Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
SLAVICA
R E V U E I N T E R N AT I O N A L E
D E S É T U D E S BYZ A N T I N E S
LXIX 2011
1--2
B Y Z A N T I N O S L A V I C A
REVUE INTERNATIONALE DES ÉTUDES BYZANTINES
fondée en 1929
TOME LXIX (2011) 1-2, 3 supplementum
Publiée par
l’Institut slave de l’Académie des sciences de la République Tchèque
sous la direction de
LUBOMÍRA HAVLÍKOVÁ
Comité de rédaction
Petr BALCÁREK, Vlastimil DRBAL, Julie JANČÁRKOVÁ,
Markéta KULHÁNKOVÁ, Kateřina LOUDOVÁ, Pavel MILKO, Štefan PILÁT
Comité international de lecture
Stefan ALBRECHT (Mainz), Michail V. BIBIKOV (Moscou), Růžena DOSTÁLOVÁ (Prague),
Axinia DŽUROVA (Sofia), Simon FRANKLIN (Cambridge), Wolfram HÖRANDNER (Vienne),
Michel KAPLAN (Paris), Taxiarchis KOLIAS (Athènes), Ljubomir MAKSIMOVIĆ (Belgrade),
Paolo ODORICO (Paris), Jonathan SHEPARD (Oxford)
Prière d’adresser toute correspondance, ainsi que les manuscrits, les revues en
échange et les livres pour compte-rendu, à la rédaction de la revue à l’adresse
BYZANTINOSLAVICA
Slovansk˝ ˙stav AV »R, v. v. i.
Valentinská 1, 110 00 Praha 1, »esk· republika
e-mail: byzslav@slu.cas.cz; havlikova@slu.cas.cz
http://www.slu.cas.cz/byzantinoslavica.html
Conditions d’abbonement:
La diffusion en République Tchèque et en République Slovaque est assurée par
EUROSLAVICA – distribuce publikací, e-mail: euroslavica@volny.cz
La diffusion dans tous les autres pays est assurée par
Kubon & Sagner Buchexport-import GmbH, Abonement "Byzantinoslavica",
D-80328 München;
fax: +49(0) 89 54218-218, e-mail: postmaster@kubon-sagner.de
La revue paraît dans la maison d’édition
EUROSLAVICA, Celetná 12, CZ-110 00 Praha 1
Publiée par
l’Institut slave de l’Académie des sciences de la République Tchèque
sous la direction de
LUBOMÍRA HAVLÍKOVÁ
Comité de rédaction
Petr BALCÁREK, Vlastimil DRBAL, Julie JANČÁRKOVÁ,
Markéta KULHÁNKOVÁ, Kateřina LOUDOVÁ, Pavel MILKO, Štefan PILÁT
Comité international de lecture
Stefan ALBRECHT (Mainz), Michail V. BIBIKOV (Moscou), Růžena DOSTÁLOVÁ (Prague),
Axinia DŽUROVA (Sofia), Simon FRANKLIN (Cambridge), Wolfram HÖRANDNER (Vienne),
Michel KAPLAN (Paris), Taxiarchis KOLIAS (Athènes), Ljubomir MAKSIMOVIĆ (Belgrade),
Paolo ODORICO (Paris), Jonathan SHEPARD (Oxford)
LXIX / 1-2
PRAGUE 2011
© Slovanský ústav AV ČR, v. v. i., 2011
T A B L E D E S M A T I È R E S
ET RÉSUMÉS DES ARTICLES
d e l a L X I X ème a n n é e ( 2 0 1 1 / 1 - 2 )
articles
Alenka CEDILNIK (Ljubljana)
Der römisch-gotische Friedensschluss im Jahre 382 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Adam IZDEBSKI (Warsaw)
The Slavs’ political institutions and the Byzantine policies (ca. 530-650) . . 50
Elena Ene D-VASILESCU (Oxford)
A Face to Face Encounter: The God-Humanity relationship as reflected
in the icons of the Eastern Christian (Orthodox) Church . . . . . . . . . . . 70
Efi RAGIA (Athens)
The geography of the provincial administration of the Byzantine
empire (ca. 600-1200): I. 2. Apothekai of the Balkans and of the
islands of the Aegean Sea (7th-8th c.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
Maciej KOKOSZKO ñ Katarzyna GIBEL (£Ûdü)
Photius and Eustathius of Thessalonica on Greek cuisine intricacies,
or a few words on abyrtake (PâõñôÜêç) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Regina KOYCHEVA (Sofia)
Traces de la langue des deux saints égaux aux Apôtres, Cyrille et
Méthode, et leurs élèves (Nouveaux fragments de l’acrostiche du
canon funèbre en ancien bulgare du sixième ton) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
Marek MEŠKO (Bratislava – Princeton)
Notes sur la chronologie de la guerre des Byzantins contre les
Petchénègues (1083-1091) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
Angeliki PAPAGEORGIOU (Athens)
ïj äc ëýêïé ©ò ÐÝñóáé: The image of the “Turks” in the reign
of John II Komnenos (1118-1143) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .149
Ioannis POLEMIS (Athens)
Notes on the Inaugural Oration of the Patriarch Michael
of Anchialos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
Elisabeth PILTZ (Uppsala)
King (kralj) Milutin and the Paleologan tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
Georgi ATANASOV (Silistra)
Les monastères rupestres le long de la rivière Suha,
dans la région de Dobrudja de Sud . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Jelena BOGDANOVI∆ (Greenville)
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture
and the Question of “Building Schools”. An Overlooked Case
of the Fourteenth-Century Churches from the Region of Skopje . . . . . 219
Walter K. HANAK (Shepherdstown)
Bucharest ms. No. 1385 and The Tale of Constantinople, 1453:
Some Reconsiderations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267
édition critique
ßâîð ĚČËŇĹÍÎÂ (Ńîôč˙)
Ńëŕâ˙íńęčé ďĺðĺâîä Ńëîâŕ Čîŕííŕ Çëŕňîóńňŕ De sancto
hieromartyre Phoca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
comptes-rendus
Procopius Gazaeus. Opuscula rhetorica et oratoria (R. S t e f e c / Wien) . . . . . . . 369
Ph. B. PERRA, FÏ ËÝùí díáíôßïí ôyò ½ìéóåëÞíïõ. FÏ ðñþôïò âåíåôï-ïèùìáíéê’ò ðüëåìïò
êár ½ êáôÜëçøç ôï™ eëëáäéêï™ ÷þñïõ (1463-1479) (R. S t e f e c / Wien) . . . . . . 372
Palimpsestes et éditions de textes: les textes littéraires (R. S t e f e c / Wien) . . . . 374
Greek Manuscripts at Princeton, Sixth to Nineteenth Century. A Descriptive
Catalogue (R. S t e f e c / Wien) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377
L’éducation au gouvernement et à la vie. La tradition des „Règles de vie“
de l’antiquité au moyen âge (R. D o s t á l o v á / Praha) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 380
Anthony KALDELLIS, Hellenism in Byzantium. The transformation of Greek Iden-
tity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition (R. D o s t á l o v á / Praha) . 382
Petr BALCÁREK | »eskÈ zemÏ a Byzanc. Problematika byzantskÈho umÏlecko-
historickÈho vlivu [Die böhmischen Länder und Byzanz. Problematik
des byzantinischen kunsthistorischen Einflusses] (S. A l b r e c h t / Mainz) . . 384
King or Steward: leadership and diplomacy in late Byzantium. Tonia KIOUSSOPOULOU,
Basileus ê oikonomos: politikê exousia kai ideologia prin tên Alôsê [Basileus
or Oikonomos. Political Authority and Ideology Before the Fall
(of Constantinople)] (E. R u s s e l l / London) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 386
Martin DIMNIK – Julijan DOBRINI∆, Medieval Slavic Coinages in the Balkans:
Numismatic History and Catalogue (R. Z a o r a l / Praha) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387
notes informatives
Â. ŇÚĎĘÎÂŔ-ÇŔČĚÎÂŔ | “Áúëăŕðč ðîäîě...”. Ęîěčňîďóëčňĺ â ëĺňîďčńíŕňŕ
č čńňîðčîăðŕôńęŕňŕ ňðŕäčöč˙ (M. R a e v / Cambridge) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391
Steven RUNCIMAN | The Lost Capital of Byzantium. The History of Mistra
and the Peloponnese (M. K o n e Ë n ˝ / Košice) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 392
p u b l i c a t i o n s r e ç u e s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 396
l i s t e d e s c o l l a b o r a t e u r s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400
résumés des articles
The Slavs’ political institutions and the Byzantine policies (ca. 530-650)
Adam IZDEBSKI (Warsaw)
The recent ethno-historical research on the Germanic and Slavic political tradi-
tions allowed the author to reconstruct the early Slavs’ political institutions with
the use of the Byzantine sources. The role of the assembly (wiec) and leadership
patterns are discussed. Then, the Byzantine incapability of dealing with the early
Slavs is compared to the Frankish successes. Finally, the implications of histori-
cal genetics for the study of the early Slavs are considered.
