colegios profesionales y de maestros Los entes culturales Las universidades y centros de investigacin. La institucin que se ocupa de planificar y ofertar formacin permanente del profesorado es el IRRSAE (de una plantilla de unas 50 personas). Sus tareas son organizar y coordinar la investigacin, la experimentacin y la formacin del profesorado. Est dirigido por un consejo de 15 miembros presididos por un Director escogido entre los mismos miembros del Consejo (en parte escogidos y en parte nombrados por la administracin) y un presidente escogido por los mismos miembros del Consejo. El Consejo nombra a los directores de los tres servicios (formacin permanente, investigacin y documentacin e informacin) y de las 5 secciones (maternal, elemental, media inferior, media superior y adultos). El personal del IRRSAE es docente que han superado un concurso y que estn en comisin de servicios por 5 aos renovables nicamente otros cinco. En cuanto a las lneas prioritarias en la formacin permanente del profesorado italiano, es en el desarrollo del currculum y formacin de directores. Es tambin prioritaria la formacin de formadores. El profesorado puede pedir cinco das al ao para asistir a la formacin. Existe formacin en centros (aunque escasa) o proyectos de escuela que han de ser aprobados y financiados por el Ministerio de Educacin. Es la escuela que lo propone y los 129
organiza. Pero actualmente el IRRSAE organiza el 50% de las actividades de formacin que le son confiadas desde el Ministerio y el restante 50% es de iniciativa privada.
REPBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA

La formacin permanente del profesorado es competencia de los ministerios de educacin de los Estados que componen la federacin de ah que existan diferencias en la organizacin entre los diferentes Estados que configuran la Repblica. Expongo las directrices comunes. A pesar de la gran oferta pblica, hay otras instituciones pblicas y privadas que organizan ofertas de actividades de formacin permanente. Las ofertas de formacin permanente estn orientadas a dos mbitos diferentes, si bien se hacen simultneamente: La "lehrerfortbildung", que tiene por objeto mantener la competencia profesional del profesorado y actualizarla para las nuevas exigencias de la sociedad actual (actualmente el 78%). La "lehrerweiterbildung", que tiene por objetivo cualifica al profesorado en una disciplina diferente a aquella en la que ha estado formado o en el dominio de tareas o funciones especiales en la escuela (actualmente 2l 22%). La modalidad predominante son los cursos de dos das y medio o de cinco das que tienen lugar en horario laboral en un centro donde se alojan los participantes. La participacin es voluntaria pero es necesario la autorizacin de la direccin del centro para formalizar la inscripcin. Los gastos de traslado y manutencin los cubre el Estado. Algunos Estados dan preferencia a la formacin en centros (Nord-Westflia, Baja Sajonia). Cada escuela dispone de dos das de trabajo cada dos aos para organizar actividades de formacin en la escuela.
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Actualmente hay mucha preocupacin en la formacin de especialistas en administracin escolar, especialistas en tareas pedaggicas especiales, colaborador de formacin, enseanza de la msica, proteccin de la naturaleza y el entorno.
SUIZA
Suiza se organiza por cantones. Existen 26 sistemas educativos diferentes en Suiza y por tanto no existe un Ministerio de educacin suizo. A pesar de la gran diferencia con nuestro pas podemos destacar que son las escuela que deciden el presupuesto destinado a la formacin, a la innovacin y a la investigacin.
3. ALGUNAS CONSTANTES EN TODOS LOS PASES DE LA UNIN EUROPEA
La formacin permanente del profesorado tiene carcter voluntario, gratuito y con poca repercusin en la carrera docente.
No se realiza en horario lectivo. En bastantes pases se realiza en horario laboral. La modalidad curso an contina siendo la ms vigente. ltimamente se introduce con fuerza el curso con proyecto final.
Los seminarios y grupos de trabajo, as como las escuelas de verano son iniciativas habituales y de gran satisfaccin del profesorado en la mayora de pases.
