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Tn the Ast place. cling 0 the document in onder ka 40% ou (tla) the arguimenas Should eontefa (lt ig the References part). Then, inthe eecond piace, explain the Refercnce Under analy aad, # be, complete information relying on your imckground nowledge (Explanation pan), Finly Geek te information provided, erect with your own knowles suppor ofthe Main fea it M1 The A syuthesis of the differert arayments and parial copelusion = Aidaamore chest Hie dosument, A nae perspective on how to cominut the unvumentation,Concepts Culturele & Civili Text Analysis Handout 1 taken of impri clauses are one will we deny or delay right or justice. or outlawed or exiled or in an nent of his peers ot by except by the ful ju roa a book review Sinon Venay, The Surdhy Thies (The Youd reviewed by Ve rand published by ti 0201 1218: The Teor of Magna Ci83 Bel Teds A | _ = Ro fmedoac omc Rs npbol Ti | 3 B sichh | gash, Giotoot re ele[Bel Mode di Vives fink Cet Behe : Dao Bec hat? Hob 2 (Se the abcConcepts culturels & civilisationnels I Text Analysis First year/ Semester I/ January 2015 Tentative key Introduction Students are supposed to state some basic background information to the text by introducing the Great Charter (called in Latin Magna Carta) and the circumstances that forced King John to sign it after negotiations with his barons at Runnymede in i215. The document is one of the most celebrated documents in English history. It solved, at the time, a conflict between — King John and his barons. Its clauses promised the pfotection of church rights, protection — from illegal imprisonment, access to swift justice and, most importantly, limitations on — taxation and other feudal payments to the Crown, with certain forms of feudal taxation — requiring baronial consent. The Great Charter is recognized as a cornerstone of the concepts of constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy. Background information should eventually set the stage for the main idea of the text, which, contrary to popular belief, undermines the importance of Magna Carta in view of two major factors: = (a) its trivial effect on the authority of the monarch in medieval England & () the limited number of people who profited from the provisions of the Charter = ple protie e(2) onalb) = Main Body: A- Magna Carta had iittle effect on the power of King John himself and his successors in medieval England. + King John sealed the Charter simply because he was negotiating with the barons from | a position of weakness. In fact, as he had lost most of his ancestral lands in France to King Philip Il, he raised’ extensive taxes on the barons and got involved in an expensive but unsuccessful military campaign against France, which rendered him . — more and more unpopular with his subjects. * However, the Charter was no more than “a quick fix” or just a temporary ceasefire in the struggle between King John and the barons. obptde by | © Actually, the King did not SS 8 its provisions. He rather sought approval to break it, from his spiritual overlotd Pope Innocent IIL 7 * It followed thar the Pope declared the Charter to be "not only shameful and demeaning = but also illegal and unjust" since John had been "forced to accept” it, and accordingly — the Charter as well as anything "confirming it or resulting from it" were "null, and void of all validity forever”.Comment upon the following text using the questions below as guidelines: NB: Your answer should fit into an essay formar In his inaugural address in 1942, US President Franklin D. Roosevelt said: "The democratic —— aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history... It was written in Magna Carta." But Magna Carta's status is not agreed upon by everyone Dr. George Garnett, a history fecturer at Oxford University, specializing in English history in =. the 10-13th Centuries, says that while Magna Carta has been thought to be enormously |_— Influential that wasn't Its origi Intention, “it was designed to be = quick fix in an = impossible and unprecedented set of circumstances," he says. "The King was absolutely =! desperate and within six months he’d persuaded the pope to annul it, Mark Juddery, author of Overrated: The 50 Most Overhyped Things. in History, argues that . : Magna Carta “wasn't really 2 case of this feeling that there should be a lot more freedom and that everyone should be equal." Indeed, the majority of the clauses in the original ‘—}- document were focused on rights relating to the barons.. E 4 “W's interesting that the key one which says ‘no free man be selzed or imprisoned’ was not |— even for everybody," says Dr. Claire Breay, lead curator of Medieval manuscripts at the British Library. “There were mord freemen than barons but the majority of the population were the unfree peasantry, so the majority were not directly affected by Magna Carta in 1215”. “Is Magna Carta Overated?”, Keith Moore, BBC, 28 September 2012 Questions: 1- What effect did Magna Carta have on the Monarch in Medieval England? Why? 2- Who profited most from the clauses of the Great Charter? Why? 3+ What were the Charter’s implications for lower classes in England?=—— B- Magna Carta was not designed to protect the rights and liberties of the public at large. It rather focused on the rights of “free men” — the barons in particular. + By the standards of medieval England, the concept of a “free man” referred to a man who was not a serf (a peasant bound by the feydal system who Was tied to working on his lord's estate ip feudal times. In most seridomst selfs were legally part ofthe land, and if the land wat'sofd, they were sold with i). © Yet, free men then feanseae only a small segment of the population, in comiparison with “the unfree peasantry” ~ ‘© Thus, the Great Charter (which is believed to have played a decisive rofe in the development of constitutional government in England) granted many rights to the English aristocracy rather than ordinary people. ‘© Ordinary people “were not directly affected by Magna Carta”. They continued to be excluded because the Charter was simply designed to address individual baronial (rather than popular) complaints. Conclusion Practically speaking, Magna Carta did not guarantee individual liberties to all people. Also, it did not curtail royal power in medieval England as King John managed to “annul it” with che help of the Pope. However, the Charter went beyond simply addressing individual baronial complaints as it formed a wider proposal for political reform and ushered in a new era of constitutional democracy, making the King submit to a law designed to check royal power. It actually, hammered the first nail into the coffin of absolute royal power and subsequently became a model for establishing democratic government and individual rights for all. Magna Carta should therefore be assessed with regard to its long term implications for democratic ‘government rather than its immediate effects on the political scene in medieval England, Marking Criteria: = Content (facts, background knowledge and relevance): 8 marks = Language (grammar, syntax and mecanies of writing): 6 marks = Vocabulary (spelling, semantic accuracy and correct usage): 4 marks - Organization (layout, convincing argumentation and coherence): 2. marks e - Wt| | | 1 = 1 SS SS Eo [ | ES ‘Coneepis Culturels &GhilisationnelsT > Text Analysis- = Handout 2 ‘There is some difference of opinion as to how revolutionary the events of 1688-89 actually were and several commentators make the point that the provisions of the Bill of Rights! did not represent.new — = Jaw, but rather stated existing rights. Thompson wrote that, apart from determining the succession, the Bill of Rights. did “little more, than set forth certain poifts of existing laws and simply secured to Englishmen the rights of which dhey were. already possessed”. Geoffrey Lock, in an article on the significance of the Bill of Rights, states that the articles of the Bill of Rights were, in effect, a programme for futuze legislation. “It was never intended that the Articles should stand on‘their own as, substantive law but rather that Rasliament should retuyn to. these to rk them up into full-scale statutes”. ‘House of Commons Library, Standard Note, “The Bill of Rights 1689", SN/PC/0293, = = The bil of Rigs was nhs to tha emer fom the “Clorious Revolution” of 1688-89, wich ean nthe exile of King — Sag ms Hee eof ian of Ores Mays neat wero i an mien © — | determine the succession to the Throne; to quch-future arbitrary behaviour of the monarch; and to guarantee parliament's powers vis a vis the CGiown they ealshinga consti monty "Mask Thompson, Consfuional Histo of England 1938, © Geary Lock. "The 1669 Bil OF Ri", Plc Sri XXXVI (4), Dee 1989, p41,eSRevise and proofread the following essay: ‘This text deals with the significance of the Bill ofiights, an Act of the Parliinent of England passed on 16"Becember 1689. The Bill