Puer and Pueritia in Bede’s

Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum 1

Andreas Lemke
Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
This article argues that Bede purposefully applied the terms puer and pueritia in his Historia
Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, not to indicate a specific age, but rather to highlight the special
status of children in his “grand narrative” of the Anglo-Saxon Church. By analyzing key scenes
in Bede’s narration – e.g. the famous story of Pope Gregory and the Anglian youths – this
article shows that children play an important role in the Christianization process. They are
portrayed as innocent, pious, and believing from the start. These qualities apparently set them
apart from their adult counterparts and are evidently implied by Bede’s usage of the term puer
and pueritia. Bede’s terminology denotes that children are privileged with regard to divine
truth, a privilege withheld from adolescents and grown-ups. In that capacity pueri serve as role
models in contrast to adults and are symbolically (re)born as children of God through their
baptism, accepting Him as their “spiritual father.” In this interpretation of the role of pueri
Bede draws upon the tradition of the Gospels, his exegetical works thereof, and Isidore of
Seville’s Etymologiae in order to educate his readers and inculcate Christian piety and morals
to make them worthier children of God.
Cet article révèle que Bede emploie intentionnellement les termes puer et pueritia dans sa
Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, pas pour se référer à un âge spécifique, mais plutôt pour
accentuer la position particulière des enfants dans sa « grande histoire » de l’Église anglo-
saxonne. En analysant des scènes décisives dans le récit de Bede – par exemple la fameuse
histoire de Pape Grégoire et des éphèbes – cet article montre que les enfants jouent un rôle
principal dans le procès de la christianisation. Ils sont décrits comme innocents, pieux et
croyants dès le début. Ces qualités, évidemment impliquées par l’usage des termes puer et
pueritia, représentent la différence entre eux et leurs contemporains adultes. La terminologie
de Bede exprime que les enfants sont privilégiés en ce qui concerne la vérité divine, de laquelle
les adolescents et les adultes sont privés. Ainsi, les pueri, contrairement aux adultes, servent
comme modèles et sont symboliquement nés/régénérés comme enfants de Dieu par leur
baptême, en l’acceptant comme leur « père spirituel ». Dans cette interprétation du rôle des
pueri, Bede suit la tradition des gospels, ses travails exégétiques là-dessus et l’Etymologiae
d’Isidore de Séville pour cultiver ses lecteurs et pour enfoncer de la piété et de la morale
chrétienne dans leurs têtes et les transformer en enfants de Dieu plus dignes.
The Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (HE), completed by the Northumbrian
monk and scholar Beda Venerabilis in ca. 731, constitutes one of the most important
works of Anglo-Latin scholarship of the European Middle Ages. Bede recounts the
development of the Anglo-Saxon church up to his own day, which is also the story of

1
A preliminary version of this essay was delivered at the 48th International Congress on Medieval
Studies 2013 at Kalamazoo, MI under the title “Children and Childhood in Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica
Gentis Anglorum.”
10.1484/J.JML.5.103278 The Journal of Medieval Latin 23 (2013): 153–169 © FHG
153
154 Lemke
the gens Anglorum – encompassing the Germanic tribes in Britain as a single people of
God – in the unfolding salvation history. The HE may rightfully be called the “grand
narrative” of the Anglo-Saxons, combining historiography and hagiography and
always encouraging exegetical readings.2 The HE is also a gallery of exempla, good and
bad, as Bede relates in his preface. It contains the stories of such prominent
protagonists as Pope Gregory I, St. Augustine of Canterbury, St. Cuthbert, Hild of
Whitby, and the great number of Anglo-Saxon kings such as Oswald of Northumbria
or Æthelberht of Kent. This article will avoid these prominent characters and will
instead pay attention to the often neglected members of medieval society, namely
children. Studies on the HE do not usually focus on them, except maybe those that
highlight the famous story of Pope Gregory and the Anglian slave-boys in the Roman
market-square.3 This neglect seems remarkable given Calvin Kendall statement on
Bede’s role as teacher at Jarrow: “Bede loved the innocence of children, praised their
readiness to learn, and regarded them as capable of wisdom, which hints that he may
have enjoyed teaching the very young as well as the advanced students.”4 That the
Northumbrian apparently cherished children is noteworthy because given the rather
ambivalent attitude towards children evident in medieval sources Bede’s appreciation
of them could not be taken for granted.5 This article argues that in his “grand

