The Maghreb French and The French Mood-IONA PONCE

Master in Conflitology UOC-UNITAR
Postgraduate Project Armed Conflicts and Crisis Management
The Maghreb French and the Gallic French Mood:

freedom, equality and brotherhood?
by Ioná Ponce
Supervisor: Professor Cristina Salas Valdés, PhD
Recife-PE, Brazil, 28th January, 2019

The Maghreb French and the Gallic French Mood: freedom, equality and brotherhood?
« Electeurs électrices et electricités idéalistes de tous bords

Optez pour une liste a idées
Français françaises vous avez hérité
D'une paire de charentaises par vos pères oubliée
La loi de la semelle
Comme la semelle peut s'user alors
Les politiciens deviennent des cordonniers
Donc il faut que la masse vote pour que la nation se dote
D'un amiral de flotte qui puisse tenir la carotte
Pour mériter le vote les candidats se font des potes
En se rejetant les fautes les uns sur les autres
Pantouflards pantouflardes de gauche et de droite

On va pas chez le cordonnier quand on a mal aux pattes
Il arrive que la république elle marche sur un pied The thing is that the republic walks with one foot
Parfois elle marche en crabe et tout le monde croit avancer
Sometimes like a crab and everybody believes we move forward
Et la France se balance entre deux entités And France swings between two entities
Qui la bercent et la maternent pour mieux la faire somnoler
Le peuple en pantoufles, les candidats enfilent les moufles
Pour garder les mains sales sans risquer le scandale
Parce que la france... c'est coool
La Franse c'est très cool

La france c'est très cool
La france c'est très cool alors sois cool avec la franse
C'est tellement super cool tu vois pas l'indifférence
C 'est tellmeent supercool tu vois pas l'indifféFrance
Momo, chez nous en France y'a la liberté Hey, here in France there’s freedom
Man, fraternité égalité sur les papiers d'identité Man, brotherhood and equality on the identity papers
La liberté d'accord mais pas sans la monnaie Freedom, OK, but not without money
L'égalité too much mais pas pour le confort The equality too much, but not to have comfort
Fraternité y en a mais pas pour le porte-monnaie There’s brotherhood, but not when the subjec is the wallet
Mais du travail y en a pour toi à la plonge et au chantier But there’s work for you at the plunges and the construction site
Sur les papiers d'identité man, ils ont pris la vanité In relation to the papers, man, they became proud
Parfois on dirait même qu'ils oublient le passé Sometimes we can say that they forgot the past
L'Afrique colonisée et les îles DomTomisées, Africa colonized as well as the DomTomisées islands
Un kannak ne sera jamais un français A kannak will never be a French
Vous depassez les bornes les limites You are crossing the bounds, the limits
Et vos frontieres, votre empire s'étend trop loin And your borders, your empire goes far away
Il va vous dépasser parce que...
Tu cours, tu cours en France...