580-662) and, in the twentieth century, the theologian Dumitru Stãniloae (1903-
1993). It presents one way in which participation happens, and states that the
fact that God works in the world through His energies carried out by the Holy
Spirit makes possible a ‘face to face encounter’ between Him and humankind.
One way in which this process is concretised in Eastern Orthodox Christianity is
through the practice of honouring icons. The text explains the ‘devices’ active
in the respective liturgical art during this God-humankind encounter. Among
these are the model of Trinitarian love and a compositional technique that pro-
duces in the viewer ‘simultaneity of seeing’.
situated to the north, like Gollesh, Brestnitsa and Onnogur, as well as some to
the south, like the Hittovo monastery, are small cloisters of the skit type related
to the monastic center of “Gyaur Evleri”. There are also some documented her-
mit and recluse cells. The colony was deserted simultaneously with the nearby
castles toward the end of the 6th and fully abandoned in the 7th c. but life in
these parts was revived in the period of the First Bulgarian Kingdom during the
10th c.
Bucharest ms. No. 1385 and The Tale of Constantinople, 1453: Some
Reconsiderations
Walter K. HANAK (Shepherdstown)
The Bucharest ms. No. 1385, The Tale of Constantinople, in a number passages
stands in marked contrast to the several Slavonic renditions, the Troitse-Sergiev
Lavra ms. No. 773, Hilandar Slavic ms. 280, and the Chronograph Redaction of
1512. This study contrasts the accounts concerning a patriarch, Justinian, a wife,
and the death of Constantine XI, comparing the similarities and differences
among the passages. The author posits that the Bucharest ms. is a late seven-
teenth-century rendition.
étude critique
The Slavonic Translation of St. John Chrysostom´s Homily De sancto
hieromartyre Phoca
Yavor MILTENOV (Sofia)
The Slavonic version of St. John Chrysostom’s homily De sancto hieromartyre
Phoca (BHG 1537, CPG 4364) emerged in the beginning of the 10th c. in
Bulgaria and came to us in the longer redaction of the Zlatostruy (Chrysorrhoas)
collection. The present study is devoted to a comparison of the witnesses, build-
ing a stemma codicum and identifying the characteristics of the Slavonic arche-
type. Attached, an edition of the Slavonic version (according to seven copies)
8 and parallel Greek text is being included.
Regional Developments in Late
Byzantine Architecture and the
Question of “Building Schools”
An Overlooked Case of the Fourteenth-Century
Churches from the Region of Skopje *
* This article is an expanded and revised version of papers ìThe Role of Mid-
Fourteenth Century Skopje in the Development of Byzantine Church Archi-
tectureî and ìThe Church of the Assumption of the Virgin at MatejiË. Regional
Re-interpretation of Middle Byzantine Constantinopolitan Architecture in the
Palaeologan Era?î given at the Round Table on Palaeologan Culture organized by
Prof. Elizabeth Jeffereys at Oxford University and at the 29th Annual Byzantine
Studies Conference (now Byzantine Studies Association of North America) in
June and October of 2003, respectively. I benefited from valuable comments from
the audience at these public presentations. My work on regional building schools
started in Prof. Slobodan ∆urËiÊí seminar Late Byzantine Architecture: Questions of
Style and Regionalism at Princeton University in fall 2002. In addition to Prof.
∆urËiÊ, for their support, critical advice, and for sharing with me their biblio-
graphical and photo documentation I also owe debt of gratitude to Dr. Ljubica D.
Popovich, Dr. Ida SinkeviÊ, Dr. Milan Radujko, Dr. Ivan DrpiÊ, Dr. Ljubomir Mila-
noviÊ, Nebojöa StankoviÊ, Dr. Marina MihaljeviÊ, Dr. Jelena Trkulja, Dr. Kate
LaMere, Dr. Duöan DaniloviÊ, Vojislav BogdanoviÊ, Erin Kalish, Joyce Newman,
Dr. Dorothy Muller, Dr. Erguen Lafli, and Linda Ratliff. Any potential mistakes,
however, are unintentional and remain my responsibility.
1 R. KRAUTHEIMER with S. ∆UR»I∆ in a seminal book, Early Christian and Byzantine
Architecture, New Haven-London 1986 [1965] organized the corpus of Byzantine
architecture chronologically-historically, geographically, and typologically. The
approach is encyclopedic and empirical, in its essence descriptive, and often
detached from the particular objects and their artistic context. The architectural
material is usually divided into clearly formulated chronological groups, defined
by historically documented events. The geographical distribution of the monu-
ments and architectural building types re-group the material on a sublevel.
Chapter five, Church Building after Justinian and its integral parts The Cross-Domed
Church, and The Borderlands, Mesopotamia and the Tur Abdin, Egypt and Nubia, The
Balkans, Bulgaria, Armenia and Georgia, illustrate the approach. C. MANGO, Byzan-
tine Architecture, New York 1976 introduces a thematic approach in the two chap-
ters dealing with building materials and techniques and cities, while the essential
parts of the work follow the chronological-historical approach as in Krautheimerís 219
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
book. L. RODLEY, Byzantine Art and Architecture, Cambridge 2001 [1994] organizes
architecture, sculpture, monumental arts, minor arts, and illuminated manu-
scripts chronologically, and concludes about the arts of the given period at the
end of each chapter. Categories such as Armenian art and architecture or By-
zantine ceramics comprise the appendices since they did not fit the general out-
line of the book. For an overview of prevalent typological, functional, symbolic or
ideological, and socio-economic methodological approaches in Byzantine ar-
chitecture see: C. MANGO, Approaches to Byzantine Architecture, Muqarnas 8 (1991)
40-44.