2
See inter alia Robert W. Hanning, The Vision of History in Early Britain: From Gildas to Geoffrey of
Monmouth (New York, 1966), pp. 63–90; George H. Brown, A Companion to Bede (Woodbridge,
2009), pp. 101-17. Alan Thacker, “Bede and History,” in The Cambridge Companion to Bede, ed. Scott
DeGregorio (Cambridge, 2010), pp.170–89.
3
Another notable exception is Sharon Rowley’s brief treatment of one of the stories on Edwin of
Northumbria’s conversion. When his daughter Eanflæd is born on Easter Day, she is the first among
the Northumbrians to receive the faith at the spiritually significant date of Pentecost; see Rowley,
“Bede in Later Anglo-Saxon England,” in De Gregorio, Cambridge Companion, pp. 216–28, at 223.
Rowley does not explicitly analyze Eanflæd’s role as a child but focuses on the sacrificial death-rebirth
symbolism of Easter.
4
Calvin B. Kendall, “Bede and Education,” in DeGregorio, Cambridge Companion, pp. 99–112, at 105.
Bede’s positive attitude towards young children is also discernible in his work De Temporum Ratione
(ca. 703). In chapter 35 of this treatise Bede describes the four seasons, elements, and bodily humours.
With regard to blood, he relates that it was most active in children (infantibus) and describes its effects
as follows: “Item sanguis eos in quibus maxime pollet facit hilares, laetos, misericordes, multum
ridentes et loquentes”; see Bede, De Temporum Ratione. Bedae Opera Didascalica, pars 2, ed. Charles W.
Jones, CCSL 123B (Turnhout, 1977), p. 392; “blood makes those in whom its potency is greatest,
cheerful, joyous, tender-hearted, much given to laughter and speech”; see Bede: The Reckoning of Time:
Translated with Introduction, Notes and Commentary, trans. Faith Wallis, Translated Texts for
Historians 29 (Liverpool, 2004), p. 101. Although Bede uses infans instead of puer it appears that his
terminology encompassed all children before the period of adolescence as his division in chapter 35 is
infans, adulescens, transgressor, senex.
5
See Shulamith Shahar, Childhood in the Middle Ages, transl. Chaya Galai (London and New York,
1992), pp. 9–20.
 Puer and Pueritia 155
narrative” of the English Church and the gens Anglorum, the Northumbrian monk
provides us with ample evidence that the otherwise mostly invisible members of
society were, indeed, of great importance to him. We find accounts of children
throughout the HE and even though they are sometimes granted only a few lines
within twenty-nine out of 138 chapters, they feature prominently at key moments in
Bede’s narration, e.g. in connection with the actual Christianization of England. For
the purpose of this article I have selected some key scenes, which illustrate the
importance of children and their special status as highlighted by Bede. Within these
passages Bede’s distinctive use of the terms puer and pueritia will be illustrated. I shall
proceed as follows: first, I will look at three passages which are significant with regard
to the Christianization of England and the manifestation of God’s power, i.e. Pope
Gregory and the Anglian slave-boys at the market-square in Rome, a miraculous
account from the monastery of Selsey, and finally the baptism and death of two young
princes of the Isle of Wight. Thereafter, I will consider a number of other case studies,
which are distributed throughout Bede’s work.6 In each case the use and meaning of
the terms puer and pueritia will be scrutinized and their application evaluated against
the backdrop of other Latin sources such as Isidore of Seville’s Etymologiae and the
Gospels. Furthermore, passages in the commentaries on the Gospels of Luke and
Mark that deal with children will be taken into consideration, if applicable.7
In his chapter on the death of Pope Gregory Bede tells us how Gregory, not yet
pope, was inspired to instigate the conversion of the English. Although the passage is
probably the most anthologized and best-known piece from the HE – except for
Bede’s account of the herdsman Cædmon (HE 4.24) – it is worth quoting the relevant
passage in full:
Nec silentio praetereunda opinio, quae de beato Gregorio traditione maiorum ad nos
usque perlata est, qua uidelicet ex causa ammonitus tam sedulam erga salutem nostrae
gentis curam gesserit. Dicunt quia die quadam, cum aduenientibus nuper mercatoribus
multa uenalia in forum fuissent collata, multi ad emendum confluxissent, et ipsum
Gregorium inter alios aduenisse, ac uidisse inter alia pueros uenales positos candidi

6
Unfortunately, not all episodes dealing with children and childhood will be analyzed as this would
have gone beyond the scope of this article. For the time being, I provide a list with the chapters in
question. These also include passages on adolescents: 1.7; 1.18; 1.21; 1.27; 2.1; 2.9; 2.14; 2.15; 2.20;
3.9; 3.12; 3.18; 3.19; 3.23; 3.26; 3.27; 4.8; 4.10; 4.14; 4.25; 4.30; 5.2; 5.3; 5.5; 5.13; 5.18; 5.19; 5.20;
5.23. I follow Michael Lapidge’s recent edition Beda: Storia degli Inglesi (Historia Ecclesiastica gentis
Anglorum), ed. M. Lapidge and transl. P. Chiesa, 2 vols., Scrittori Greci e Latini (Milano, 2008–2010)
in the chapter numbering and not Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Bertram
Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford, 1969). For the difference in chapter numbering, see Lapidge,
Storia degli Inglesi, 1: cix and cxxv and 2: 608; and Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, pp. 376
and 380, apparatus criticus.
7
Bede, In Lvcae Evangelium Expositio. In Marci Evangelium Expositio. Bedae Opera Exegetica 3, ed.
D. Hurst, CCSL 120 (Turnhout, 1960).
156 Lemke
corporis ac uenusti uultus, capillorum quoque forma egregia. Quos cum aspiceret,
interrogauit, ut aiunt, de qua regione uel terra essent allati, dictumque est quia de
Britannia insula, cuius incolae talis essent aspectus. Rursus interrogauit utrum idem
insulani Christiani, an paganis adhuc erroribus essent implicati. Dictum est quod
essent pagani. At ille, intimo ex corde longa trahens suspiria, “Heu, pro dolor,” inquit,
“quod tam lucidi uultus homines tenebrarum auctor possidet, tantaque gratia
frontispicii mentem ab interna gratia uacuam gestat!” Rursus ergo interrogauit, quod
esset uocabulum gentis illius. Responsum est quod Angli uocarentur. At ille: “Bene,”
inquit, “nam et angelicam habent faciem, et tales angelorum in caelis debent esse
coheredes. Quod habet nomen ipsa prouincia, de qua isti sunt allati?” Responsum est
quia Deiri uocarentur idem prouinciales. At ille: “Bene,” inquit, “Deiri, de ira eruti et ad
misericordiam Christi uocati. Rex prouinciae illius quomodo appellatur?” Responsum
est quod Aelle diceretur. At ille alludens ad nomen ait: “Alleluia, laudem Dei Creatoris
illis in partibus opportet cantari”[my emphasis].8
Several things are worth stressing here. First, Bede refers to the Anglian youths as
pueros uenales – “boys for sale” or “slave boys.” We are not informed exactly how old
the English boys are. If we recur to the classical division between infantia, pueritia,
adolescentia, and iuuentus, we may consider them to have been between seven to
fourteen years.9 However, we cannot take that for granted as Bede elsewhere uses the
term puer for the hardly three-year-old boy Æsica in Book 4, chapter 8. In fact, many
medieval authors apply their terminology for children and youths rather
inconsistently, which often makes it difficult to determine the specific age in each