emerged from the Glorious fevolution(i 688-89} which led to the overthrow of King James II and the accession to the throne of William IIT (William of@range) and his wife Matry 2s joirkmonarchs. It curbed future arbitrary behaviour of the 7 monarch and established a constitutional monarchy. This text introducestwo different attitudes towards the Bill of Rights: the first attitude considers the Bill of Rights as a restatement of existing rights while the second takes the bill as‘a programme forffuture pone Some historians think that the bill of rights did not come up with 3 new rights, Jt rather =a restated existing rights. One of these is the right to bear arms for self-defence which is thought 40 be an established right in English common law (law developed by judges through decisions of courts), What happened is that king James IL tried to disarmy Protestants as he wanted to revive Catholic dominance of the Boverment in England. The 8ill of fights therefore restored. conto epie treet. = Other historians, on the other hand, belie that the articles of the Bill of ights were just a “programme for future legislation”, Th fact, the Bill was meant to prevent future monarchs —— from any interference in law-making.‘ sipply, ie it was a document that limited the power of | British monarchs,and in doing so it established ihe supremacy of Parliament. CCRCeauLat! = supreme power is in modern times vested in Parliament as the real representative of the © — people of the UK although it is formally headed by the monarch. — The Bill of Rights sety out, or in the view of some critics, restated certain constitutional | tequirements such 2s the monarch’s duty to seek the consent of the people, as represented in parliament. It was in this sense another step (after Magna Carta) in the process leading to the | curtailment of the powers of the monarch and the establishment of a constitutional monarchy = in Britain, Wore importantly, the English Bill of Fights inspired later constitutional documents (— such as the UnitedStates Bill of Rights. : Rania Boudawara / Mokhles ben Moallem / Mohamed ben Ammar. (1F1) putea fe Higa 4 { E i |e SS SS = S - t +t SSS : + ==| | s | := Toe Thame This text discusshe membership and powers of the House of Lords (the upper house) in relation to the House of Commons (the lower house). Both houses make up the UK Parliament, but they differtat in terms of membership and powers. In fact, the members of the lower house are elected [=Toeaza whereas the members of the upper house are appointed by the monarch on the advice of the Prime Minister, The Commons now repygsent the dominant section of (Me Parliament. Nevertheless, until 1911, they hawk legi lative pia? swith the Lords. Actually, the latter Y2"able to reject legislation passed by the Colfiions. And it‘ not until the constitutional crisis of 1909/10 that British policy makers re-examined the powers of the upper house, The text under examination tet, the major reason behind the eri in question and itts implications for the relation between both houses. ‘The major reason behind the crisis was “the rejection by the Lords of the Liberal Govesment’s Budget of 1909”, t,known as the People’s Budget introduced by the Liberal Govertfient of Prime Minister H Asquith proposed radical social welfare programmes, ae to fight poverty and bridge the fap between the upper classes andthe disadvantaged popula. To fund such, programmes, fe = People's Budget proposedgewPtaxes on the wealthy in Britain, and it was "revolutior ‘Brdget with the expressed intent of redistributing wealth among the British public. The budget was apprpved re hg Commons, but it was defeated by the Lords. Actually, the conservative upper house was BS ‘with “a non Conservative oven P which soeK to change the existing order, thus posing a threat to the interests ofthe privifeged population Seb Kcon t ‘The crisis eventually culminated Xa the enactément of the Parliament Act of 1911, which destroyed the “legislative parity” of the two Houses of Parifament and established the Commons’ formal dominance over the House of Lords. As a matter of fact, the Lords’ power to reject bills was reduced to a delaying power. Beans thatthe Lords could no longer prevent bls passing into law. ‘They could only delay money bills for no more than one month and other bills for no more than two | years (which was reduced to one year in'1949), The Asguith GoveRment secured the passage ofthe bill [= | hic clipped the wings