2 While acknowledging flaws in research and need for its improvement, archi-
tectural historians recovered interest in style in Byzantine church architecture:
H. BUCHWALD, Lascarid Architecture, J÷B 28 (1979) 261-296; id., Form, Style and
Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, Aldershot ñ Brookfield, Vt. c. 1999;
R. OUSTERHOUT, Constantinople, Bithynia, and Regional Developments in Later Palaeo-
logan Architecture, in: The Twilight of Byzantium, eds. S. ∆urËiÊ ñ D. Mouriki,
Princeton 1991, 75-91; S. ∆UR»I∆, Middle Byzantine Architecture on Cyprus: Provincial
or Regional? Nicosia 2000; id., The Role of Late Byzantine Thessalonike in Church
Architecture in the Balkans, DOP 57 (2003) 65-84. Detailed studies on urban and
artistic life in Constantinople are promising further contributions in stylistic
analysis of Byzantine architecture: P. MAGDALINO, Studies on the History and
Topography of Byzantine Constantinople, Aldershot ñ Brookfield, Vt. 2007; Byzantine
Constantinople: Monuments, Topography and Everyday Life. Papers from the
International Workshop held at Bog¢ aziçi University, Istanbul, 7-10 April 1999,
ed. N. Necipog¢ lu, Leiden ñ Boston 2001; Constantinople and Its Hinterland. Papers
from the Twenty-Seventh Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Oxford, April
1993, eds. C. Mango ñ G. Dagron, Aldershot ñBrookfield, Vt. 1995.
3 Functional, symbolic, iconographic, socio-economic, socio-politic, and other
approaches deriving from disciplines other than art and architectural history
occasionally provide astonishing, but certainly not comprehensive and final
results. Despite encouraging results which these alternative approaches pro-
duced, scholars remain skeptical about fruitful contributions from stylistic analy-
ses of Byzantine arts: A. P. KAZHDAN, Style, in: ODB 3, Oxford 1991, 1970. A par-
ticular problem with the concept of style in studies of Byzantine architecture is
that it is often borrowed from non-Byzantine architecture or from the other arts
and literature. Conclusively, such an approach leads to the untenable assumption
that the styles of Byzantine art and architecture developed simultaneously. The
approach has been predominantly used to determine the date or level of skill
used for a particular group of monuments or parallel development of architec-
ture and monumental painting. See: R. OUSTERHOUT, An Apologia for Byzantine
Architecture, Gesta 35/1 (1996) 21-33; id., Contextualizing the Later Churches of
Constantinople. Suggested Methodologies and a Few Examples, DOP 54 (2000) 241-250.
4 Though surviving Constantinopolitan churches constructed after the
Byzantine re-conquest of 1261 show limited stylistic coherence, it has been pro-
220 posed to group them into those built until 1300 and those built between 1300 and
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
Fig. 1 Map of the Balkans with the location of civic and artistic centers in the
Late Byzantine period (Drawing J. BogdanoviÊ)
1330: S. ∆UR»I∆, Religious Settings of the Late Byzantine Sphere, in: Byzantium: Faith
and Power (1261-1557), ed. H. C. Evans, New York ñ New Haven 2004, 65-94, with
references to S. EYICE, Son Devir Byzans Mim‚risi. Istanbulída Palaiologosílar Devri
Antilari, Istanbul 1980; J. BOGDANOVI∆, Late Byzantine religious architecture in
Constantinople / ÕóôåñïâõæáíôéíÞ íáïäïìßá óôçí Êùíóôáíôéíïýðïëç, in: Encyclopaedia
of the Hellenic World, Constantinople (2008) URL: <http://kassiani.fhw.gr/
l.aspx?id=10893, with older references.
5 Millet defined various ìregional schoolsî in the Balkans, originally in refer-
ence to painting and then to architecture: G. MILLET, Reserches sur líiconographie de
lí…vangelie, Paris 1916; id., LíÈcole grecque dans líarchitecture byzantine, Paris 1916; id.,
Líancient art serbe. Les Èglises, Paris 1919. With the 19th-century emergence of new
countries in the Balkans, as well as after the latest wars in the late 20th century,
the concept of the ìregional schoolsî was linked with the topic of ìnational
schoolsî and subsequently obscured with notions of national and nationalistic
identities, with aggravating negative overtones. This underestimates the crucial 221
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
?ȱ Devi²,ȱ ȱ Princessȱ
ȱ F.Y.R.O.M.ȱ ȱ Deva,ȱȱ
probablyȱ ?ȱ Kingȱ ?
Marko’sȱ
afterȱ1350ȱ
sisterȱ
?ȱ Modrišteȱ ȱ ȱ
ȱ F.Y.R.O.M.ȱ ȱ ȱ
probablyȱȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?
afterȱ1350ȱ
223
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
9 POPOVI∆, Prilog (as in note 7 above) 103-104; OKUNEV, Gradja (as in note 7
above) 89-113; N. MAVRODINOV, Ednokorabnata i krstovidnata crkva po bulgarskite zemi
do kraja na XIV v., Sofija 1931, 108-109; DEROKO, MatejËa (as in note 7 above), 84-
89; id., Monumentalna (as in note 7 above), 181, 189; BOäKOVI∆, Opravka MetejiÊa
(as in note 7 above), 220-221; id., Sruöena je (as in note 7 above), 153-156;
PETKOVI∆, Pregled (as in note 7 above), 184-188; W. SAS-ZALOZIECKY, Die byzantini-
sche Baukunst in den Balkanl‰ndern und ihre Differenzierung unter abendl‰ndischen und
islamischen Mitwirkungen, M¸nchen 1955, 57-58; S. NENADOVI∆, Arhitektura u sred-
njovekovnoj Srbiji, Srpska pravoslavna crkva 1219-1969, Beograd 1969, 88; S. ∆UR»I∆,
Articulation of Church FaÁades during the First Half of the Fourteenth Century, in:
Vizantijska umetnost sredinom XIV veka, ed. S. PetkoviÊ, Beograd 1978, 17-27; id.,
GraËanica, King Milutinís Church and Its Place in Late Byzantine Architecture,
University Park ñ London 1979; id., Architecture in the Byzantine Sphere of Influence
around the Middle of the Fourteenth Century, in: DeËani i vizantijska umetnost sredi-
nom XIV veka, ed. V. J. DjuriÊ, Beograd 1989, 55-68; DIMITROVA, MatejËe (as in
note 7 above); KORA∆, Spomenici (as in note 7 above).
10 MILLET, Líancient art serbe (as in note 5 above) esp. chap. 2 and chap. 3 for-
mulated the ìSchool of Raöka,î the ìSerbo-Byzantine school,î and the ìMorava
schoolî as three large groups of architectural monuments built under the Serbian
domain.
11 ∆UR»I∆, GraËanica (as in note 9 above).
12 MILLET, Líancient art serbe (as in note 5 above), chap. 3 ìLíÈcole de Morava.î
13 MILLET, Líancien art serbe (as in note 5 above), 152-153. 225
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
14 I borrow the phrase ìtriumphal arch systemî from ∆UR»I∆, Articulation (as in
226 note 9 above), 17-27.
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
15 The church at KuËeviöte was presumably built in the 1320s-30s during the
reign of King Milutinís son, King Stefan Uroö III DeËanski (1321-1331). Aristo-
cratic donors presiding in the area, one Lady Marena with her children Arsen,
Vladislava, and Radoslav supported fresco decoration of the church in 1337. The
church of St. Nicholas was built by a certain Lady Danica by 1337 and painted in
1343-1345. LJUBINKOVI∆, Crkva Svete Nedelje (as in note 7 above), 95-106;
RASKOLSKA-NIKOLOVSKA, O ktitorskim portretima (as in note 7 above), 41-54; TATI∆,
Arhitektura i ûivopis (as in note 7 above); id., Arhitektura Sv. Nikole (as in note 7
above), 109-124; DJORDJEVI∆, Zidno slikarstvo (as in note 7 above), 131-134; 145-
147; RADUJKO, éivopis (as in note 7 above), 101-116.