C'est du sport la France!
AAA-llons enfants de la patrie

Le jour de gloire est arrivé, arrivé
Moi les jours de gloire çà me donne la nausée, appelez-moi une ambulance
Ils se sont trompé de numero ils ont appelé les condés
L'intention y etait mais je me suis fait embarquer
Je voulais leur expliquer mon envie de gerber,
Dommage ils etait sourd-muets et trop baraqués
Ces savants de la matraque m'ont bien enseigné These word wizards taught me
Que les coups et les douleurs ça se discute pas en France...
Les coups et les douleurs ça se discute pas (en garde à vue ) That the punches and the pains, we don’t talk about in
France. The punches and the pains we don’t talk about. »
(“Franse”, 1996, by Gnawa Diffusion, French music band formed by Algerians‟ descendants)
Ioná Ponce | 2
Summary
Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 4
1. Rationale.................................................................................................................................... 5
1.1 The main context ................................................................................................................................. 5
1.2 The case‟s relevance nowadays ........................................................................................................... 7
2. Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 9
3. Objectives ................................................................................................................................ 10
4. Historical Outline .................................................................................................................... 11
4.1 When the Islamic routes were linking Orient to Occident ................................................................ 13
4.2 When the French colonization imposed the Occident to the Orient .................................................. 15
4.3 Orientalism: an Occidental tool for misunderstanding ...................................................................... 16
5. Heritage, convergences and paradoxes.................................................................................... 19
6. Possibilities.............................................................................................................................. 23
Conclusion................................................................................................................................... 27
Main References .......................................................................................................................... 28
Ioná Ponce | 3
Introduction
This work is about the situation of the Maghreb French in France, but it is also about the Gallic French
reality of their everyday lives. It has no ambition to make an exhaustive research or what can be called
a full detailed project, but it is much more an impulse to provoke the need to put other kind of eyes in
this conflictive context that the French citizens of both sides face.
The subject is extremely rich and naturally leads to historical facts which can go back to the 13
centuries of Moor‟s domination on French lands as well the French colonization of the Maghreb after
that. The consequences of both occupations can be seen in several aspects of these two civilizations
and the present project can be seen as an attempt to show that the situation in France possibly has old
reasons which remained in the popular imagination and, with this, prejudices, fear, ignorance, self-
protection instincts, sense of preservation and so on.
A song from a Maghreb French band is presented as evidence of the discomfort and the mutual
influence of Gallic and Maghreb people and from this example it is shown the contradiction between
the reality of the French citizens from Arabic origin and the basic pillars of the French Republic:
freedom, equality and brotherhood.
The first chapter of this work presents an explanation about the problem, its context and its relevance
to understand the crisis and promote deeper discussions. In the second and third chapters it is
described the methodology used in this project and the objectives. The forth part presents a resumed
historical outline of the periods of the Moor‟s domination and the French colonization of the Maghreb,
but also brings up the concept of “orientalism” and its negative consequences in people‟s minds along
time. Back to the present time (second half 20th century and first decades of 21st century), the chapter
five tries to put in evidence the contradictions and influences lived by the French society including
some data gathered from surveys. As a result of all the information collected along this work, the sixth
chapter is an attempt to motivate a discussion with the intention to lead to more effective and greater
actions on this issue putting together the government, the media, the Maghreb and the Gallic French
through some activities which could result in projects of national dimension.
Finally, the conclusion of this present project ratifies how deep and wide is the subject and emphasizes
the need of more specific work towards a positive change in the tension lived by both Gallic and
Maghreb French citizens.
Ioná Ponce | 4
1. Rationale
1.1 The main context
By presenting the lyrics of a song previously, this project is an attempt to say that the conflict among
Maghreb and Gallic French citizens is not something which began just some decades ago, but dates
back to 13 centuries in History1,2 – so, far before the French colonization period. It‟s also relevant to
emphasize how influenced by each other are the Arabic and Gallic people and the music was chosen
as an example of this fact, but specially because it puts in evidence the Maghreb French‟s feeling of
exclusion using the well known Gallic sarcasm to make people laugh while criticizing something
serious. No one can deny that the conflict exists, but it is also necessary to admit the mutual influence
which led to what this people are nowadays.
The south region of France – one of the most affected areas in this country during the Moors
domination coming from the Andalusia around 718-719 A.D.3 –, is a remarkable example of this
influence having a great amount of its population as a result of the Maghreb settlement in the area, the
continuous presence of the Gallic there and the union of Maghreb and Gallic origin couples. All of
them, French citizens by the eyes of the French Law. At the same time, the Maghreb French behave as
“foreigners” in the land they were born and as citizens which claim for their rights. The Gallic French
also behave in duality: sometimes naturally, other times fearing. From both sides there is ambiguity,
but from the Maghreb part, there is a problem that is not solved yet and can represent a constant source
of conflict: they are not placed in the French society with the same social rights as the Gallic ones4.
By the Gallic side, the Maghreb French are accepted in some ways or radically avoided5. Surely,
hostilities come from this situation and the Maghreb descendants are seen by the Gallic ones as
culprits, 2nd class people useful to do the jobs that the Gallic French citizens don‟t want. The Gallic
French way of life sometimes seems to be a “tool of survival”, but not exactly what the Maghreb
French find at home as well as what they really consider as a valid orientation for life. Even like that,
these French with Arabic ascendance are being built more and more with Occidental values and have a
sad feeling of inequality in the very land they were born and educated. At the end, they are, indeed,
French citizens recognized by law and they are not exactly seen as Arabic people in the Maghreb
world – because they never were… So, hostility comes from both sides of these people: they are not
1
REINFORMATION HISTORIQUE website. Présence des sarrasins en France avant et après la Bataille de Poitiers.
2
BERTHOLON, L. La colonisation arabe en France.
3
L'OBS. 2013.Ce que la France doit aux Arabes.
4
Idem
5
KITOUNI, H. 2015. Ces « Français musulmans » dont la France a mal.
Ioná Ponce | 5
seen as real nationals in France as well as in the Maghreb. Being at the margin of the French society
and not recognized as people with Maghreb roots to the Arabic world, they belong to “nowhere”. So,
their chances to live a normal citizens‟ life (which involves basic human rights) are quite reduced no
matter where they are in these two worlds6.
As mentioned before, this situation of basic needs that haven‟t been met yet by the French government
in relation to all the people who have the legal right to live in France has been leading to conflicts
which are already generating several kinds of crisis in a country with a historical background
involving the consequences of the Moors‟ occupation in French lands and the French colonization in
the Maghreb.
There is a sort of hate and fear rising among Maghreb French and Gallic French citizens along
centuries which already reached vulnerable points to provoke violence committed and assumed by
Muslims – which doesn‟t mean that all the French Muslims are agree with it. Furthermore, Islamic
extremist groups are taking profit of these crises to engage the French youth (no matter the origin) in
their ideology.
“Astonishing attacks, Paris, Brussels and Nice, committed by “sociologically
Muslims” Europeans under a claim often opportunist by the terrorist organization
ISIL undermined the European and French Muslims‟ image with such a violence
that the anguish of an uncertain future is the dominant feeling.” (BENTAHAR,
2016) (Free translation from French)
So, from the same side of the Maghreb French, there‟s already an intern conflict between extremists
and Muslims (believers or not) who aren‟t agree with violence. The promoted ideas of „right‟ and
„wrong‟, „proper‟ behavior and habits by some groups of Muslims are producing great concern among
parents with young kids (Maghreb or Gallic). An interesting article published on the website
“AgoraVox”, written by Kitouni (2015) which title is “These Muslim French whom French people
dislike” presents facts that surely contributed to the sensitive situation France is living now and goes
far to the past referring the ancestors of the actual Maghreb French by saying that
“(…) In which concerns the social, political, ideological and cultural spheres, these
French from diverse origins will constitute the base for the ideologies of hate and
grievances. Because the famous integration had never happened, the French of
Maghreb origin keep on being target of stigmatization exactly like the poor people
and the disinherited ones were in former times.(…)” (KITOUNI, 2015) (Free
translation from French)
6
LAMCHICHI, A. 2006. Musulmans de france, politique de reconnaissance et ethique de responsabilité.
Ioná Ponce | 6
So, what we can see nowadays in France has a deep relation to the French colonization in Maghreb
lands and the feeling of rejection (from the victims to the actors) in the heart of this society – which is
increasing dangerously. The article goes further by stating that
«Since long time the right-wing extremist found in this subject something to nourish
its discourse of hate, requiring nationality exclusively to the kids with French blood.
(…) The left wing defended that this claim isn‟t repressive neither dissuasive nor
valid in which concerns its effectiveness against the terrorism.
A French blood terrorist, no matter the crime he committed, stays in France. A