8
Bede, HE 2.1, ed. Lapidge, 1: 178. “We must not fail to relate the story about St. Gregory which has
come down to us as a tradition of our forefathers. It explains the reasons why he showed such earnest
solicitude for the salvation of our race. It is said that one day, soon after some merchants had arrived in
Rome, a quantity of merchandise was exposed for sale in the market place. Crowds came to buy and
Gregory too amongst them. As well as other merchandise he saw some boys put up for sale, with fair
complexions, handsome faces, and lovely hair. On seeing them he asked, so it is said, from what region
or land they had been brought. He was told that they came from the island of Britain, whose
inhabitants were like that in appearance. He asked again whether those islanders were Christians or still
entangled in the errors of heathenism. He was told that they were heathen. Then with a deep-drawn
sigh he said: ‘Alas that the author of darkness should have men so bright of face in his grip, and that
minds devoid of inward grace should bear so graceful an outward form.’ Again he asked for the name of
the race. He was told that they were called Angli. ‘Good’, he said, ‘they have the face of angels and such
men should be fellow-heirs of the angels in heaven.’ He asked: ‘What is the name of the kingdom from
which they have been brought?’ He was told that the man of the kingdom were called Deiri. ‘Good.
Deiri’, he replied, ‘snatched from the wrath of Christ and called to his mercy. And what is the name of
the king of that land?’ He was told that it was Ælle. And playing on that name, he said: ‘Alleluja! The
praise of God the creator must be sung in those parts’; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical
History, pp. 133 and 135.
9
See Shahar, Childhood, pp. 21-31.
 Puer and Pueritia 157
case.10 Therefore, it seems more useful to seek interpretations of Bede’s usage of puer
other than those merely connected with age. When looking at the sources of Bede’s
learning we may first naturally turn to Isidore of Seville’s commonly known
Etymologiae. In the chapter entitled De aetatibus hominum, Isidore distinguishes seven
ages: infantia, pueritia, adolescentia, iuuentus, grauitas, senectus, and senium. Here,
pueritia is described as an age which is “pura et necdum ad generandum apta, tendens
usque ad quartumdecimum annum.”11 In this reading, puer denotes a certain form of
purity prior to the awakening of the carnal desires of adolescentia. Isidore holds that a
boy (puer) is so called from purity (puritas) “quia purus est, et necdum lanuginem
floremque genarum habens. Hi sunt ephebi, id est a Phoebo dicit, necdum [pronati]
viri, adolescentuli lenes.”12 He further relates that the word puer is applied in three
ways: a) with reference to birth in general, b) to indicate age, and c) “pro obsequio et
fidei puritate, ut Dominus ad prophetam (Ierem. 2.7): ‘Puer meus es tu, noli timere’,
dum iam Ieremias longe pueritiae excessisset annos.”13 Therefore, Bede’s use of pueros
in the case of the Anglian boys may well denote a purity of faith and a fervent
willingness and readiness to follow God’s word, although in this case it must be seen
as a future promise rather than reality as the boys are explicitly depicted as heathens
(essent pagani).
Their purity of faith and admirable naiveté, and this is the second noteworthy
aspect, is complemented by their outward appearance, which is foregrounded in
Bede’s narration. They are described as having fair complexions, handsome faces, and
lovely hair – “candidi corporis ac uenusti uultus, capillorum quoque forma egregia.”
Bede applies a well-known Christian topos which acknowledges outward beauty as a
sign of inner grace, as has been remarked in relation to this passage by Stephen

10
On the fuzziness of terminology applied by medieval authors, see Edward James, “Childhood and
Youth in the Early Middle Ages,” in Youth in the Middle Ages, ed. P.J.P. Goldberg and Felicity Riddy
(York, 2004), pp. 11-24; and see Sally Crawford, Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England (Stroud, 1999),
pp. 33–56, for a survey of the different stages of childhood and youth as evident from Anglo-Saxon
documentary and literary sources.
11
Isidore, Etymologiae XI.ii.3, ed. Willard M. Lindsay, Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarum sive
Originum Libri XX, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1957); “is pure and not yet apt for procreating, running until the
fourteenth year”; trans.: The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, ed. Stephen A. Barney et al. (Cambridge,
2006), p. 241.
12
Isidore, Etymologiae XI.ii.10, ed. Lindsay; “because he is pure and still retains, without the hint of a
beard, the bloom of the cheeks. They are ephebes, so called after Phoebes, gentle youths, not yet
[grown] men”; trans.: Barney, Etymologies, p. 241.
13
Isidore, Etymologiae XI.ii.11, ed. Lindsay; “in reference to obedience and purity of faith, as in the
words of the Lord to the prophet (Jeremiah 1:7): ‘You are my child, do not be afraid,’ spoken when
Jeremiah had already left behind the years of childhood a long time before”; trans.: Barney, Etymologies,
p. 241.
158 Lemke
Harris.14 This (potential) inner grace is confirmed by Gregory’s response, when he is
told that the English are still heathen: “’Heu, pro dolor’, inquit, ‘quod tam lucidi
uultus homines tenebrarum auctor possidet, tantaqua gratia frontispicii mentem ab
interna gratia uacuam gestat!’”15 This image of the English youths is further enhanced
by Gregory’s famous pun on their gens, namely, the Angles: “’Bene,’ inquit, ‘nam et
angelicam habent faciem, et tales angelorum in caelis debet esse coheredes.’”16 Their
angelic appearance singles them out as worthy recipients of heavenly grace, regardless
of their ignorance of the Christian faith. Thus the story of the Anglian pueros in the
Roman market square becomes the starting point for the Christianization of the
English. They appear to be predestined for divine grace granted through the mission
because of their outward beauty.
A third aspect is that the application of the term pueros seems to denote an evident
contrast to adolescents or full-grown adults. If we again refer to Isidore’s definition,
their innocence and purity makes them morally superior to their elders. Moral
superiority of children is, of course, a commonplace in the works of medieval writers
such as St. Augustine, St. Columba, or Asser, although the exact terminology (e.g.
infans, puer, paruulus) with regard to their actual age can differ within these sources.
This exacerbates the difficulties in distinguishing between very young children
(infantes) or youths (pueri) and in pinpointing their actual age.17 We find ample