16 TATI∆, Arhitektonski spomenici (as in note 7 above), 127-134. 227
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
Fig. 5 Church of St. Nicholas, Ljuboten, 1337, western faÁade (V. KORA∆, Spome-
nici monumentalne srpske arhitekture XIV veka u Povardarju, Beograd 2003, Fig. 9)
tiple courses of brick and stone for massive walls, stilted arched niches
with a broad band of decorative brick patterns above them on the main
apse, and all-brick construction of the dome (Plates 1, 2; fig. 5).
While inheriting some aspects of the earlier local building tradition
under the influence of Thessaloniki, typified by the church of the Holy
Apostles (ca. 1310-1314) (Fig. 6), the ìSkopjeî churches in Ljuboten and
KuËeviöte additionally have seemingly unique features related to their
structural and tectonic integrity.17 By the Late Byzantine period many
churches in the Balkans lost the structural consistency, where exterior
articulation indicated the interior organization of the building.18 Middle
17 ∆UR»I∆, Late Byzantine Thessalonike (as in note 2 above), 65-84, has hypothe-
sized that after the 1330s many Thessalonian builders flocked to Serbia. The work
of Thessalonian painters Astrapas (Michael) and Eutychios in the church of St.
Nikita in »uËer is historically proven. References to fresco-painters coming from
Ohrid to decorate churches in the region of Skopje (St. Nicholas at Ljuboten,
Assumption of the Virgin at MatejiË, St. Nicholas äiöevski) reveal established artis-
tic ties between Skopje and other centers in the region. Unfortunately, no histor-
ical data confirms the origin of the building workshops. The indirect data pro-
vides limited information on the subject matter: OKUNEV, Gradja (as in note 7
above), 89-113; P. MILJKOVI∆-PEPEK, Crkvata sv. Nikita vo Skopska Crna Gora kako
istorisko-umetniËki spomenik, in: Spomenici za srednovekovnata i ponovata istorija
na Makedonija 1, ed. V. Moöin, Skopje 1975, 379-386.
18 ∆UR»I∆, Articulation (as in note 9 above), 17-27; id., Religious Settings (as in
228 note 4 above), 65-94; BOGDANOVI∆, Late Byzantine (as in note 4 above).
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
Fig. 6 Holy Apostles, Thessaloniki ca. 1310-1314, eastern faÁade and floor plan
(E. KOURKOUTIDOU-NIKOLAIDOU ñ A. TOURTA, Wandering in Byzantine Thessaloniki,
Athens 1997, Figs. 139-140)
19 About the classical principles of the Middle Byzantine church design and use
in Late Byzantine architecture: ∆UR»I∆, Articulation (as in note 9 above), 17-27.
20 MILLET, Líancient art serbe (as in note 5 above) chap. 3 coined the term tambur
carrÈ. Construction of an elevated dome drum resting on stone columns instead
on piers is an unknown practice in earlier architecture in Byzantine Macedonia,
including both Thessaloniki and Ohrid, and should not be related to these two
building traditions. See: ∆UR»I∆, Architecture in the Byzantine Sphere (as in note 9
above), 55-68. 229
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
tively dated around 1350.22 The original function of the church remains
unconfirmed, but it almost certainly served as a mausoleum.23 Although
the church at MatejiË lost much of its original appearance through sever-
al reconstructions in the early twentieth century, the basic geometric tec-
tonic principles of the church are still apparent.
22 Predominantly on the basis of its painting, the church has been dated quite
differently ñ from the end of the 13th and beginning of the 14th centuries to var-
ious dates immediately after and before Emperor Duöanís death in 1355. R.
GRUJI∆, Pravoslavna srpska crkva, Beograd 1921, 11 suggested the early 14th-centu-
ry date of the church. Okunev proposed 1356-1357 as years of the fresco painting
of the church according to the white veil that Empress Jelena has in a donorís
composition, which was interpreted as her sorrow for a deceased husband.
Okunevís conclusion about dating the church after 1355 was subsequently adopt-
ed by a number of scholars: ∆UR»I∆, Articulation (as in note 9 above), 17-27;
DEROKO, MatejËa (as in note 7 above), 84-89; BOäKOVI∆, Opravka MetejiÊa (as in
note 7 above), 220-221; OKUNEV, Gradja (as in note 7 above), 89-113. DIMITROVA,
MatejËe (as in note 7 above), 263 dated the fresco painting of the church between
1348 and 1352. In the spring of 1348, after a great wave of the plague had sub-
sided in the Balkans, Emperor Duöan and his family returned to Skopje from Mt.
Athos, where they had been sequestered for over a year. A church fresco showing
the officiating archbishop dressed in polystavrion and accompanied by St. John
Prodromos is providing further insight into the dating of the church. Dimitrova
identified the image with the first Serbian Patriarch Joanikije, who held the seat
of patriarch from 1346 until 1354. CVETKOVSKI, Za ktitorskata (as in note 7 above),
525-537, however, identifies the image with the Archbishop of Skopje Jovan
(John), who was active around 1347-1350. I am grateful to I. DrpiÊ, who is of the
opinion that the fresco represents Archbishop Jovan, for calling my attention to
the dating of the frescoes at MatejiË. In any case, since the walls of the church
should have been left to consolidate at least one working season prior to the
beginning of fresco painting, the construction of the church at MatejiË can be
tentatively dated to around 1350, and possibly to some years earlier.
23 Several 19th-century written accounts mentioned two tombs in the church
interior ñ a large one near the northeast pier, almost in the center of the church
and a smaller one marked by a marble slab with a representation of a double-
headed eagle, located somewhere along the southern wall of the naos. A legend
ascribes the latter tomb to Empress Jelena. P. SRE∆KOVI∆, Grob carice Jelene, putniËke
beleöke, Bratstvo 2 (1888) 125-137, esp. 132 and J. HADûI-VASILJEVI∆, Po kumanovskoj
i skopskoj okolini, Bratstvo 5 (1892) 182-189, esp. 184, 187. Serbian royal tombs
were frequently located in the southwestern corners of mausolea churches, as was
also the case with the tomb of Emperor Duöan in his own mausoleum of the Holy
Archangels (1343-52) near Prizren: S. ∆UR»I∆, Medieval Royal Tombs in the Balkans:
An Aspect of the ëEast or Westí Question, GOTR 29/2 (1984) 175-194. The disposition
of the southern tomb in the church at MatejiË would, therefore, have corre-
sponded to the already established tradition of royal burials in medieval Serbia.
In the 1938-restoration of the church many remains, including a small chapel,
most probably an older Byzantine structure, as well as the original marble floor
were destroyed. This restoration work done without proper technical documen-
tation has eliminated evidence of the mentioned tombs. On the basis of the char-
acteristic funerary conception of its frescoes and a donorsí composition depicting
Emperor Duöan, his Empress Jelena and their son King Uroö, Dimitrova convinc-
ingly suggested that the church at MatejiË was built as the mausoleum and spec-
ulated that it was most probably built for Empress Jelena: DIMITROVA, MatejËe (as
in note 7 above), 267-271. Indeed, although the funerary role of the monumen-
tal church at MatejiË cannot be proven, it is plausible to hypothesize that the
church at MatejiË was built as the mausoleum for the members of Emperor
Duöanís family. 231
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
24 About the church of St. Demetrios at Markov Manastir, its donor inscription
referring to Emperor Duöan and stating the date of the completion of the works:
MIRKOVI∆ ñ TATI∆, Markov (as in note 7 above), N. NOäPAL-NIKULJSKA, Markoviot
manastir ñ monument kako dokument niz istorijata, in: Spomenici za srednovekovna-
232 ta i ponovata istorija na Makedonija 1, ed. V. Moöin, Skopje 1975, 401-415.