ofthe Los with anGBERARing by king George V to rate sufcen new — Liberal peers to over€ome the Lords’ opposition % the measure, if necessary. The passage of a bill to | _curail the powers of the House of Lords was actually secured after threating to flood the House with 500 new Liberal peers. * = | WY ‘The Parliament cts of 1911 and 1949 placed the relationship between the House of Lords and | House of Commons ononew footing. In fact, hapnade it clear tat the former cquld only act as @ check on the lower house. The Lords can now sn cand cs pills that have'Epproved by the Commons. They can also delay Bills and force he Comuz Baier their decisions, but they es are unable to prevent bills passing into law, except in certain limited circumstances. The kugailmen ef the House of Lords! powers is quid reasonable because its members are selected rather chan elected and should not therefore have as much power as the elected MPs, and i for this reason that real = legislative power is now vested in the House of Commons width elected members are the real representatives of the people of the UK jdhose é . pasinsousi 193] ©= oF = el 4 = Concepts Culturels & civilisationnels 1 cals ny Pome Bath | j cain ome South waa Text Anatysie ees a Handout 4 O PPI ON pane = Parliamentary Government based on the party system has been established in Britain only over the past 100 years. Even as recently as the early nineteenth century, there was no clear-cut division in the = House of Commons along modern party lines. The terms ‘Whig’ and ‘Tory’ to describe certain political leanings had been in use for about 150 years but there was virtually no party organisation outside Parliament. The House of Commons did not present a picture of opposing parties, but of + politcal groups which could be classified only roughly in accordance with the measure of their olgerg. ial adi dl dh consistency in support of or in opposition to the King’s Government. ~ Doc 7 ae Proce Pe yw canny obs Rave Re WITS ock> aero = —a- ‘The reason for this lack eae lay, to s extent in the comparatively small size/and° ) oD -——~ exclusive nature of the electolite. In the couieSYhete Was a initorm Hanchise-qualiticatioy of a~ rz. by === freehold (that is, clear income) of 40 shillings a year, fixed in the fifteenth century, but in the bo¥Sughs Sy ee the franchise varied enormously. In some there was manhood suffrage, in some ratepayer suffrage, in") = = some the mayor and corporation returned the members of Parliament and in others the franchise was * a = = (restricted to the owners of certain plots of land (burgages). The new industrial areas, such as T® =" F —— 1Manchester (with a population of 133, 000), were unrepresented in the Commons while at the other vsend of the scale ancient boroughs which had decayed over the years, such as Old Sarum, near ‘Salisbury, which had no inhabitants, sent two members, Some seats were in the gift of the =" Government, still more were in the hands of private proprietors. Hie oixteeme-of elections: \s09"9 Sital! number BF influgntial citizens, and not by the public at large. The personal influence of —— agandidate counted for more than the policy of a party; and once a member had been elected he was = eunder no obligation to support a party policy. In 1830 the total electorate ofthe United Kingdom was only abou 300,04 out of an adult population of ili =o Tmpalastoee nei dwiaehsrmean Bono Re Goxtoome nt 2 The Reform Act of 1832, while it did not greatly increase the electorate (which rose to only some :5720,000 by its provisions), put the franchise 09a tre consent basis and, perhaps most important of wall, began the process of redistributing, senfanata 10 pOpilation, The Act of 186] in effect =sgenfranchised the urban workers and that of 1884 the rural workers, to give virtually complete manhood ——"\.suffrage. Female suffrage followed in the ‘in the twentieth century — first, by the 1918 Act, to women: of 30 = E = sayears of age and over and then, by the 1928 Act, to v: men on the basis of equality with men (i.e. the Hae : — séright to vote at the age of 21 years and over). Of equal importance with these measures to increase the =*franchise was legislation to ensure that it was exercised freely (the Ballot Aci. 1872. providing for E —"oting by sere allot) and was not open to comupton (the Compt and Mega Practices Act, 1883) 7 LS Central Qffice of Inform: December 1963, p. 14. n, London, “The Growth of Parliamentary Government in Britain”,