14
Stephen Harris, Race and Ethnicity in Anglo-Saxon Literature, Medieval History and Culture 24 (New
York, 2003), pp. 47–51.
15
Bede, HE 2.1, ed. Lapidge, 1: 178. “‘Alas that the author of darkness should have men so bright of
face in his grip, and that minds devoid of inward grace should bear so graceful an outward form’”;
trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 133.
16
Bede, HE 2.1, ed. Lapidge, 1: 178. “‘Good’, he said, ‘they have the face of angels and such men should
be fellow-heirs of the angels in heaven’”; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 135.
17
See Mathew S. Kuefler, “A Wryed Existence”: Attitudes toward Children in Anglo-Saxon England,”
Journal of Social History, 24.4 (1991), 823–34, at pp. 824–25. Kuefler refers to St. Columban, who
rejoiced in young oblates as he regarded children to be better monks than adults. He lists four reasons:
the child does not persist in anger, does not carry a grudge, does not take delight in the beauty of
women, and expresses what he truly believes. The Welsh monk Asser, biographer of the West Saxon
King Alfred (871-899), remarked in his Vita Ælfredi ch. 93 that children were sometimes the only
voluntary candidates for monastic orders, as they were not yet corrupted by the materialistic pursuits of
adults: “nullum de sua propria gente nobilem ac liberum hominem, nisi infantes, qui nihil boni eligere
nec mali respuere pro teneritudine invalidae aetatis adhuc possunt, qui monasticam voluntarie subire
vitam, habebat; nimirum quia per multa retroacta annorum curricula monasticae vitae desiderium ab
illa tota gente, nec non et a multis aliis gentibus, funditus desierat, quamuis plurima adhuc monasteria
in illa regione constructa permaneant, nullo tamen regulam illius vitae ordinabiliter tenente, nescio
quare, aut pro alienigenarum infestationibus, qui saepissime terra marique hostiliter irrumpunt, aut
etiam pro nimia illius gentis in omni genere divitiarum abundantia, propter quam multo magis id genus
despectae monasticae vitae fieri existimo”; see Asserius, De Rebus Gestis Ælfredi, ed. William H.
 Puer and Pueritia 159
evidence for this topos in the Gospels. In Mc. 9.36 Jesus tells his audience:
“[Q]uisquis unum ex huiusmodi pueris receperit in nomine meo me recipit. Et
quicumque me susceperit non me suscipit sed eum qui me misit,”18 and famously
rebukes his disciples in Mc. 10.14–15: “[S]inite parvulos venire ad me et ne
prohibueritis eos talium est enim regnum Dei, amen dico vobis, quisque non receperit
regnum Dei velut parvulus non intrabit in illud.”19 Again, the terminology is not clear-
cut. Despite these terminological inconsistencies all references exalt the apparent
innocence of children, while silently assuming the inevitable corruption of grown-ups.
Medieval writers frequently use this image of the childrens’ ability to access a higher
truth and of being blessed with divine favour.20 This impression is reinforced by
Bede’s commentary on the two passages from Mark. On the first passage (Mc. 9.36)
he remarks:
Quod enim ait, Quisquis unum ex huiusmodi pueris receperit in nomine meo me recipit, uel
simpliciter pauperes Christi ab his qui uelint esse maiores pro eius ostendit honore
recipiendos uel certe malitia paruulos ipsos esse suadet ut instar aetatis paruulae

Stevenson, Asser’s Life of King Alfred together with the Annals of Saint Neots Erroneously Ascribed to Asser.
New Impression with Article on Recent Work on Asser’s Life of Alfred by Dorothy Whitelock (Oxford,
1959), pp. 80–81. “He [i.e. Alfred] had no noble or free-born man of his own race who would of his
own accord undertake the monastic life, except for children, who could not as yet choose good or reject
evil because of the tenderness of their infant years – not surprisingly, since for many years past the
desire for the monastic life had been totally lacking in that entire race (and in a good many other
peoples as well!), even though quite a number of monasteries which had been built in that area still
remain but do not maintain the rule of monastic life in any consistent way. I am not sure why: either it
is because of the depredations of foreign enemies whose attacks by land and sea are very frequent and
savage, or else, because of the people’s enormous abundance of riches of every kind, as a result of which
(I suspect) this kind of monastic life came all the more into disrespect”; trans.: Alfred the Great: Asser’s
Life of King Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources, Translated with an Introduction and Notes by
Simon Keynes and Michael Lapidge (London, 1983), p. 103. Asser uses the term infans not puer, which
leaves us to wonder whether he actually meant children under seven. Up to the twelfth century oblates
were usually admitted at the age of five or six, sometimes earlier. Children trained for secular church
service usually started schooling at reading or song school at the age of seven (Shahar, Children,
pp. 187–91). Regardless of the terminology, the notion of innocent and pious children, privileged
compared to their adolescent and adult counterparts, is evident in Asser’s work.
18
“‛Whoever receives one of these children in my name,’ he said, ‘receives me; and whoever receives
me, receives not me but the One who sent me.’” All Latin quotations from the Bible are taken from
Biblia Sacra: Iuxta Vulgatam Versionem, Adiuvantibus Bonifatio Fischer, Iohanne Gribomont, H.F.D.
Sparks, W. Thiele , ed. R. Weber, 3rd rev. ed., 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1983), and all translations from The
New English Bible, 3 vols., 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1970). No further references to the Biblia Sacra or The New
English Bible will be provided since passages can easily be found by chapter and verse.
19
“’Let the children come to me; do not try to stop them; for the kingdom of God belongs to such as
these; I tell you, whoever does not accept the kingdom of God like a child will never enter it.’”
20
Shahar, Childhood, p. 17.
160 Lemke
simplicitatem sine arrogantia caritatem sine inuidia deuotionem sine iracundia
conseruent. Quod autem complectitur puerum significat humiles suo dignos esse
complexu ac dilectione talesque cum impleuerint quod praecepit.21
His comment on the second passage (Mc. 10.14–15) instrumentalizes the image of
children as worthy recipients of divine grace as they, in contrast to adults, do not
question the Word of God, but are true believers without any doubts:
Aliter. Regnum Dei, id est doctrinam euangelii, sicut paruulus accipere iubemur quia
quo modo paruulus in discendo non contradicit doctoribus neque rationes et uerba
componit aduersum eos resistens sed fideliter suscipit quod docetur et cum metu
obtemperat et quiescit ita et nos in oboediendo simpliciter et sine ulla retractatione
uerbis domini facere debemus.22
These passages are exemplary of Bede’s attitude towards the exalted role of children in
Christian salvation as expressed in his gospel commentaries.23
Taking all this into consideration, one may legitimately argue that Bede’s account
of the Anglian slave boys prefigures the salvation of the English, because the boys’
status as innocent children holds a promise for the future conversion of the Anglo-
Saxon kingdoms. In other words: if the Anglian boys are ready, eager, and pure
enough to receive the faith, then so are the English in general. In this clever
parallelism, the story identifies the status of the English as the elect children of God,
whose representative on earth is Gregory. The use of pueri is striking in this context as
writers of early Christianity often refer to a male of any age who had received baptism
as puer.24 It is interesting to note that St. Augustine, who had a lasting influence on the
negative image of children in medieval writings, claims that although an infant is born
in sin and motivated by its drives, it would become more innocent than its elders
through the act of baptism. The same holds true for children past the age of infantia.25