binational citizen, for the same reason, is deprived of his nationality and banned
from France. From this situation, the binationals understand a single message: „You
are second class French. The offenders among you will be no more French citizens
and will be banned from our land‟. (…) But to which country? „To the country your
parents are from‟. Which opinion these binationals will have in relation to the
Republic, the Constitution, the France and about the country their parents are from?
The next time when the Marseillaise will be played, I am sure that they will be even
more numerous to boo, this time with even more reason, once they were
constitutionally declared „half-French‟ – or, to employ a fairer expression: „French
Muslims‟. (KITOUNI, 2015) (Free translation from French)
The subject goes far in many senses, but this project works on some basic historical facts and the
mutual influence of these two “categories” of French as an attempt to raise a discussion to better
understand this tension.
1.2 The case’s relevance nowadays
A country should serve all its citizens no matter their origins, beliefs and positions. Once existing
differences amongst individuals or groups don‟t harm anyone, there is no reason to impose – by
implicit or explicit form – conditions or situations which cause prejudice, stigmatization or unfair
social rights according to one‟s national background, culture or belief. What we are seeing in France is
a contradiction in the basis of their own Constitution once the subject of discussion is about the
Maghreb French and the concepts of freedom, equality and brotherhood for all French citizens.
Lamchichi (2006) wrote an article about the Muslims in France in which he presents some thoughts on
the riots that happened in 2005 at the suburbs in France and emphasizes that this “self-destructive
violence (…) revealed terrible realities that were already known since longtime: discomfort,
Ioná Ponce | 7
discrimination in which concerns jobs (massive youth unemployment) and places to live (relegating
these people to poor neighborhoods), large separation of social classes, increase of crimes (sexist
violence, aggressiveness at the school environment, anti-Semitism acts of hate, etc.)”. The author goes
far affirming that this kind of violence have a fertile ground where excluded layers of the French
population lives “as well as among uncultured people, those who lost the sense of moral and political
values commonly shared, the lack of authority (especially in family and at school)”. Lamchichi
completes his thoughts by saying that:
“This destructive violence touches first the people who live in these neighborhoods,
targeting the transport means, the public buildings, symbols of education and social action.
So, the majority of the inhabitants of these cities, first victims of the vandalism,
unquestionably condemned those violent acts.” (LAMCHICHI, 2006)
We can conclude from this that the claim for “an identity affirmation and a link to the recognition
principles as well as self-esteem” (SERENI, 2013) is becoming stronger as time goes by and if nothing
concrete is done to sincerely treat the Maghreb French as citizens like the Gallic so as to decrease the
prejudices against them, give voice to them and make considerable efforts to alleviate their poverty
situation, the conflicts related to this subject in France will increase – even if the amount of those who
make the riots doesn‟t represent the majority of the Maghreb French, are not necessarily Muslims (or
supported by great part of this population in France) neither are exactly in bad social situation.
To make things more complicated, the attacks of 2016 created a heavy atmosphere around the Arabic
origin people living in France. Bentahar (2016) mentions that this “bleeding and distressing” situation
in which anyone with an “Arabic face” is pointed as a violent person or accused of complicity with the
terrorists is even worsened by the position of hate that the DAESH murders assume as a symbol of
“community and religion” belonging.
“This position enhances the Islamophobia which is installed in the European public
opinion and becomes worse by the increase of refugees in Europe. (…) Physical
violence (...) is being spread. It‟s such a serious and disturbing situation that the
French government has launched a video clip campaign to denounce racism, anti-
Semitism and xenophobia.” (BENTAHAR, 2016) (Free translation from French)
Finally, the main relevance of this project is to raise deeper discussions on the subject as an attempt to
reduce the inequalities and maybe decrease the tensions among Maghreb and Gallic French citizens.
Ioná Ponce | 8
2. Methodology
The reference material of this project was selected to serve as a secure and updated database is
mainly from researchers, professors and institutions of French and Maghreb origins because it is
possibly the most valuable source once the individuals responsible for the production of this
material are deeply involved in the context of the French and the Maghreb societies and their
social, cultural, political, economic and religious problems.
The analysis of professional material and the research of several documents (journalistic and
academic) about French people from both origins who live in France as well specific parts of the
History which made Gallic and Moors cross their ways can lead to the conclusion that the tensions
France faces nowadays are enhanced by inequality feeling, immigration increase and terrorism,
but don‟t represent the genuine grass root of the problem – which seems to go far back on time.
The process followed was basically inductive and the references were carefully selected. It is very
important to have serious, real and updated documentation to reach an inductive method. All the
work was done by analysis, comparisons of data and connections of information. The most
relevant topics were selected and presented in this document to serve as a qualitative basis that
guided to the expected outcomes.
***
Ioná Ponce | 9
3. General objective
 Verify if there are deeper grass roots in the conflict among Maghreb and Gallic French
by analyzing some relevant topics in their historic background and previous connections
which could have enhanced the problems faced by these people nowadays.
Specific objectives
 Expose the influence that the Moor and Gallic people exercised on each other
along the times of both dominations in each ones‟ lands.
 Promote a discussion crossing facts from the past with the present public opinion
on the issue.
 Propose some starting actions with focus on the rights of freedom, equality and
brotherhood.
***
Ioná Ponce | 10
4. Historical outline
When it is necessary to understand a situation, we normally try to collect information about