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
except that the church of the Holy Archangels also has an exonarthex
(outer narthex) (Fig. 13). The spatial counterpart of the exonarthex of the
Holy Archangels is the narthex at MatejiË, which corresponds to the west-
ernmost half of the western bays of the church of the Holy Archangels, as
if the exonarthex ìenteredî the church and became the narthex.30 The pro-
portionally very shallow narthex at MatejiË, which function is not easily
explainable, tectonically and in its materialization looks like a ìpatchî to
the western faÁade. Therefore, I propose that the narthex at MatejiË was
an afterthought in design, which was better spatially resolved by an
exonarthex at the Holy Archangels near Prizren. These two churches at
MatejiË and Prizren, founded by the same family within related territorial
domains of Medieval Serbia, deserve further analysis.
Closer examination of the five domes at MatejiË reveals important
stylistic characteristics. The twelve-sided drum of the main dome31 and
30 KORA∆, Spomenici (as in note 7 above), 230 reached the same conclusion about
the relation between the exonarthex at the Holy Archangels and the narthex at
MatejiË.
31 The huge twelve-sided drum of the main MatejiË dome is unique among the
surviving ìSkopjeî churches. 235
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
eight-sided drums of the two smaller domes placed over the eastern side
chapels are built in the opus listatum technique with alternating bands of
brick and stone. The opus listatum building technique follows Constanti-
nopolitan imperial architectural vocabulary exemplified by the preserved
Middle Byzantine dome drum of the Vefa Kilise (Plate 5, 10). Engaged
half-colonnettes between double-recessed arches are also made of alter-
nating stone and brick courses. The building technique of the three dome
drums at MatejiË differs from the technique of the two small domes over
the narthex that follow the practice of all-brick dome construction estab-
lished in Thessaloniki in the early decades of the fourteenth century
(Plate 11).32 The building technique of the main and eastern domes typ-
ifies common dome execution in the ìSkopjeî churches. The difference
in building techniques of the western domes from the main and eastern
domes reflects the building phases in the spatial organization of the
church at MatejiË, where the narrow twin-domed narthex was incorporat-
ed into the developing design of the ìSkopjeî churches. Furthermore, the
volume of the narthex, which is slightly shorter than the church core, dis-
torted the classical ìtriumphal archî system of the south and north faÁade
elevations, only partially reflecting the internal disposition of the cross-in-
square unit. This stylistic blend is a product of at least two different build-
ing traditions, one spreading from Constantinople via Thessaloniki and
the other coming from the Adriatic Littoral via Prizren.
Some observations on the design process give further support to such
a hypothesis. Byzantine builders commonly used the so-called ìquadratu-
ra,î a geometric approach to design that utilized a square. A square, delin-
eated by the location of the four columns or piers which support the
major church dome, was a basic design module.33 Expressed numerically,
the quadratura and modular relations used by the Byzantines most often
resulted in the arithmetic proportions of 1:1 and 1:2. The builders of Late
Byzantine churches, including those in Thessaloniki, often used the arith-
metic proportions of 1:2:1. Based on the principal modular measure of
the main dome at MatejiË, I propose that the builders utilized the com-
ñ
plex composition of the geometrical proportional systems 2:3:2 and 1:√ √5
for establishing the internal dimensions of the church plan (Figs. 14 ñ
15).34 The harmonic proportion 2:3:2, based on the combination of the
first four numeric ratios of the harmonic musical scale 1:2:3:4, indicates a
building tradition other than the one that spread from Constantinople via
ñ
Thessaloniki. The proportional systems 2:3:2 and 1:√ √5 were common in
Fig. 16 Compa-
rative floor plans
of MatejiË, near
Kumanovo in
Skopska Crna Gora,
ca. 1350 and of
church in DeviË,
probably after 1350
(Drawing J.
BogdanoviÊ)
Fig. 17 Comparative
floor plans of MatejiË,
near Kumanovo in
Skopska Crna Gora, ca.
1350 and of St. Nicholas,
äiöevo, 1334, before 1380
(Drawing J. BogdanoviÊ)
in the region. The domes of the churches in äiöevo and DeviË measure 2.1
m and 2.5 m respectively, pointing to the use of similar units of measure.
These basic geometric constructions generated other architectural forms.
The volume of a bay compartment with a small dome at MatejiË corre-
sponds in size and proportions to the small-scale churches in äiöevo and
DeviË, relative to the harmonic proportion 2:3:2. Consequently, a large-
scale ìSkopjeî church such as the one at MatejiË could be perceived as
having been assembled from smaller church-modules, i.e. virtual and real
side chapels, clustered around the main church core (Fig. 16, 17). Such a
hypothesis about the design process postulates that the builders were able
to use proportional, modular, and additive systems of design without typo-
logical restraints, while keeping the structural and formal relationship of
the constitutive elements under control.
The resemblance between the plan designs of the churches at MatejiË
238 and Prizren is once again evident in their measurements and proportions.38
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
The internal dimensions of the two churches are similar: ~21 m x 12 m for
the church at MatejiË and 24 m x 14 m, excluding the exonarthex, for the
church at Prizren (Fig. 13). The two churches shared the same initial lay-
out, while, I advocate, the difference in absolute measurements resulted
from a different foot dimensions chosen as a measure unit: ~29-30 cm for
the church at MatejiË and ~32 cm for the church at Prizren.39 As has been
already discussed, both churches were probably designed as large-scale five-
domed cross-in-square edifices, with characteristic tectonic external and
internal use of pilaster strips.40 In addition, both had pentagonal apse exte-
riors, and both, most likely, had twelve-sided dome drums.
Apart from similar plans, however, the two churches differed in exe-
cution and stylistic features. The faÁades of the church of the Holy
Archangels were faced in stone. The remnants of architectural sculpture
confirm that the church was built in a manner consistent with the recog-
nizable Romanesque architectural tradition from the Adriatic Littoral
(Plate 12). In contrast, the use of uneven, almost crude, alternating bands
of multiple courses of brick and field stone, coupled with the use of band-
ed voussoirs in the arches at MatejiË, St. Nicholas äiöevski, and other
ìSkopjeî churches (Plates. 5, 6, 9), confirms that the building technique
of ìSkopjeî churches derived from the Byzantine, and more precisely,
from imitation of Constantinopolitan tradition (cf. plate 10).41
The exterior of the altar apse at MatejiË is articulated by four deep
semi-circular niches in emulation of Constantinopolitan practice in the
Late Byzantine period, as can be seen at the south church in the
monastery of Constantine Lips, dedicated to St. John the Forerunner (b.
1282), the Parekklesion of the Pammakaristos complex (c. 1310), and the
Parekklesion of the Chora monastery (c. 1316-1321).42 The churches at
38 V. KORA∆, Smisao gradjenja po uzoru. Primeri u srpskoj arhitekturi XIV veka, ZRVI
41 (2004) 205-212; J. BOGDANOVI∆, The Church of the Assumption of the Virgin at
MatejiË. Regional Re-interpretation of Middle Byzantine Constantinopolitan Architecture
in the Palaeologan Era? in: BSCAbstr 29 (2003) 18-19.
39 The conclusion about the absolute foot dimensions ñ ~29-30 cm for the
church at MatejiË and ~32 cm for the church at Prizren ñ resulted from suggest-
ed proportional relations. Although these approximate measures allude to
Roman (~29.4 cm) and Byzantine imperial feet (31.23 cm), I propose that the
decision on foot dimensions was either made on the site or determined accord-
ing to some kind an ìetalonî measure used by a particular workshop. KORA∆,
Spomenici (as in note 7 above), 229, however, proposes the arithmetic proportions
based on a square, ìquadratura,î as often used in the Byzantine buildings but also
subsequently suggests that the foot dimension used at MatejiË was ~30 cm.