21
Bede, In Marcum, ed. Hurst, p. 551. “By saying ‘whoever receives one of these children in my name
receives me’ he simply shows that the poor of Christ are to be received by those who wish to be greater
in return for his honour, or he truly urges with mischief that they be children so that in the manner of
those of young age they observe simplicity without arrogance, charity without envy, and devotion
without anger. His embrace of the boy signifies that the humble and those who fulfill his commands are
worthy of his embrace and his love." [my translation].
22
Bede, In Marcum, ed. Hurst, p. 559. “We are told to accept the heavenly kingdom, that is the doctrine
of the gospel, as a small child would accept it because just as a small child when he is learning does not
contradict his teachers nor does he in resistance against them fashion verbal arguments but faithfully
accepts what he is taught and silently obeys in fearful reverence, so we, too, must act in simple
obedience and without any reservation to the words of God.” [my translation].
23
Due to the limited scope of this article I have not included a minute discussion of Bede’s comments
on the other gospel quotes, which I will cite below.
24
James, “Childhood and Youth,” p. 16.
25
Shahar, Childhood, p. 16.
 Puer and Pueritia 161
Thus, the use of puer in this episode implies the Anglian boys’ uncorrupted purity and
subsequently their future conversion through baptism. In this they become a
metonym for the Christianization of the English as a people.
This intricate connection between pueri and the process of Christianization is
discernible in many passages in the HE. Bede tells us that after the Synod of Whitby,
the representative of the Irish party, Coleman, returns to Ireland. On his departure he
convinces the Northumbrian king Oswy that his favoured candidate, Eata, be elevated
to the bishopric of the Northumbrians. Eata is referred to as “unus de xii pueris
Aidani, quos primo episcopatus sui tempore de natione Anglorum erudiendos in
Christo accepit.”26 Again, the exact age of Aidan’s disciples is not disclosed here. The
important point is that the bishop first chose pueri and not grown adults from among
the newly-converted Northumbrians, whom he baptized and instructed in the
Christian teachings. This testifies to their status as pure and innocent recipients of the
Christian faith through baptism and teaching. Moreover, the number symbolism in
this passage is clearly suggestive as it invokes the image of Jesus and his disciples, who
were instructed in the faith to carry out the Great Commission, i.e. spreading the
Christian faith. The pueri thus occur at a pivotal point in the conversion story of the
English as Aidan’s disciples are brought up as the new generation which is ready to
spread and teach the word of God just as Christ’s disciples had done, be it as priests,
monks, or bishops.
The importance of the pueri with regard to Bede’s story of the conversion of the
English kingdoms can be seen when his narration comes full circle with the
Christianization of the South Saxons and the population of the Isle of Wight in Book
4. Bede, having gathered that information from his close friend, Acca of Hexham, tells
his readers a story about a little boy (puerulus) who lived among the brethren in the
monastery of Selsey.27 Neither his age nor his name is mentioned. He might have been
an oblate of a very young age, as is suggested by the diminutive Bede uses here. It is
said that he was “nuper uocatus ad fidem”28 – “recently called to the faith,” i.e.
converted, and that he was “puer multum simplicis ac mansueti animi, sinceraque
deuotione sacramenta fidei quae susceperat seruans”29 – “a boy of simple and gentle
disposition, with faithful devotion observing the sacraments of the faith which he had
received.” This description again seems to build on the notion of puer outlined above.
He is presented as uncorrupted and gentle, with faithful and sincere devotion, a
behaviour which seems to be typical of the newly-converted. The boy is infected by a

26
Bede, HE, III.26, ed. Lapidge, 2: 136. “One of those twelve boys of Aidan, whom he received from
the English at the beginning of his episcopate in order to instruct them in Christ”; my translation.
27
Bede, HE 4.14, ed. Lapidge, 2: 228–32.
28
Bede, HE 4.14, ed. Lapidge, 2: 228.
29
Ibid.
162 Lemke
pestilence which had struck all Sussex and the monastery, with other brethren being
sick.30 While lying in bed, “diuina dispositione”31 – “by divine dispensation” the
Apostles Peter and Paul appear in a vision and tell the boy:
“Noli timere, fili, mortem, pro qua sollicitus es; nos enim te hodierna die ad caelestia
sumus regna perducturi … ‘sed omnes qui alicubi de uestris hac aegritudine laborant,
resurrecturi a languore, pristina sunt sospitate recuperandi’ – praeter te solum, qui
hodierna es die liberandus a morte et ad uisionem Domini Christi, cui fideliter seruisti,
perducendus in caelum.”32
Indeed the boy is subsequently carried off by death while all other brethren recover
from their sickness. The image of salvation is conspicuous in this passage as the boy
dies and ascends to the kingdom of heaven in order to save the other members of the
monastery by his death, thus emulating Christ’s sacrifice to redeem mankind. The
impression of an imitatio Christi is reinforced by the fact that the Gospel of Luke, as
the only of the synoptic gospels which relates stories of Jesus’s childhood, refers to
him solely as puer when not using a demonstrative pronoun. When Jesus is presented
to Symeon in the Temple (Lc. 2. 22–40) the Gospel relates: “et cum inducerent
puerum Iesum parentes eius ut facerent secundum consuetudinem legis pro eo et ipse
accepit eum in ulnas suas et benedixit Deum.”33 In this instance puer probably does
not refer to the exact age of the child, at least not when we assume that puer would
commonly denote a person of the age of seven to fourteen years. The passage begins
with “et postquam impleti sunt dies purgationis eius secundum legem Moysi tulerunt
illum in Hierusalem ut sisterent eum Domino.”34 According to the precepts of the Old
Law, this would have happened thirty-three days after the birth of the child.35 By that
age, however, the boy Jesus would still have been identified as an infant (infans). We
can therefore conclude that puer carries a specific connation with regard to his purity
and special grace of God. This is underscored by the conclusion to this passage, which