what happened before this event so as to clarify who are the actors, which is the context, the
reasons and so forth. It is not different in most part of the situations that require eyes on the past
to see the present as it really is and the reasons why it is like that. Following this argument, the
crisis among Maghreb and Gallic French people is a situation that seems to require from us to
go far in the past so as to understand what is really at stake in this scenario of grievances,
different kinds of violence, prejudice and marginalization. It is relevant to take into
consideration that both French citizens are victims and aggressors as well.
In the course “The Cosmopolitan Medieval Arabic World”, offered by the University of
Leinden at Coursera platform, the Prof. Dr. Petra Sijpesteijn (2018) states that the Western
school of History tends to show Europe as the central point of the world, but before the 17 th
century, the Western part of Europe wasn‟t as significant as it is today.
“The Renaissance in Europe was not born because Greek and Roman scriptures
miraculously survived 1,500 years of passive conservation. Rather, intensified
contact with Middle Eastern cultures through amongst others, trade and crusades,
led a renewed interest in these texts. In fact, many came to Europe not in the
original languages, but through Arabic translations and reworkings. This explains
why many old European universities had chairs of Arabic established as early as
1600. (…)
Life in medieval Islamic cities was very diverse, dynamic, and developed. We also
focus on the connections across the Muslim world, extending from the Atlantic
Ocean and European shores of the Mediterranean to the Indian subcontinent and
into China.” (SIJPESTEIJN, 2018)
Two of the most important factors of Muslim expansion was the trade – and with this the trade
routes – and the spreading of the Islamism preached by Muhammad both to unite the Arabic
world and to strengthen its power on Earth. The trade made the Arabic people became a bridge
between the Orient and the Occident through which were passing not only goods, but ideas,
medicinal knowledge, philosophies, astronomy, mathematics, technical inventions, politics and,
Ioná Ponce | 11
surely, religion. These factors produced serious consequences and reactions which effects are
seen up to now.7
By the other hand, the French colonization in the Maghreb was a project of dominance as well,
but using different kinds of strategies and other forms of violence which sowed the seeds of its
control over the colonies‟ languages, traditions, ways to practice their religion, governmental
administration, properties and so forth with a precise orientation to establish an European form
to practice the Islam – highlighted by the Concordat (signed by Napoleon Bonaparte) and later
by the separation of the Church from the State.
An article written by Jalila Sbai (2018) to the website Orient XXI on the French politics to
monitor the Islamic expansion at the colonies shows how far France went into the aim of
controlling and managing the French Muslims in such a way it could fit to the catholic clergy
administration. One of the strategies to reach this aim was proposed in 1902 8, under the
coordination of Mr. Émile Combes, through the creation of a religious structure following the
model of the religious institutions of the Turkish Ottoman Empire which use to place the
brotherhood managers under the power of a sheik so as
“to contribute in engaging the Muslims at the colonies and in France by (…) using
an imam from their respectives „zaouïas‟ and submit to the French approval the
nomination of their religious heritage and brotherhoods finances‟ leader. (…)
building a sort of regulation clergy to whom the sheiks would be the brokers to serve
the surveillance and moralization work.” (SBAI, 2018) (Free translation from
French)
Which could be the results of such kind of “surveillance” and “moralization” work? Which
forms of dissatisfactions from limitation of freedom and cultural practices – as well as wounds
of all sorts – were serious consequences that could influence in the inequality feeling that the
Maghreb French have nowadays? Did the causes of the actual situation remain under modern
limitations imposed to the Maghreb French in France? Did the Gallic French position in relation
to the Maghreb ones still have something to do with the Moors‟ domination period? Maybe a
closer look to some aspects of the past from both Arabic and Gallic ancestors can explain better.
7
SIJPESTEIJN, P. 2018. The Cosmopolitan Medieval Arabic World.
8
SBAI, J. 2016. Les racines coloniales de la politique française à l‟égard de l‟islam.
Ioná Ponce | 12
4.1 When the Islamic routes were linking Orient to Occident
“We can picture the network of routes as the veins of the world at that time. The
Middle East formed its heart connecting Africa, Europe and Asia. Already long
before, Europe developed ships that could
sail all the way around the South Cape,
and before the Suez Canal existed, an
extensive trade network with the Muslim
world at its center, connected the known
world over land and sea.”
(SIJPESTEIJN, 2018)
It‟s also mentioned in the course