Las modalidades en alza con la formacin en centro y el intercambio de experiencias (Suiza es un ejemplo de esto ltimo).
Existe una tendencia generalizada a la formacin en nuevas tecnologas. La formacin se est vinculando cada vez ms con las Universidades. An se entiende la formacin en centros como espacio fsico ms que como ncleo de formacin de la mejora colectiva de la institucin.
Se da mayor importancia a la descentralizacin de las decisiones de la formacin. 131
Se est empezando a tratar a fondo la autoformacin y la formacin a distancia. Existe una tendencia en todos los pases a destinar unos das del curso escolar a actividades de formacin permanente.
Aparece ltimamente la preocupacin por la calidad de la enseanza y que debera aumentarse el presupuesto y los recursos destinados a la formacin permanente del profesorado para que ea capaz de innovar los centros educativos.
Un problema siempre pendiente es la formacin de formadores y asesores del profesorado (debilidad en su formacin).
An existe poca articulacin entre la formacin inicial y la permanente, entre la innovacin y la investigacin.
4. PARA ACABAR: FORMACIN PERMANENTE DEL PROFESORADO EN EUROPA Y LA CALIDAD EDUCATIVA

En Europa, desde hace aproximadamente dos dcadas, los gobiernos estn abogando por la necesidad de potenciar el profesorado de niveles no-universitarios, principalmente a travs de la formacin permanente. La educacin y la formacin, vienen a estar consideradas un sector "estratgico" para el desarrollo econmico de las distintas regiones y, para la preparacin de una `mano de obra' que pueda adaptarse a los vaivenes de la oferta y la demanda del mercado, en el marco de la Europa unida. Ello comporta el peligro de instar a los gobiernos a decantarse por los indicadores de rendimiento y olvidar los indicadores de calidad de los sistemas educativos. Y, por tanto, una determinada manera de ver la formacin de ese "personal docente" Se nos viene a decir que la calidad de la formacin de los europeos depende en gran medida de la calidad de enseanza que reciban, y sta viene determinada, entre otros factores, por un profesorado "competente". No discutiremos aqu, si es cierto que la calidad de la enseanza depende casi en exclusiva del profesorado, de su formacin inicial, de su actualizacin y de su competencia profesional como muchos quieren admitir o si se tiende a responsabilizar en exceso al profesorado de la calidad del proceso y producto final. Pues existen muchos otros aspectos relacionados con la escolarizacin, como son la calidad de los materiales didcticos,
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estructuras, coordinacin entre servicios, ratios adecuadas, recursos y medios suficientes, calidad de los centros educativos (espacios, mobiliario aulas, bibliotecas, laboratorios, etc.) condiciones laborales que influyen en gran medida en la calidad de la enseanza. Lo cierto es que hoy en da, es una realidad la presin social y poltica que soporta el profesorado. Y que, la panacea parece ser una potenciacin de su formacin permanente y de su actualizacin, y su adaptacin a los cambios tecnolgicos, al avance del conocimiento y a las necesidades sociales. Hay muchos indicadores sobre la creciente importancia que estn otorgando al profesorado, muchos esfuerzos, declaraciones, informes, congresos, jornadas, estn situando la importancia de este tema. El xito de las distintas reformas educativas iniciadas recientemente en muchos pases, depender, segn se afirma, de la calidad de los enseantes y de su formacin permanente.
Francisco Imbernon es Catedrtico de Didctica y Organizacin Educativa de la Universidad de Barcelona. Coordinador del grupo FODIP (Formacin Docente e Innovacin Pedaggica) del Departamento de Didctica y Organizacin (DOE) de la Universidad de Barcelona, participa en tareas de formacin permanente del profesorado de todos los niveles educativos y en la formacin de formadores y de otros profesionales. Ha recibido varios premios (a la renovacin pedaggica, 1987) y, del MEC, a la mejor investigacin publicada (2006). Es autor de de numerosos libros y artculos tanto en revistas nacionales como internacionales.
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