30
The story seems to fit the characteristics of the common oblatus mortuus motif; see Winfried Rudolf,
“The Source and Textual Identity of ‘Homily’ Napier XXXI - Ælfric & the Munuccild of Saint-Maurice
d’Agaune,” RES 266 (2006), 607–22.
31
Bede, HE 4.14, ed. Lapidge, 2: 228.
32
Ibid. “‘Son, do not let the fear of death trouble you, for we are going to take you today to the heavenly
kingdom. […] But all those people who are now suffering from the sickness shall be raised up from
their sick beds and restored to their former health – all except you alone, for you will today be freed
from death and taken to heaven to behold the lord Christ whom you have faithfully served’”; trans.:
Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, pp. 377 and 379.
33
Lc. 2.27–28. “[A]nd when the parents brought in the child Jesus to do for him what was customary
under the Law, he took him in his arms, [and] praised God.”
34
Lc. 2.22. “Then, after their purification had been completed in accordance with the Law of Moses,
they brought him up to Jerusalem to present him to the Lord.”
35
Lv. 12.1-4.
 Puer and Pueritia 163
states that after Joseph and Mary had returned to Nazareth, the “puer autem crescebat
et confortabatur plenus sapientia et gratia Dei erat in illo.”36 The fact that Jesus is
called puer, apparently regardless of his actual age, suggests that the term carries a
particular significance with regard to a special grace of God awarded to children and
their role in Christian salvation history in general. Nevertheless, we have to be
cautious here with generalizations since Jesus has to be regarded as an exceptional
child with a rather unique status in Christian salvation history.
The didactic focus of the story of the boy at Selsey is important as Bede observes
that many who heard about this story were encouraged to pray to the divine mercy in
times of adversity. However, the priest to whom the boy tells his vision does not
believe him at first, but asks further questions. Only after the boy can give a detailed
description of the apostles, the priest finally believes him. Does this mean that the
credibility of children counted for less? I think that Bede rather wanted to emphasize
that the innocence and purity of the boy did not make further authorization necessary
as he was clearly speaking the truth. The fact that the apostles appear to him rather
than to any of his experienced brethren further emphasizes the gift of the uncorrupted
and strong faith of children. Moreover, the fact that the priest does not immediately
trust him emphasizes the distance between adult and child. The boy’s ability to
recognize the apostles unfailingly verifies the quality of his teachers and confirms his
willingness to embrace the Christian doctrine as a diligent pupil.
Although the account concentrates on the death of the puerulus, the whole story is
actually connected to the sanctity of the Northumbrian king Oswald. The apostles tell
the boy that all this is happening through the intercession of the Northumbrian saint,
who had been slain in battle on that very same day as the first martyr among the
English. The chapter ends with Bede’s comment that many – adults and children alike
– were strengthened by this miracle and that the beginnings of a cult of Oswald were
discernible.37 The whole episode adds to Bede’s focus on mission and conversion, the
inculcation of Christian norms, and the need to invigorate the faith among the
English. Bede deliberately selects the puerulus as a role model for others to emulate as
he embodies qualities which were apparently lacking in his adult brethren.
The exalted role of children also plays a role in the conversion of the last of the
English kingdoms, namely the Isle of Wight.38 After the West Saxon King Caedwalla
had conquered the island, Bede recounts that “in primitatis eorum, qui de eadem
insula credendo saluati sunt, duo regii pueri, fratres uidelicet Arualdi regis insulae,

36
Lc. 2.40. “The child grew big and strong and full of wisdom; and God’s favour was upon him.”
37
See Shahar, Childhood, p. 17, for the invigoration of a saint’s holiness through children.
38
Bede, HE 4.14, ed. Lapidge, 2: 234.
164 Lemke
speciali sunt Dei gratia coronati.”39 It is not clear how old the boys were, but the use of
puer may again suggest an age between seven and fourteen. As has been noted above,
childhood in an Isidorian sense and probably in Bede’s view is chiefly the period of
purity, innocence, and ardent faith regardless of the actual number of years the
children have completed.
After the two princes had fled the island, they were betrayed and condemned to
death. On the initiative of Cynberht, abbot of Redbridge, they were instructed in the
mysteries of the Christian faith. Bede writes that “[m]oxque illi instante carnifice
mortem laeti subiere temporalem, per quam se ad uitam animae perpetuam non
dubitant esse transituros.”40 The crucial aspect here is that they are portrayed as
believers from the start, who show neither obstinacy nor doubt, but appear to be
open-hearted to the Christian faith, which they readily embrace. Their description as
“speciali Dei gratia coronati” mirrors Bede’s high opinion of them by singling them
out as martyrs in an allegorical reading of the passage as well as rightful heirs to the
temporal kingdom, assuming their crowns of martyrdom by divine dispensation.
Through their conversion to Christianity they also approximate the status of martyrs,
as their faith is not the main reason for their execution in the story. Their ardent faith
makes them appear indifferent towards temporal death as they know they will
eventually enter the kingdom of heaven. This indicates that the boys, before all others,
are ready believers of the promise of salvation. Once more children are at the
forefront in the HE when it comes to accepting the new faith. The image of children
as ready believers in contrast to adults whose feeble faith threatens their steadfastness
is prominent in the Gospels: in Mt. 17.14–20 Jesus berates his disciples for having
little faith, when they were unable to cure a demon-possessed boy. The Gospel of
Mark (9.14–29) relates that the father of another possessed boy cries out to Jesus to
help him overcome his unbelief to cure his son: “credo adiuva incredulitatem
meam.”41 In Mc. 9.41 Jesus issues a warning: “Et quisquis scandalizaverit unum ex his
pusillis credentibus in me bonum est ei magis si circumdaretur mola asinaria collo eius
et in mare mitteretur.”42