Fig. 1: Islamic trade routes (SIJPESTEIJN, 2018). “The Cosmopolitan Medieval
Arabic World” that, since the
beginning, Muslims merchants settled themselves in Sub-Saharian Africa, India and China near
the trade routes, spreading the Islam and increasing the possibilities to build Muslim
populations around them. The Middle East became the center of the world through their trade
and the Arabic expansion only grew for centuries. But with the trade, the idea of spreading
Islamism through domination and slavery also increased.
In 712 A.D., Spain was conquered by the Moors through the massacre of the locals in the
Guadaleve battle. This event marked the beginning of the Arabic expansion towards France.
Among occupations, banishments, regain battles, carnages, destructions of entire cities,
churches turned into mosques, prohibition of the Christian practices and slavery of Spanish and
French citizens over almost 1,000 years, the Moors9,10 – and with them the Islamism – became
to the French the representation of the evil that ought to be definitely vanished. Unfortunately,
there was not knowledge enough to understand that the Islam was not a single and totally
unified religion or a single way of thinking expressed by all the Arabic people… In fact, even
among them there were deep differences and ways to think on the words of Muhammad. The
Figure 2 below shows how diverse is the Islam:
9
10
BERTHOLON, L. La colonisation arabe en France.
Ioná Ponce | 13
Fig. 2: the Islam tree (SIJPESTEIJN, 2018).
It is not the role of this project to explain each item of the figure above, but from the content of
the Islam tree, it is possible to have clear in mind that the complexity of the Islamism built
diverse ways of thinking and divergences. And we simply cannot say that all of them agreed
with the ways used for the domination practiced by the Moors in France. It is also clear that
along 1,000 years many generations of Arab descendants were born in French lands and this
situation became more complex during and after the French colonization of the Maghreb.
Ioná Ponce | 14
4.2 When the French colonization imposed the Occident to the Orient
The decline of the Moors‟ expansion in France and other parts of the world was due not only by
the resistance they kept on finding after centuries of battles and destruction, but also because of
the military structure formed by the sultans which became a weapon against themselves11,12
(issue that will not be discussed in this project). As time went by, France became stronger and
started its own plan of expansion through the colonization of other lands, including the
Maghreb. For reasons not so different than what other European countries had around the world,
the process included economic exploitation, political domination, imposition of the French
language and way of life as well the weakening of the Islamism, passing through destruction of
mosques, control of religious practices, release of European slaves (that were still the result of
the Moors‟ domination) and military conscription of Maghreb men to fight for the French
empire.
One of the first problems faced by the French in the beginning of domination of Algeria was the
presence of the Islamism in major aspects of the public and private life. Surely, this could not be
accepted by the French and so they started to establish a system to monitor and reduce Islam‟s
control on the society. Progressively, several layers of the Algerian society (education,
economy, culture, politics, etc.) became separated from the religion.
“During more than one century, the colonial administration tried restlessly
to reduce the space of the Islamism in the Algerian society. The tools
changed, from the “Concordat” to a distorted application of the Church and
State separation law of 1905.” (SERENI, 2013) (Free translation from
French)
Little by little, several aspects of Algeria public administration and properties became subject of
the French management. In 1851, a model of the Muslim cult created during Napoleon
Bonaparte‟s empire was applied by French officials in Algeria without a deeper knowledge of
the country‟s reality13, but with a single target: to combat the Islamism once it represented
“danger” for the colony and its citizens14. It must be said that this idea of “danger” was widely
spread not only in the French colonies but also in France. Considering the historical background
of Moors‟ domination in France and the inevitable interpretation that what came from Islamism
11
12
13
SERENI, JP. 2013. Algérie : l‟Islam sous administration coloniale.
14
Idem.
Ioná Ponce | 15
meant destruction and slavery by the Gallic French population, it‟s clear that after 1,000 years
of violence and battles with the Moors it was hard to build a positive and peaceful image of the
Muslims in France. So, fear of what this people represented was built from real facts and deep
suffering and the French governments along time created several rules and conditions to allow
the Maghreb descendants stay in France. After all, the latter had nothing to do with the Moors‟
expansion ideas: they just were born in France because of their ancestors. The acceptance of the
restrictions imposed by the French governments to be able to stay in France (the land these
people were born and raised) and the negative public opinion of the Gallic French in relation to
the Maghreb French probably created the foundations of the crisis of identity and human basic
rights which have been generating so many grievances and violence amongst Gallic and
Maghreb French.
4.3 Orientalism: an Occidental tool for misunderstanding
Another relevant fact that strongly contributed to the negative image of people from Arabic
background was the orientalism: a designed idea about the Oriental world which in many
aspects didn‟t correspond to the reality itself and that is present up to now in arts, media
coverage of the Islamic world, movies, stories for children and so forth15. In the course “The
Cosmopolitan Medieval Arabic World” (2018), there is a section which is dedicated to this
issue. Taking the example of the Disney‟s movie “Aladdim”, they comment the work of Edward
Said (1978), the scholar who created the concept of orientalism, when he affirms the relevance
to consider the matters surrounding this idea. From the example of the mentioned movie, it‟s
said that
“It matters because of two reasons. First, because this is not just about one
children's movie. In his book, he (Said) provides us with an endless list of
movies, artworks, and scholarship that all reaffirm our stereotypes of the
Arab other. The second reason is that these orientalist stereotypes created
by scholars and artists in the west were used to extend Western political,
economic, and military dominance over the Middle East. So, it's not just
harmless stereotyping, but rather, political demonizing to justify Western
dominance over the East. Orientalism is different from regular stereotyping
because of the scale and the impact.16 Western scholarship on the East has
for centuries been creating the Orient rather than observing it. With
15
16
Highlight made by me.
Ioná Ponce | 16
scholars repeating each other and building own exceptional examples and
concepts that were flawed, they created an essentialist picture of a static
society that hardly changed since the Middle Ages.” (SIJPESTEIJN, 2018)
Combined with the consequences of the Moors‟ occupation in France and the French
colonization of the Maghreb, the orientalism seems to be “wood for fire” in the crisis analyzed
in this project because not only enhances the problem of the Muslims‟ image but also creates a
misunderstanding as if many things related to the Middle-East almost haven‟t changed along the
centuries and reaffirms continually the idea of danger as well the reasons to be afraid. The
media and the movie industry are great tools to spread this image, making things even worse in
large scale.
The Figure 3 shows how the media is ratifying the image of danger along time when the subject
is the Middle East and rarely presents the suffering or the day-by-day life of common people in
this part of the world. 17
Surely that the violence and the danger are real, but they are not all what exists in the Muslim
world.
Fig. 3: the Islamic terrorists according to the media (SIJPESTEIJN, 2018).
Considering the natural wealth of some Arabic countries and/or their strategic geographical
position for trading and access to other places, it is, at least, suspicious that these subjects are
17
UNHCR, UNRWA, IOM social media campaigns, Amnesty International reports,
Syria Untold website <http://www.syriauntold.com/en/ >, Jake Lynch, 2009.Media and Peacebuilding, among others.
Ioná Ponce | 17
not so frequently commented as the terrorism and measures that are being taken against. In the
meantime, not only the life of the Maghreb French didn‟t change but difficulties are increasing
and pushing both sides of the French society with fear, violence, vandalism and marginalization.
What was claimed decades ago in France by the Maghreb French is still demanded and instead
of taking measures to de-escalate this conflict, the government is creating other actions to
oppress this people even in details that don‟t represent real danger (e.g.: prohibition of scarves
at school under the laicism excuse18). The fight for equality today is the same as before. Surely
counting on a larger amount of people each day.
Figures 4 and 5: La marche des beurs. March made in 1983 to protest for equality and
multiculturalism in France (L‟OBS website, www.nouvelobs.com, 2018).
18
LORCERIE, F. 2005. Maghrébins en Europe. L‟islam comme contre-identification française : trois moments.
Ioná Ponce | 18
5. Heritage, convergences and paradoxes
After so many centuries of mutual influence between the Maghreb and France, it‟s hard to
separate both cultures in totally different groups. From destruction, domination,
occupation, exploitation, slavery and all sorts of terrible actions practiced by both sides,
trying to impose their ambitions as well their beliefs and ways of life, neither France nor
Maghreb can deny each other‟s influence in their social structure, politics, beliefs, food,
music, cultural expressions in general, language, slangs, behaviors, values amongst many
other things which compose every human being existence. Gallic and Maghreb people
from nowadays are the result of all the pain and pleasure that their ancestors produced.
The music presented at the beginning of this work is an excellent example of this mutual
influence in several senses (because it shows not only cultural blend but also puts in
question the famous concept of the French Republic: freedom, equality and brotherhood) as
well the discomfort existing in France in which concerns the Maghreb French people by
using facts of the real History and the inequalities which probably have their reasons to
exist far in the past of France. From the evident criticism in the lyrics to the melody in
which Western and Middle-East musical instruments are used to play it and the “Arabic-
French” way to sing the song, it‟s possible to feel how intricate are both cultures and how
hard – if not impossible – would be a “go back” point. Just because this point, as told
previously, is a far past in History, a time that doesn‟t exist anymore and a way of seeing
things that doesn‟t correspond to the modern minds of our days – what is already a reason
to review some aspects concerning equality in the French law and also an evidence to put
in doubt what is called “fundamentalism” by some Muslims. The “go back” point just
seems to be not viable…
But the conflicts are still there and the society didn‟t find yet an efficient way to de-escalate
this crisis amongst the Gallic and the Maghreb French even considering the fact that
extremist Muslims are not the majority in France – and this means a lot when the intention
is to expose to the Gallic French the positive side of the Maghreb ones as well their interest
and need to really feel citizens of this society with the same rights of equality, freedom and
brotherhood. This exposure could be done in several ways to promote a more opened
contact among them and could represent a starting point of action to decrease the tensions.
In the article “Muslims of France, recognition politics and responsibility of ethics”,

Lamchichi (2006) mentions that most part of the studies and researches amongst Muslim
Ioná Ponce | 19
French in France and other European countries showed a huge diversity and great desire of
social and cultural insertion in the European society. However, Lamchichi underlines that a
successful attempt of living together is conditioned to the acceptance and the diversity
respect as well a mutual agreement of responsibility, more specifically in which concerns
common ethics and politics.
« In just one generation, these peoples showed a great ability of adaptation.