40 ∆UR»I∆, Architecture in the Byzantine Sphere (as in note 9 above), 55-68.
41 BOGDANOVI∆, Church of the Assumption (as in note 38 above), 18-19. The use of
banded voussoirs for arches, a distinctive decorative feature common for post-
1330s Skopje churches, resembles an architectural vocabulary known from con-
temporary churches in Messembria (modern Nessebar, Bulgaria) and from late
13th-century Tekfur Saray in Constantinople. S. ∆UR»I∆, Late Medieval Fortified
Palaces in the Balkans: Security and Survival, Mnimio kai Perivallon 6 (2001) 11-48.
42 ∆UR»I∆, Architecture in the Byzantine Sphere (as in note 9 above), 55-68.
Curiously, such semi-circular niches can be also observed at some churches today 239
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
KuËeviöte and MatejiË have four such niches in their altar apses, though
the niches are employed neither in the upper part of the apse nor in the
bottom-most part of the ìpedestal-likeî segment of the apse, as in
Constantinople (Plates 2, 8, 13, fig. 18). The flatness of the wall surface
below and above the central apsidal facet with windows is closer to the
Thessalonian design in the church of the Holy Apostles (Fig. 6). Two
additional semi-circular niches flank the western entrances of the church-
es at KuËeviöte, DeviË, and Markov Manastir (Plate 14). Similar articula-
tion of the western faÁade is again visible in the church of the Holy
Apostles in Thessaloniki, but this design feature seems to have been wide-
ly used in the Balkans, judging by the western faÁade of the fourteenth-
century churches of the Holy Archangels and Christ Pantokrator in
Messembria (modern Nessebar), on the Black Sea coast in Bulgaria
(Plates 15, 16).43 However, the architectural articulation of the faÁades of
the Holy Apostles in Thessaloniki coupled with the assumption of a
Thessalonian origin for the general plan design for the church at
KuËeviöte, suggests that the use of such niches in the region of Skopje
came directly from Byzantine Macedonia. Semi-circular niches flanking
the western portal also became a recognizable tectonic feature of the
somewhat later ìMorava Schoolî (Fig. 3).
Plate 10 Vefa Kilise (Molla Gurani), (Church of St. Theodore?), ca. 1000,
exterior view from the south (Photo N. StankoviÊ) 245
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
Plate 14 St. Demetrios, Markov Manastir, Suöice, after 1346 and before 1371,
western faÁade (Photo N. StankoviÊ) 247
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
Plate 17 St. Demetrios, Markov Manastir, Suöice, after 1346 and before 1371,
architectural decoration in ìdog-toothî string course, banded voussoirs, rosette
(Photo I. DrpiÊ)
Plate 21 Church of
Prophetes Elias,
Thessaloniki, ca. the
1360s-70s, exterior
of the sanctuary apse
(Photo I. DrpiÊ)
Plate 24 The Great Meteoron monastery, late 14th c., segment of the walls
252 (Photo J. BogdanoviÊ)
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
of the so-called ìdog-toothî string courses made of the same type of bricks
as the main walls at Markov Manastir points to the same design at church
of Mother of God Perivleptos in Ohrid, built by the 1290s, therefore sug-
gesting a possible connection of Skopje with Ohrid building workshops
(Plates 17, 18). The design of the church faÁades at Markov Manastir is
enriched by the use of engaged half-columns. This practice can be traced
to Thessaloniki as in Hagia Aikaterini and farther back to Constantinople
as in the Chora. At Markov Manastir the aesthetically consistent applica-
tion of the secondary architectural features of apparently varied stylistic
origins reminiscent of Thessalonian, Epirote, Constantinopolitan, and
Romanesque paradigms, therefore, matured into an organic mixture of
these older paradigms and generated a new decoration model.
Markov Manastir set the precedent for the subsequent architectural
decoration of the ìMoravaî churches. The remnants of paint on the
faÁades of the church in Markov Manastir suggest that these surfaces were
plastered over and painted (Plate 14).47 This may seem surprising con-
sidering the high quality of execution of the exterior wall surfaces. The
remnants of plaster with painting emulating the cloisonnÈ building tech-
nique and decorative brick patterns have been observed on several other
ìSkopjeî churches, specifically those at MatejiË, Andreaö, and DeviË (Fig.
18, plate 19).48 Since the practice of faÁade painting is a Middle Byzantine
phenomenon, common in Byzantine Macedonia and elsewhere,49 it can
be speculated that all faÁades of ìSkopjeî churches were initially plastered
and painted. Noteworthy is that the faÁades of ìMoravaî churches were
also commonly plastered and painted, imitating building techniques and
decorative checkerboard, cross-stitch, opus reticulatum, or similar brick pat-
terns. These common solutions for faÁade decoration suggest an uninter-
rupted tradition of faÁade painting in Byzantine Macedonia that was
appropriated in Serbian medieval territories.
The carved low-relief architectural decoration recorded in the
church at Ljuboten, where a sculpted rosette may once have existed,
exemplifies the sculpted architectural articulation of the ìSkopjeî church-
es.50 Similar rosettes occur in the churches of St. Nicholas äiöevski,
47 Site reports by Lj. MilanoviÊ and I. DrpiÊ who courteously gave me their
photo documentation.
48 Site reports by S. ∆urËiÊ, who called my attention to the painted faÁades in
the Balkan churches. RADUJKO, éivopis (as in note 7 above), 101-116, discussed the
painting of church faÁades in the region of Macedonia, the tradition attested at
least from the 12th century. See also: F. MESESNEL, Izveötaj o prouËavanju juûne Srbije
na Terenu: Topografske beleöke o nekim crkvenim spomenicima u PoreËu, in: Spomenica
dvadestpetogodiönjice oslobodjenja Srbije 1912-1937, ed. A. JovanoviÊ, Skoplje
1937, 361-385; KORA∆, Spomenici (as in note 7 above), 334 fig. 15, 337 fig. 24.
49 Among the best-known examples are the painted faÁades of the Virgin Eleusa
church in Veljusa, F.Y.R.O.M. dated in 1080. On the phenomenon: ∆UR»I∆,
Middle Byzantine Cyprus (as in note 2 above), 23f, with references.
50 K. PETROV, Pregled na sakralnite spomenici vo Skopje i okolinata od XI do XIX vek.
So osvrt na gramotite, zapisite i natpisite, in: Spomenici za srednovekovnata i pono-
254 vata istorija na Makedonija 1, ed. V. Moöin, Skopje 1975, 75-88.
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
MatejiË, Markov Manastir, Matka, and St. Andrew on the Treska (Fig, 5,
plates 5, 6, 9, 11, 17, 19).51 The central rosettes are often placed high on
the exterior wall surfaces below the central ìtriumphal arch,î reflecting
the classical design principle for the use of round windows, which is not
recorded in Late Byzantine Thessaloniki and Constantinople.52
Remnants of plastic architectural decoration found in Skopje53 possibly
belonged to a rosette from an unidentified ìSkopjeî church (Fig. 20).