39
Bede, HE 4.14, ed. Lapidge, 2: 234. “[A]mong the first fruits of the island who believed and were
saved were two young princes, brothers of Arwald, king of the island, who were specially crowned with
God’s grace”; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 383.
40
Bede, HE 4.14, ed. Lapidge, 2: 234. “When the executioner arrived, they gladly submitted to
temporal death through which they were assured that they would pass to the eternal life of the soul”;
trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 383.
41
Mc. 9.23. “’I have faith,’ cried the boy’s father; ‘help me where faith falls short.’”
42
Mc. 9.41. “As for the man who is a cause of stumbling to one of these little ones who have faith, it
would be better for him to be thrown into the sea with a millstone round his neck.”
 Puer and Pueritia 165
In the case of the two royal princes Bede builds a very powerful rhetorical image.
With the act of baptism the converts become children of God, echoing Jesus who
taught his followers to consider themselves children of God as is seen in Mt 18.3–5:
“et dixit amen dico vobis, nisi conversi fueritis et efficiamini sicut parvuli non intrabitis
in regnum caelorum quicumque ergo humiliaverit se sicut parvulus iste hic est maior in
regno caelorum et qui susceperit unum parvulum talem in nomine meo me suscipit.”43
The idea of the baptized as children of God is reinforced in Bede’s account because
we have actual children receiving baptism first and standing out among the adults
surrounding them as especially pure and faithful. What is more, this story marks the
endpoint of the conversion of the English: it began with the pueros uenales in the
market square in Rome and is completed by the baptism and martyrdom of the two
young princes of the Isle of Wight.
As I have shown so far, children – pueri – appear in key stories of Bede’s narrative
of the Christianization of the gens Anglorum. They are depicted as innocent and pure
believers from the start, setting an example for the adults and symbolizing a promise
of future conversion and salvation.
The four episodes just mentioned are intricately connected with Bede’s narration
of the Christianization of England. In addition to the childrens’ central role to the
conversion of the English, there are a plenty of other stories throughout the HE,
where Bede highlights their special status. These episodes can contribute significantly
to our understanding of Bede’s application of the terms puer and pueritia. Since the
episodes are far too numerous to be all recounted here, a selection of passages must
suffice.
My first example – taken from HE 3.12 – shows that children play an important
role in Bede’s miracle stories, in which the powers of the saint, and therefore the
power of the Almighty, becomes graspable for readers of Bede’s work. Bede relates
that a small boy (puerulus) in the monastery of Barking had suffered from recurrent
fevers. On the advice of one of his brethren he sits down by the tomb of St. Oswald.
By the saint’s intercession the fever is lifted from him. The little boy thereafter stays in
the monastery and becomes a monk, as Bede relates.
A similar account is found in HE 3.23. This chapter tells a story of East Saxon
monks who wanted to venerate the relics of St. Cedd at Lastingham. However, the
monastery is attacked by a pestilence to which all brethren fall victim “excepto uno
puerulo, quem orationibus patris sui [i.e. St. Cedd] a morte constat esse seruatum.”44

43
Mt. 18.3–5. “[A]nd said, ‘I tell you this: unless you turn round and become like children, you will
never enter the kingdom of Heaven. Let a man humble himself till he is like this child, and he will be the
greatest in the kingdom of Heaven. Whoever receives one such child in my name receives me.”
44
Bede, HE 3.23, ed. Lapidge, 2: 110. “With the exception of one small boy who was preserved from
death by intercession of Cedd his father”; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 289.
166 Lemke
The boy is saved by the intercession of St. Cedd, to whose tomb he has come out of
love for him. His apparently genuine love for the saint seems to be the decisive factor,
which leaves us to wonder whether this implies that only children are of a pure heart
in contrast to grown-ups. After the boy is saved, Bede goes on to narrate that he
realized afterwards that he had not been baptized, which was duly mended.
Subsequently he becomes a teacher for his brethren and “aliis quoque fratribus
ministerium uitae ac salutis docendo exhiberet.”45 This echoes the story of the Anglian
slave boys in so far as the puerulus appears to be “heathen,” i.e. not baptized, but
nevertheless displays genuine love and purity of heart, while his elder brethren all die.
Subsequently, he becomes a role-model for his future brethren, who are thus brought
to salvation. The image of the innocent child that is endowed with special grace and
which embarks on a journey to bring about the salvation of others is a recurring
feature in the narration of the HE. On the other hand, both accounts show that
children at the same time serve as a means to an end since their accounts are
embedded in narratives which ultimately exalt particular saints and testify to their
holiness.
This utilitarian function is particularly evident in the fact that Bede withholds the
names of the children, with one exception, which is discussed below. It does therefore
not appear in his work that children were important to him as individuals, but rather
that they served as stock role-models, which embodied an ideal of purity and ardent
faith. At the same time their receiving of the saintly grace testifies to their special
status as innocent and uncorrupted Christians, who do not need to see in order to
believe, who believe in the mysteries of the faith with all their heart, much in contrast
to their corrupted elders. Miracles performed on children as a rhetorical tool to make
people believe or strengthen their faith is another well known topos in Christian
writing. Outside the genre of hagiography we find a famous example in Io. 4.43–54, a
story about Jesus healing the son of a royal officer at Capernaum. Jesus chides the
officer: “Nisi signa et prodigia videritis non creditis.”46 The official and his whole
household convert only after his son is healed.
Children are also granted the gift of prophecy in the HE. In the only story with a
named child protagonist, Bede relates that in the monastery of Barking there was
“puer trium circiter non amplius annorum, Aesica nomine, qui propter infantilem
adhuc aetatem in uirginum Deo dedicatarum solebat cella nutriri ibique meditari.”47

45
Bede, HE 3.23, ed. Lapidge, 2: 110. “[E]xercised a ministry of life and salvation for his people”; trans.:
Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 289.
46
Io. 4.48. “Jesus said to him, ‘Will none of you ever believe without seeing signs and portents?’”
47
Bede, HE 4.8, ed. Lapidge, 2: 202. “[A] boy named Æsica, not more than three years of age, who,
because of his extreme youth, was being looked after and was learning his lessons in the dwelling of the
maidens dedicated to God”; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 359.
 Puer and Pueritia 167
This small boy is called a puer, although he is only three years old, which would make
him an infans according to the classical division of Isidore. Again, it appears that Bede
wishes to foreground the religious connotation rather than the actual age reference. In
this tragic account, Æsica falls ill and dies. Before he departs his life he calls out the
name of the nun Edith thrice. On the very same day Edith is attacked by the same
illness and likewise dies “et illum, qui se uocauit, ad regnum caeleste secuta est.”48
Although young of age, Æsica is graced with the gift of prophecy and calls Edith, who
– as a nun – is a bride of Christ, to the heavenly kingdom.
I wish to conclude this discussion with one last aspect that is worth mentioning.
Apart from the terminology denoting the actual child protagonists, pueritia as a
decisive stage in human life is also drawn into sharp focus by the HE. So far the
examples in my discussion have foregrounded the innocence and purity of children
and emphasized their special status. Below I will show that Bede at times inserts some
slight ambivalence into this prevalent image of pueritia. In his story it is a time of
innocence but at times also a period of transgression, as will be shown by the
following examples.
When the holy man Egbert is stricken by a mortal sickness and at the brink of
death he is mindful of his sin and prays to God to give him time to repent all the
“praeteritas neglegentias, quas in pueritia siue infantia comiserat.”49 Egbert is
subsequently cured by divine intercession and becomes an important missionary and
exemplary Christian, who converts the Irish-trained monks of Iona to the precepts of
the Roman Catholic Church in 716.50 The wording neglegentias is intriguing here.
Although the time of pueritia does not seem to be entirely flawless, a certain
innocence remains as the child Egbert is portrayed as not comprehending what he is
doing and not thinking about the consequences. These childhood mistakes need to be
atoned later on in an age of understanding. This erring in childhood is also evident in
the story of the Mercian thegn who is dragged to hell for his misdoings (HE 5.13).
Bede teaches us a moral lesson as he writes:
Qui si e contrario errores pueritiae corrigere in adulescentia, ac bene faciendo a Dei
oculis abscondere curasset, posset eorum numero sociari de quibus ait psalmus: Beati
quorum remissae sunt iniquitates, et quorum tecta sunt peccata.51