Globally, even facing persistent social difficulties amongst some of them, the
Muslims seem to assume their multiple identities and belonging feelings and well
manage their religious beliefs (when they believe) as well their experience in Europe
(…). (LAMCHICHI, 2006) (Free translation from French)
Referring to the European context, the author also says that the social-economic situation
of part of the Muslims is not satisfactory and worsened by the increase of all kinds of
discriminations and exclusions – which can truly affect the image of the Islam through
conflicts that resulted from dissatisfaction and led many of them to extremist acts in several
countries.
In 2015, Odoxa, a French private institute of public opinion, presented the results of an
interesting research made on the Gallic French opinion in relation to the Islamism. All in
all, they came to the following points:
1) “Around 2/3 of the Gallic French (63%) say that they don‟t know enough about
the Muslim religion.
2) The majority of the Gallic French think that „the Muslims try as much as
possible to put at first the fact that they are Muslims‟, but neither the left wing
sympathisants nor the people who know well the Muslims share this opinion.
3) For a large majority of the Gallic French, the Islamism doesn‟t bring the seeds
of violence. In opposite, they say that this is a religion as pacifist as the others.
4) The attacks didn‟t change the image that the Gallic French have in relation to
the French Muslims.
5) The Gallic French are convinced that the Islamophobia progresses in France
and most part of them think that nowadays it‟s more difficult to be a Muslim in
France than years before.” (ODOXA, 2015) (Free translation from French)
Ioná Ponce | 20
By the other hand, a survey made by Ipsos, under Le Monde request, in partnership with
the Political Sciences Research Center (CEVIPOF) and the Jean-Jaurès Foundation, on the
breakdowns around end of 2012 and beginning of 2013, exposed that the tensions in France
enhanced. The focus of the research was the perception that the French people had in
relation to the Islam and the results were worrying:
 “74% of the people who participated of the research said that the Islam is an
intolerant religion – which is not compatible with the French values.
 Each 8 of 10 interviewed think that the Islam wants to impose its form of operation
to the others.
 More than a half of the interviewed think that the Muslims are “in majority” (10%)
or “partially” (44%) fundamentalists.” (LES BARS, 2013) (Free translation from
French)
The list of surveys which presents opposite data in relation to this subject is long and can
be easily found on Internet, but what is really true on the situation faced by Maghreb and
Gallic French nowadays? The answer for this question probably is expressed by some of
the ideas from Pascal Blanchard in co-authorship with other scholars specialized in
History, Culture, Economy, Politics and other areas in the book “La France Arabo-
Orientale: Treize Siècles de Présences” (2013): the undeniable reality of a country which
people is the result of several Arabic ancestors living their entire lives or just for a while
with the Gallic French and the consequences of this.
Blanchard explains that the word “présences” (in English: presences), instead of
“domination”, “colonization” among others, was used because it was precisely the presence
of the Arabic people living in the way they learnt from their parents under the traditions of
their own land, but in another land with other cultural, social, political and economic
organization that made them “print” their marks on the French land – many times not
necessarily by force – at the same moment they had to “absorb” their host land to be able to
survive there. And we are talking about thirteen centuries of History during which the
presence of the Arabic people influenced the Gallic and vice-versa. Blanchard comments
that the same phenomenon happened in the French colonies of Maghreb.
Nevertheless, we still have the grievances, the increase of the Islamophobia and what was
already mentioned as possible reasons for this. I would add just one more item that could
exercise a significant influence: the media.
Ioná Ponce | 21
France is a country which laws are based on laicism. People there mostly are educated in
public schools and universities – which follow the rules of laicism. So, when a satirical
magazine as Charlie Hebdo publishes anything related to religion it is mostly based on the
idea of laicism to make fun of anything and not just to criticize. Charlie Hebdo is known by
its emphatic sarcasm on any subject they choose to comment about, but even though they
were attacked sometimes and the most violent one was related to the publication on the
prophet Muhammad. Surely, the consequences of the murder of 17 people took a
worldwide dimension in a moment where the media is increasing the attention to violence
day by day with a precise emphasis on what is called “war on terrorism” since the attack to
the World Trade Towers in USA.
This is one of several examples possible to be exposed here as a considerable force of

enhancement on the association Muslim/Arabic = terrorist which is being spread all
around since the Towers‟s attack. If the situation of the Maghreb French was already
difficult, the Islamophobia has been considerable enhanced by the information that the
media is showing about violence involving the ISIL and other extremists, increasing
prejudice and fear.
This project will not go far in the media‟s role on what is said previously neither to explain
how complex is this subject, but intends to consider the power that media has on the public
opinion – which can surely help to decrease the tension among Maghreb and Gallic French
from the aspects mentioned in this chapter: heritage, convergence, paradoxes – just to
begin.
Ioná Ponce | 22
6. Possibilities
Even if there are many important and related elements to discuss, this project will not go deeper
and cross the borders previously defined. There are publications that must be taken under
consideration if one intends to evolve in the other aspects of this work‟s subject and good
examples are the large work done by Pascal Blanchard on History and the report from the
Montaigne Institute: “Nouveau monde arabe, nouvelle „politique arabe‟ pour la France” (2017) –a
well detailed document on several aspects of the relations amongst France and the Arabic world
nowadays. Another work that presents a wider perspective is “We the Peoples”, by Kofi Annan
(2000) – a report in which are discussed the main basic needs of the humanity, projections on the
problems that many countries are passing through and alternatives to prevent and meet these
needs. Particularly, this last work has the potential to offer some keys to understand how to build a
better life for the Maghreb French with eyes in the future and a strong purpose to reduce the
possibilities of conflict in France. The dimension of this work requires several levels of the
government administration and a good media effort on the task of promote awareness.
By taking under consideration the action of meeting needs, we are also talking about democracy
and human rights – which is totally related to the main subject of this project. Since the beginning,
it is evoked the contradiction between the situation of the Maghreb French citizens in relation to
the very basic fundaments of the French Constitution: freedom, equality and brotherhood.
Lamchichi (2006) affirms that the democratic societies must be able to embrace the differences
and they must also allow people to express their needs as well to promote them awareness about
the responsibility of ethics.
The pluralist democracy consists exactly in the personal and collective identity‟s
diversity articulation and the willingness to belong to the same politic community.
The social diversity is not a threat to the universality, but the opposite: because the
uniformity mutilates the individual, (…) leads to frustration and resentment. The
integration of the Islamism in the French and European public sphere is also a
contribution for the successful citizen‟s integration and a guarantee of confessional
tolerance. (LAMCHICHI, 2006)
The author says that the consequence of this has to be a serious attempt of mutual adaptation
because this is not an effort to be done just by one side. If the Gallic French need to better
understand what is behind the Islamism and recognize the cultural diversity, the Maghreb French
Ioná Ponce | 23
need to adapt themselves to the reality they are living in a Western country and open up their
minds – which also means recognition of the others.
“To be successful in this double bet needs to strive against all forms of social
exclusion.” (LAMCHICHI, 2006)
This can be a starting point to open discussions from both sides‟ needs as well to demystify the
Islamism and to make people realize how they are already so much influenced by each other from
the concept of presence exposed by Blanchard (2013) which has been crossing centuries in the
lives of both cultures. Once these discussions reach a wide range public space with the French
government compromise and support associated to the great media, maybe it would be taken the
first step towards a positive change in the public opinion and legal mechanisms to build a better
and inclusive relation amongst Gallic and Maghreb French citizens.
What will be described below are just some propositions to be considered and developed mainly
by the government and non-governmental institutions because of their access to all the layers of
the society. These are merely suggestions of actions19 to be discussed and developed for the
rightful experts and the French government.
 ACTION 01: Public information campaigns