Other sculpted decorations, like stone decoration with foliage and pal-
mette motifs, still remain on the lunette over the western portal at Markov
Manastir. Therefore, the sculpted architectural decoration of the
ìSkopjeî churches potentially provides the immediate source for plastic
decoration of later ìMoravaî churches, exemplified by the rosette on the
church of St. Stephan in Kruöevac (Plate 20).54
A comparative analysis of characteristic stylistic features of all men-
tioned ìSkopjeî churches indicates that they belong to the same group
(Tab. 2). The group shows consistent gradual clustering of architectural
51 MILLET, Líancient art serbe (as in note 5 above), figs. 128, 133, 135; KORA∆,
Spomenici (as in note 7 above), 219.
52 The rounded oculus-type brick decoration is visible in the south wall of the
parekklesion of the church of S. Mary Pammakaristos (ca. 1315) in Constantinople.
However, it was placed in the exterior seemingly un-related to the overall wall
articulation and certainly not following its desired central location of ìclassicalî
design principles, just below the arched segment of the wall. J. TRKULJA, Rose
Window: A Feature of Byzantine Architecture? in: BSCAbstr 30 (2004) 107-109, sug-
gests that the use of round oculus windows in Late Byzantine architecture was
widely spread practice, which resulted from increased interest in architectural
styles of Late Antiquity.
53 ∆urËiÊ called my attention to the line drawing of a sculptural decoration, pos-
sibly part of a rosette of unidentified provenance but found in the region of
Skopje and recorded in: MILLET, Líancient art serbe (as in note 5 above), 152.
54 TRKULJA, Aesthetics and Symbolism (as in note 44), 68-73; id., Rose Window (as in
note 52 above), 107-109. 255
256
Table 2 Comparative Analysis of the Paradigmatic Architectural Features of ìSkopjeî Churches (J. BOGDANOVI∆)
Dateȱ Placeȱ Elongatedȱ Domeȱ Stoneȱ HalfȬ Pilastersȱinȱ SemiȬ SemiȬ SemiȬ Stoneȱ Sculptedȱ Plasterȱ
ȱ altarȱspaceȱ executedȱ columnsȱ engagedȱ theȱ circularȱ circularȱ circularȱ stringsȱ architectural andȱ
Churchȱ withȱanȱ inȱopusȱ columnsȱȱ exteriorȱ nichesȱonȱ nichesȱinȱ nichesȱ decorationȱ paintedȱ
dedicationȱ interpolatedȱ listatumȱ andȱ theȱ theȱexteriorȱ elsewhereȱȱ remnantsȱ
bayȱȱ techniqueȱ interiorȱ westernȱ ofȱtheȱapseȱ emulatingȱ
façadeȱȱ buildingȱ
techniqueȱ
1337ȱ Ljubotenȱȱ
St.ȱNicholasȱȱ
Xȱ ȱ Xȱ Xȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Xȱ ?ȱ
ȱc.1330/37ȱ Ku²evišteȱ
HolyȱSaviour/ȱ
Xȱ ȱ Xȱ ȱ ȱ Xȱ Xȱ ȱ ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ
ȱ Presentationȱofȱ
theȱVirginȱ
c.ȱ1334ȱȱ St.ȱNicholasȱ
b.1380ȱ Šiševskiȱ
ȱ Xȱ Xȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Xȱ Xȱ ?ȱ
~1346ȱ Skopjeȱ
destr.ȱinȱ Presentationȱofȱ
?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ
16thȱc.ȱ theȱVirginȱ
c.ȱ1350ȱ Mateji²ȱ
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
Assumptionȱofȱ
Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ ȱ Xȱ ȱ Xȱ ȱ Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ
theȱVirginȱ
1346/7ȱ Markovȱ
ȱ Manastirȱȱ
Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ ȱ Xȱ Xȱ ȱ Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ
c.ȱ1371ȱ St.ȱDemetriosȱ
b.ȱ1371ȱ Matkaȱȱ
Assumptionȱofȱ
ȱ Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Xȱ Xȱ ?ȱ
theȱVirginȱ
1389ȱ Treskaȱ
St.ȱAndrewȱ
ȱ Xȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ Xȱ
afterȱ Devi²ȱ
1350?ȱ ?ȱ
ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ Xȱ Xȱ ȱ ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ Xȱ
afterȱ Modrišteȱ
1350?ȱ ?ȱ
ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ Xȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ ?ȱ
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
volumes around the towering canopy-like church core, revealing the high
technical and architectural skills of the builders. Made of stone and brick
with relatively flat wall surfaces, the churches acquired their secondary
articulation through the application of essentially geometric principles
based on symmetry and the structural use of ìtriumphal archî tectonics,
reminiscent of architectural achievements of the classical past. The
pilasters, stone strings, exterior niches and window lunettes with moder-
ate but diversified brick decoration, plastering and painting of the faÁades
in emulation of building techniques, and the accentuated use of low-relief
architectural sculpture and round windows are all recognizable stylistic
features of the group. Simultaneously, some distinctive features illustrate
differences among analyzed ìSkopjeî churches. Above all, there is a typo-
logical inconsistency: cross-in-square ñ five-domed, and single-domed
churches, without or with later built exonartheces ñ and the triconch church
of St. Andrew on the Treska.55 Such a variety of church plans can be par-
tially explained by the proposed ìmodular systemî design process which
allowed structurally the more-or-less consistent application of different
typological systems. Additionally, I would suggest, some differences in
functional requirements of the analyzed churches may have resulted in a
selective presence of certain architectural spaces, and, in particular, of
nartheces.56 Because most of the churches were initially built as aristocrat-
ic endowments and mausolea, only subsequently, if at all, would they have
been appropriated for extensive monastic use, which would require archi-
tecturally well-defined nartheces.57
the churches of Ss. Constantine and Helena, St. George, St. John
Prodromos, St. Nicholas on the Serava River, St. Procopius on the Vardar
(Axios) River, and the church of Holy Saviour.59 King Milutinís son, King
Stefan DeËanski founded the church of St. Demetrios in Skopje, where his
second wife Queen Maria Palaeologina, daughter of John Palaeologos,
was entombed. During the economic and cultural prosperity under King
Milutinís grandson, Stefan Duöan, prominent church founders were the
members not only of the ruling family but also of the emerging aristocra-
cy. This resulted in further flourishing of architectural enterprises. After
the death of Emperor Stefan Duöan, architectural development of Skopje
continued under Kings Vukaöin and Marko MrnjavËeviÊ, Prince Lazar
HrebeljanoviÊ, and their nobility.
Skopje, which prospered as the new imperial city for almost 50 years
between 1346 and 1392 when it was lost to the Ottoman Turks, probably
was the center for church architecture in the region.60 Unfortunately,
none of the churches in the city have survived.61 The coronation church
of the Presentation of the Virgin ìTrojeruËica,î (Triherousa, Three-Handed),
potentially the most important church for a better understanding of the
ìSkopjeî paradigm, was destroyed in the sixteenth century.62 This is the
arrange a diplomatic marriage between King Milutin and his daughter Simonis in
1299. Simonisí dowry included all of the Byzantine territories north of the Ohrid-
Prilep-ätip line, including already-lost Skopje. Marital ties with the Palaeologan
dynasty fostered the imperial pretensions of the Serbs and resulted in strong cul-
tural connections with Constantinople. The impregnation of Serbian with
Byzantine culture dominated the policy of Stefan Duöan in the creation of the
ideal of Slavo-Byzantine Empire. G. OSTROGORSKY, History of the Byzantine State,
New Brunswick 1969, 466f; D. M. NICOL, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261-
1453, Cambridge 1993 [1972], 119-120; V. MARKOVI∆, Pravoslavno monaötvo i man-
astiri u srednjevekovnoj Srbiji, Gornji Milanovac 2002 [1920], 23; KALI∆, Srbi (as in
note 44 above), 14f, 32f.