48
Bede, HE 4.8, ed. Lapidge, 2: 202. “[F]ollowing him who had called her to the kingdom of heaven”;
trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 359.
49
Bede, HE 3.27, ed. Lapidge, 2: 142. “All the thoughtless offences of which he had been guilty during
infancy and boyhood”; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, p. 313.
50
Bede, HE 5.21.
51
Bede, HE 5.13, ed. Lapidge, 2: 390 and 392. “If, on the other hand, he had troubled to correct the
errors of childhood in his youth, hiding them from God’s eyes by well-doing, he might have been able
to associate himself with the company of those of whom the psalmist says: ‘Blessed are those whose
168 Lemke
Pueritia thus is a time during which it is permissible to err. These erroneous actions
are, however, not condemned in children as they do not seem to comprehend their
deeds and the consequences. This is what privileges them over adolescents and
grown-ups. Apparently, the time of adolescentia is presented as a time of conscious
understanding in Bede’s HE, whereas children in pueritia are still directed mainly by
their hearts, and less so by their minds. The flaws of pueritia can be mended in later
stages of life, but at the same time there is an obligation to repent.
Furthermore, pueritia is a time in which holiness reveals itself in the HE and when
the saints display an extraordinary zeal to take in the word of God and strive for divine
wisdom. Bede writes about the Irish saint Fursey: “ab ipso tempore pueritiae suae
curam non modicam lectionibus sacris simul et monasticis exhibebat disciplinis.”52
Pueritia thus seems to denote an age in which children (regardless of their exact age)
seem to have been eager to learn and to be susceptible for Christian teaching and
monastic discipline. Likewise St. Cuthbert had always longed for a life under a rule in
young years (“a prima aetate pueritiae”)53 and it was as a young man (“ab eunte
adulescentia”)54 that he assumed both the name and the habit of a monk. About
Bishop Wilfrid’s boyhood we hear: “cum esset puer bonae indolis, atque aetatem
moribus transiens ita se modeste et circumspecte in omnibus gereret.”55 All examples
show that saints display extraordinary habits in their childhood, which singles them
out as especially graced, and they display to a certain extent the medieval concept of
the puer senex, the “boy-old man,” most prevalent in saints lives. Here the children
show exceptional skills and interests which are not befitting or common for their
age.56 This in turn testifies to their special status and foreshadows their future sanctity.
My aim in this article was to have a closer look at Bede’s attitude towards children
in the HE and his application of the terms puer and pueritia. As I hope to have shown
Bede does indeed care about children. They are not mere footnotes to his

iniquities are forgiven and whose sins are recovered’”; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical
History, p. 503.
52
Bede, HE 3.19, ed. Lapidge, 1:86. “From his boyhood’s days he had devoted all his energy to the
study of sacred books and to the monastic discipline”; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical
History, p. 271.
53
Bede, HE 4.25, ed. Lapidge, 2: 296. “From his earliest years”; trans.: Colgrave and Mynors,
Ecclesiastical History, p. 431.
54
Bede, HE 4.25, ed. Lapidge, 2: 296.“[F]rom the beginning of adolescence”[my translation].
55
Bede, HE 5.19, ed. Lapidge, 2: 410 and 412. “He was a boy of good disposition and virtous beyond
his years. He behaved himself with such modesty and discretion in all things”; transl. Colgrave and
Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, pp. 517 and 519.
56
See Shahar, Childhood, pp. 15–16 and Kuefler, “’Wryed Existence,’” pp. 826–27. For a
comprehensive analysis of the puer senex motif, see Ernst R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin
Middle Ages, transl. W. R. Trask (New York, 1952), pp. 98–105.
 Puer and Pueritia 169
monumental story but feature prominently in key episodes of the process of the
Christianization of the English. We encounter the image of the chosen children of
God in the story about Gregory and the slave boys, a salvation fantasy in the story
about the puerulus at Selsey, and finally the interconnection between Christian
martyrdom and questions of royal succession in the story about the royal princes of
the Isle of Wight. Moreover, with Fursey, Wilfrid, and Cuthbert, who are in some
ways leading representatives of the new faith generation after the conversion, Bede
presents examples of saintly power and the gift of prophecy as being rooted in
children. It is in their childhood that these saints show exceptional behaviour and
eagerness to take in the Christian teaching, which naturally foreshadows their
holiness, but also provides an enlightening parallel and point of comparison with
some other references to children in the HE. The present analysis, judging from the
selected examples, allows the claim that for Bede the terms puer and pueritia, at least in
his HE, did not just refer to a specific age. They also carry a religious connotation for
him: the children are portrayed as pure, innocent, sincere in their faith, and believing
with all their heart. They appear to be privileged with regard to divine truth which
seems to be withheld from adolescents and grown-ups. In this respect they serve not
only as role models in contrast to adults but symbolically represent through their
baptism the (re-)birth as children of God, accepting Him as their spiritual father.
These observations are also backed by Bede’s exegetical readings of the gospel
passage quoted above. Unfortunately, a more extensive analysis of the correlation
between the gospel passages concerned with children and childhood and Bede’s
exegetical commentaries could not be undertaken due to space considerations but
definitely deserves further investigation.
Considering Bede’s undeniable role as a teacher, I would like to take up and extend
Kendall’s claim from the beginning of this article and conclude that Bede not only
loved to educate children, but that through his account of children in the HE he also
tried to educate his readers in order to make them worthier children of God.57

57
I would like to thank Prof. Winfried Rudolf , Prof. Gernot Wieland, Dr. Dirk Schultze, and Sascha
Bargmann, M.A. for their helpful comments and feedback. All remaining errors or shortcomings are of
course my own.