Purpose: make the French people better understand what Islamism is in fact to show
that it has nothing to do with terrorism.
Targeted public: Gallic French people.
Media: booklets, posters and outdoors.
Supporter: French government.
Distribution points: public schools, universities, expositions and artistic
productions related to the Arabic world and/or the immigration theme.
 ACTION 02: Round-tables

Purpose: discuss needs related to citizenship rights but avoiding religion debate.
The main subject has to be equality.
Targeted public: Maghreb French people.
Media: radio and TV.
Supporter: NGOs and other private institutions.
19
Mostly Public Relations and Social Marketing actions which can be designed for experts in the area considering the results
of researches on the public opinion crossed with the needs of people and the tensions in France.
Ioná Ponce | 24
Distribution points: specific channels that are seen by both Gallic and Maghreb
French.
 ACTION 03: Round-tables

Purpose: discuss what the Gallic French need concerning their citizenship rights in
relation to their coexistence with the Maghreb French. The main subjects have to be
equality and what they think that is fair about the presence of the French citizens of
Maghreb origin in France.
Supporter: NGOs and other private institutions.
Distribution points: specific channels that are seen by both Gallic and Maghreb
French.
 ACTION 04: Meetings in social institutions of the French government

Purpose: discuss the most urgent needs of the Maghreb French to evolve in actions
to promote a better life for them in which consists equality and freedom.
Targeted public: Maghreb French people.
Media: presential meeting.
Supporter: Specific social institutions of the French government.
 ACTION 05: Meetings in social institutions of the French government

Purpose: discuss the most urgent needs of the Gallic French to promote a fair and
harmonic coexistence with the Maghreb French.
Media: presential meeting.
Supporter: Specific social institutions of the French government.
 ACTION 06: TV and radio discussion programs

Purpose: show and discuss the result of the public meetings with the Gallic and
Maghreb French with politicians and scholars which work is related to this subject.
Targeted public: the entire French society.
Supporter: NGOs, government and other private institutions.
Distribution points: open channels which are mostly seen by all the population.
Ioná Ponce | 25
 ACTION 07: Public information campaigns

Purpose: relate brotherhood to all French citizens showing positive sides of this
diversity.
Targeted public: all French citizens.
Media: outdoors, outbuses, TV, radio.
Supporter: French government.
 ACTION 08: Effective government actions

Purpose: to guarantee the rights of the citizens through legal means with the
compromise of the NGOs to make the follow-up of this actions‟ implementation.
Targeted public: all French citizens.
Media: analysis, reports, publication of results, satisfaction public opinion research,
negotiation with the government and other interested parties.
Supporter: NGOs and private institutions.
***
Ioná Ponce | 26
Conclusion
Along all the actions taken to gather information and produce this project the sensation to go
more and more back to the past was becoming a need. If look to what happened to understand
the causes of what is happening in France was highlighted several times and yet it seemed not
enough. This people are so much influenced by each other and at the same time place
themselves as so different in some aspects that it is almost an obvious conclusion that a
communication work towards a message like “let‟s wake up and make it simpler” must be
done.
The French citizen are fearing and being revolted not by what already constitutes their society
influenced by Arabic and Gallic background, but by specific violent acts from both sides:
attacks involving murders and assumed by extremist (and opportunist) Muslims as well as
unfair social rights which finishes by placing people in a situation of inequality (that is also
another face of the violence).
Unfortunately, the Islamophobia is increasing and making things worse to the Maghreb French.
This is one of the most relevant reasons get the support from the government and the media to
promote awareness based on clear information and also evoking the result from the past, what
was wrong, what now is good, what can be done to fully live “freedom, equality and
brotherhood”.
However the message seems to be simple in terms of a Communications activity, this is a huge
work which would require projects of medium and long terms. At first, all these contradictions
on the public opinion surveys should be ceased with a new and large research all around France,
knowing that the information given by a French person from the North would be less influenced
than a French person from the South – where the Moor‟s occupation was more intense. Even to
prepare this survey, historical facts have to be taken under consideration and a multidisciplinary
group has to be formed to approve the survey and analyze its results which must contain data on
social, economic, educational, and religious aspects among others.
From the result and confirmation of this survey as well the ones from some of the proposed
actions in this work, the mentioned projects of medium and long terms could be built – once
they would have a strong and confirmed basis to elaborate effective actions. And maybe then an
effective movement to make equality something real for the Maghreb French without fearing
the Gallic ones.
Ioná Ponce | 27
Main references
ALGERIE. 2018. Données historiques et conséquences linguistiques.

http://www.axl.cefan.ulaval.ca/afrique/algerie-2Histoire.htm
ANNAN, K. 2000. We the Peoples. United Nations. Department of Public Information.
BENTAHAR, M. 2016. Sale temps pour les musulmans de France. Mediapart.