59 On the architecture in the region: Dj. BOäKOVI∆, Problem manastira Sv. Djordja
ñ ëGorgaí na Seravi, Starinar 5-6 (1954-1955) 73-82; A. DEROKO, Srednjovekovni grad
Skoplje ñ S. NENADOVI∆, Konaci manastira Hilandara, Beograd 1971, 10; PETKOVI∆,
Pregled (as in note 7 above); PETROV, Pregled (as in note 50 above), 75-88; KORA∆,
Spomenici (as in note 7 above).
60 The proclamation of the ìEmpire of the Serbs and Greeksî in 1346 was the
most decisive event that took place in the Balkans in the middle of the 14th cen-
tury. On Easter day, King Stefan Duöan was crowned the ìEmperor of the Serbs
and the Greeksî in front of Bulgarian Patriarch Simeon, Archbishop of Ohrid
Nikola, the first Serbian Patriarch Joanikije, and monastic representatives from Mt.
Athos. The event took place in the now lost church of the Presentation of the
Virgin ìTrojeruËicaî in Skopje. On the same occasion the Serbian Orthodox Arch-
Episcopate was raised into the level of a Patriarchate. K. JIRE»EK, Istorija Srba,
Beograd 1952, 222f; S. M. ∆IRKOVI∆, Srbija i carstvo, Glas SANU, Odeljenje istori-
jskih nauka 10 (1998); MARKOVI∆, Pravoslavno (as in note 58 above), 23; NICOL, Last
(as in note 58 above), 119-120; OSTROGORSKY, History (as in note 58 above), 490.
61 Destructions of Skopje caused by several major earthquakes, systematic dev-
astation, urban re-shaping and constant rebuilding, resulted in this poor rate of
survival of its 14th-century architecture.
62 On the written testimony to the utmost importance of the TrojeruËica
258 church: PETROV, Pregled (as in note 50 above), 75-88.
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
main reason why the role of medieval Skopje in the development of Late
Byzantine architecture has been essentially overlooked.
An identification of the key monuments of the ìSkopjeî group and its
place within the development of Late Byzantine architecture cannot be
denied, even though some questions remain unresolved due to lack of
architectural data. Because of the lack of any surviving church in the city
itself, the significance of the ìSkopjeî churches has to be interpolated
through surviving royal and aristocratic foundations on the outskirts of
the city, which were predominantly built as family mausolea. The analyzed
surviving churches in the environs of Skopje built during the reign of
Stefan Duöan (1331-1355) and his immediate successors (1355s-80s) pre-
sent important, although fragmentary, information on the missing
ìSkopjeî churches and suggest their relationship to regional architectur-
al developments during the Late Byzantine period after the 1330s, when
architectural activities ceased in Constantinople,63 and in particular for
the development of ìMoravaî churches north of the Skopje region.
Skopje at its apogee under the reign of Stefan Duöan during the 1331s-
55s, concurrent with a noticeable building decline in Constantinople,
might have played a role similar to early fourteenth-century Thessaloniki
as a locus for intersections of different cultural trends with long-lasting
consequences.64 During the reign of Stefan Duöan, Skopje prospered and
maintained particularly sound relationships with Mt. Athos, Ohrid, and
Constantinople itself. In addition, even though the fourteenth-century
Serbian state, with Skopje as its capital, expanded geographically into the
Byzantine territories, Serbian connections with her Western neighbors
never stopped. The analysis of the architectural features of the ìSkopjeî
churches suggests that Skopje could have attracted the best builders from
various regional centers ñ Thessaloniki, Ohrid, and, above all, Prizren,
which had been in the Serbian territories before and after the conquest
of Skopje. In all probability, the first generation of local builders, trained
in the Thessalonian ìbuilding school,î worked on the churches in
Ljuboten and KuËeviöte. Yet, these churches show not only the influence
of Thessaloniki but also stylistic features unique to the ìSkopjeî paradigm
such as symmetrical ìtriumphal archî tectonics and architectural decora-
tion.
The employment of particular building workshops is crucial for
understanding the distinctiveness of this new ìbuilding school.î Judging
by the quality of execution, well-balanced tectonics, use of building tech-
niques, and architectural decoration, the building group(s), working on
MatejiË and certainly on some other churches in the region were capable
of providing innovative ideas that resulted in the unique combination of
63 BOGDANOVI∆, Late Byzantine (as in note 4 above) with further references.
64 Minting of coins in Skopje during Stefan Duöan confirms the economic pros-
perity and vitality of the city. On the significance of Skopje as civic center:
DEROKO, Skoplje (as in note 59 above), 11; KALI∆, Srbi (as in note 46 above), 32f;
NICOL, Last (as in note 58 above), 119-120; OSTROGORSKY, History (as in note 58
above), 490. 259
Jelena BogdanoviÊ
260
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
ñ
69 The use of pilaster strips, proportional system1:√ √5, and consistent propor-
tional and structural reduction of the large scale building into small scale are
common features of both churches at MatejiË and DeviË.
70 See: KALI∆, Srbi (as in note 46 above), 15.
71 T. PAPAZOTOS, The Identification of the Church of ìProfitis Eliasî in Thessaloniki,
DOP 45 (1991) 121-127; ∆UR»I∆, Late Byzantine Thessalonike (as in note 2 above),
262 65-84.
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
21). The two registers of niches and stone string courses are noticable in
contemporary ìSkopjeî churches and, in particular, in Markov Manastir,
finished by the 1370s (Plate 7). Though significantly smaller in scale, the
triconch St. Andrew on Treska built by the 1380s is another comparable
example of similar concurrent trends in the region of Skopje (Plate 22).
The Great Meteoron monastery in Thessaly, approximately 200 km south-
west of Thessaloniki, was founded by St. Athanasios and the last member
of NemanjiÊ dynasty, king and later monk Ioannis-Ioasaph Uroö
Palaeologos (1370-1373, d. 1387/88).72 Though not studied extensively,
some of the segments of the church and apse facets of the refectory can
be dated to the late fourteenth century. The two buildings exemplify the
stylistic features of the ìSkopjeî churches ñ stone and brick construction,
ìtriumphal archî tectonics seen on the side wall of the church as well as
two rows of niches, with semicircular niches in the second row above the
windows, which were decorated with different brick patterns in the
lunetes of the apse of the refectory (Plates 23, 24).73
Other building groups who worked on the ìSkopjeî churches most
likely traveled north and reached the valley of Morava, where Prince Lazar
HrebeljanoviÊ and some other Serbian nobility moved in front of the
74 On the formation of the Serbian state in the Morava valley: KALI∆, Srbi (as in
note 46 above), 15.
75 MILLET, Líancient art serbe (as in note 5 above), 196-198.
76 The churches of the Holy Archangels and St. Nicholas near Prizren, both
Stefan Duöanís foundations with their peculiar combination of Byzantine and
Romanesque characteristics, might have been the starting point for the ìMorava
School.î See: ∆UR»I∆, Articulation (as in note 9 above), 17-27, with references to
earlier studies by VuloviÊ and KoraÊ.
77 V. RISTI∆, Moravska arhitektura, Kruöevac 1996, 64-65, 81-88, 107-108, 144-157
considers Matka, KuËeviöte, MatejiË, and Markov Manastir when discussing the
origins of architectural features of the Morava churches.
78 MILLET, Líancien art serbe (as in note 5 above), 152-153.
79 M. RADUJKO, Koporin, Beograd 2006, 67-112, with references to other single-
naved, non-triconch Morava churches at Jeöevac, RamaÊa, Joöanica, äatronja,
264 Kastaljan, and Slavkovica.
Regional Developments in Late Byzantine Architecture and the Question...
266