https://blogs.mediapart.fr/m-bentahar/blog/200816/sale-temps-pour-les-musulmans-de-france
BERTHOLON, L. (no year presented) La colonisation arabe en France. Bulletin de la Société

d'anthropologie de Lyon, tome 5, 1886. pp. 73-116. https://www.persee.fr/doc/linly_1160-
641x_1886_num_5_1_16264. Information gathered on December, 2018.
BLANCHARD, P., 2013. La France Arabo-Orientale. 13 Siècles de Présence. La Découverte.
HUCHON, O. 2017. France, le retour d‟une « politique arabe » ? Les clefs du Moyen-
Orient. https://www.lesclesdumoyenorient.com/Compte-rendu-de-la-revue-Moyen-Orient-
France-le-retour-d-une-politique-arabe.html
INSTITUT MONTAGNE. 2017. Nouveau monde arabe, nouvelle « politique arabe » pour la
France.
KITOUNI, H. 2015. Ces « Français musulmans » dont la France a mal.

https://www.agoravox.fr/tribune-libre/article/ces-francais-musulmans-dont-la-175794
LAMCHICHI, A. 2006. Musulmans de france, politique de reconnaissance et ethique de

responsabilité. L'Harmattan. Confluences Méditerranée.
https://www.cairn.info/revue-confluences-mediterranee-2006-2-page-25.htm
LE BARS, S. 2013. 74 % des Français jugent l‟islam intolérant : « Les musulmans doivent
entendre cet avertissement ». Digne de foi. Le Monde blog on religions' explanations.
http://religion.blog.lemonde.fr/2013/01/24/74-des-francais-jugent-lislam-intolerant-les-
musulmans-doivent-entendre-cet-avertissement/
Ioná Ponce | 28
L'OBS. 2013. Ce que la France doit aux Arabes.

https://bibliobs.nouvelobs.com/essais/20131129.OBS7599/ce-que-la-france-doit-aux-
arabes.html
LORCERIE, F. 2005. Maghrébins en Europe. L‟islam comme contre-identification française :

trois moments. https://journals.openedition.org/anneemaghreb/161#article-161
LYNCH, J. 2009. Media and Peacebuilding. FUOC.
ODOXA, L‟Opinion Tranchée. 2015. L‟image des musulmans et de l‟islam auprès des
français. http://www.odoxa.fr/?s=islam
REINFORMATION HISTORIQUE. (no year presented) Présence des sarrasins en France

avant et après la Bataille de Poitiers. http://histoirerevisitee.over-blog.com/presence-des-
sarrasins-en-france-avant-et-apres-la-bataille-de-poitiers.html . Information gathered on
January, 2019.
SAID, E. 1978. Orientalism. Pantheon Books.
SBAI, J. 2018. Un projet aux relents coloniaux pour l‟islam de France. ORIENT XXI
https://orientxxi.info/lu-vu-entendu/un-projet-aux-relents-coloniaux-pour-l-islam-de-
france,2325
SBAI, J. 2016. Les racines coloniales de la politique française à l‟égard de l‟islam. ORIENT
XXI. https://orientxxi.info/magazine/les-racines-coloniales-de-la-politique-francaise-a-l-
egard-de-l-islam,1426
SERENI, JP. 2013. Algérie : l‟islam sous administration coloniale. ORIENT XXI.
https://orientxxi.info/lu-vu-entendu/algerie-l-islam-sous-administration-coloniale,0432
SIJPESTEIJN, P. 2018. The Cosmopolitan Medieval Arabic World. University of Leiden.

Coursera platform.
Ioná Ponce | 29

The Maghreb French and The French Mood-IONA PONCE

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Droits d'auteur :

The Maghreb French and The French Mood-IONA PONCE

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Droits d'auteur :

Master in Conflitology UOC-UNITAR

Postgraduate Project Armed Conflicts and Crisis Management

The Maghreb French and the Gallic French Mood:

Supervisor: Professor Cristina Salas Valdés, PhD

Recife-PE, Brazil, 28th January, 2019

« Electeurs électrices et electricités idéalistes de tous bords

Pantouflards pantouflardes de gauche et de droite

La Franse c'est très cool

Tu cours, tu cours en France...

AAA-llons enfants de la patrie

1.1 The main context

A French blood terrorist, no matter the crime he committed, stays in France. A

1.2 The case’s relevance nowadays

When it is necessary to understand a situation, we normally try to collect information about

4.1 When the Islamic routes were linking Orient to Occident

It‟s also mentioned in the course

Fig. 2: the Islam tree (SIJPESTEIJN, 2018).

4.3 Orientalism: an Occidental tool for misunderstanding

Fig. 3: the Islamic terrorists according to the media (SIJPESTEIJN, 2018).

5. Heritage, convergences and paradoxes

In the article “Muslims of France, recognition politics and responsibility of ethics”,

« In just one generation, these peoples showed a great ability of adaptation.

This is one of several examples possible to be exposed here as a considerable force of

 ACTION 01: Public information campaigns

 ACTION 02: Round-tables

 ACTION 03: Round-tables

 ACTION 04: Meetings in social institutions of the French government

 ACTION 05: Meetings in social institutions of the French government

 ACTION 06: TV and radio discussion programs

 ACTION 07: Public information campaigns

 ACTION 08: Effective government actions

ALGERIE. 2018. Données historiques et conséquences linguistiques.

ANNAN, K. 2000. We the Peoples. United Nations. Department of Public Information.

BENTAHAR, M. 2016. Sale temps pour les musulmans de France. Mediapart.

BERTHOLON, L. (no year presented) La colonisation arabe en France. Bulletin de la Société

BLANCHARD, P., 2013. La France Arabo-Orientale. 13 Siècles de Présence. La Découverte.

KITOUNI, H. 2015. Ces « Français musulmans » dont la France a mal.

LAMCHICHI, A. 2006. Musulmans de france, politique de reconnaissance et ethique de

L'OBS. 2013. Ce que la France doit aux Arabes.

LORCERIE, F. 2005. Maghrébins en Europe. L‟islam comme contre-identification française :

LYNCH, J. 2009. Media and Peacebuilding. FUOC.

REINFORMATION HISTORIQUE. (no year presented) Présence des sarrasins en France

SAID, E. 1978. Orientalism. Pantheon Books.

SIJPESTEIJN, P. 2018. The Cosmopolitan Medieval Arabic World. University of Leiden.

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