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Dans ce congrs, ses critiques furent entendues : elles ne diffraient d'ailleurs pas
essentiellement des critiques faites par le Comit Central du Parti lui-mme. Les
rsolutions votes furent appliques dans la mesure du possible.
Cette commission, aprs avoir entendu pendant plusieurs heures les leaders de
l'opposition ouvrire : Chliapnikov et Kollonta, vota l'unanimit le rapport Kreibich.
Devant la Confrence
Autour du rapport Kreibich, les dbats s'engagrent devant la Confrence. Ils furent
marqus par les discours de Chliapnikov et de Kollonta pour l'opposition ouvrire et par
le magistral discours de Radek, par lequel s'exprima le point de vue du Comit Central du
Parti russe.
Chliapnikov propose, pour remdier une telle situation, de favoriser l'influence qui
doit tre dominante dans le Parti des lments proltariens, de chercher rapprocher les
proltaires de l'Etat et enfin de ne pas confondre le centralisme ncessaire avec la
pratique des perscutions contre la minorit.
Nous avons dit : Pour le front unique, comme pour l'impt en nature, comme pour
beaucoup d'autres questions, les dcisions arrivent comme par surprise sans que le Parti
ait t consult ;
Tous les exemples que nous avons pris montrent que ce ne sont pas les dcisions du
10e Congrs que nous critiquons, mais leur non application. Le Comit Central du Parti
fait plus de critiques que nous, dit-il ; mais, en fait, rien n'est chang. Quand nous
critiquons la non application des dcisions, nous sommes suspects. Le fait que 22
camarades demandent a tre entendus de vous montre que, dans le Parti, il y a quelque
chose qui ne marche pas ;
Si nous avions voulu une rupture, nous aurions pu porter nos critiques devant les masses
ouvrires. Cela, nous ne le voulons pas. Nous venons la Confrence dans un esprit
d'unit. Nous demandons le renvoi du rapport Kreibich devant l'Excutif ordinaire, comme
signifiant que le cri d'alarme que nous avons pouss a t entendu de la Confrence
Internationale.
C'est Radek qui intervient pour exposer le point de vue du Comit Central du Parti
russe. Sa riposte Kollonta fut dcisive et emporta les dernires hsitations de ceux qui
avaient pu prter une oreille complaisante aux plaintes de l'opposition ouvrire.
Radek est d'accord avec Kollonta sur un point seulement : pour dire que les
affaires du Parti russe sont des affaires trs importantes pour l'Internationale tout entire.
Radek continue :
Bobst (de Suisse) prtend qu'il est bon pour tout gouvernement d'avoir son opposition.
J'approuve entirement sa thse pour le Conseil National suisse : c'est un moyen de
rveiller les dputs endormis.
L'opposition, si elle menace les intrts vitaux de la rvolution, nous la combattrons s'il le
faut les armes la main.
L'lection libre aux Soviets, en face des intrigues et des complots de la contre-rvolution,
est souvent une revendication contre-rvolutionnaire. Notre proltariat est fatigu
incontestablement par cinq annes de rvolution, par cinq annes de sacrifices
hroques. Il peut, dans un moment de lassitude, lcher le drapeau rouge. Nous devons
stimuler le proltariat. La bourgeoisie n'a pas abandonn la partie. Avec la nouvelle
politique, elle va essayer de combattre nouveau. Aussi, l'intrieur, plus que jamais, il
faut un rgime rvolutionnaire svre.
Que l'opposition dise si notre politique est bonne ou mauvaise. Derrire Chliapnikov et
Kollonta, il y a de bons travailleurs, fatigus de la lutte et qui croyaient des rsultats
plus rapides. Si nous ne sommes pas plus avancs dans notre travail de construction
socialiste, c'est la faute du proltariat mondial, qui nous laisse nous dbattre presque
seuls dans mille difficults que la Rvolution russe ne peut pas rsoudre isolment.
On nous dit : Le rgime peut s'adoucir : il n'y a plus la guerre . Mais nous savons que
les ennemis sont dans la place. La bourgeoisie internationale cherche nous trangler
par l'intermdiaire de notre petite bourgeoisie. Dans ces conditions, il n'est pas possible
de dsarmer, mme l'intrieur.
Chliapnikov est dans le Comit Central ; il peut y dfendre son point de vue. Mais pas de
fractions. En pleine rvolution, la lettre des 22 est un vritable coup de poignard dans le
dos. L'opposition ouvrire n'oppose rien de constructif notre politique. Par ses vaines
critiques, elle diminue la rsistance ouvrire, dj affaiblie par cinq annes de
souffrances.
Dans la salle voisine de celle o sige la Confrence, dans un moment difficile pour la
Rvolution, Kollonta a dit Trotsky : Le temps de la scission n'est pas encore venu .
Aujourd'hui, la lettre des 22, rpandue un peu partout, va, aux environs de la Confrence
de Gnes, alimenter la propagande de nos ennemis. Elle va tre l'aliment de toutes les
campagnes contre-rvolutionnaires. Dire que le Parti Communiste n'a plus derrire lui les
ouvriers, c'est faux, et c'est contre-rvolutionnaire. Si les gouvernements bourgeois
traitent avec nous, c'est prcisment parce que la masse ouvrire est avec nous.
Nous sommes contre le renvoi de la motion Kreibich, motion qui nous donne toute
satisfaction.
Un dlgu, qui ne se borne pas connatre l'htel Lux, mais qui cherche comprendre
la situation de la Russie, doit savoir que ce serait dmoraliser les ouvriers que de prter
l'oreille aux critiques striles de l'opposition. Il faut voter le rapport Kreibich. Par l,
l'Internationale tout entire dira au proltariat, tous les ouvriers : Marchez avec votre
parti, rassemblez-vous derrire lui .
Ceux qui ont lutt en Allemagne contre Noske savent dj les terribles ncessits de la
lutte les armes la main.
Des milliers de dcisions doivent tre prises rapidement, sans qu'on ait le temps de
consulter le Parti. En quelques minutes, quelques camarades, nous avons pris des
dcisions contre Denikine. Nous souhaitons des ncessits moins svres dans les
rvolutions occidentales ; mais si un tel souhait se ralise, ce sera grce au triomphe
pralable des Soviets.
Certes, nous avons commis des milliers de fautes. Nous pourrions en dresser une liste
plus complte que ne pourraient le faire ceux qui nous critiquent. Mais ce qu'on ne peut
pas nous reprocher, c'est d'avoir jamais manqu de dcision.
Il faut fermer les cluses de Chliapnikov et de Kollonta et les empcher de troubler sans
raison le proltariat russe.
Nous ferons tout pour grouper le proltariat toujours plus troitement autour de sa
rvolution.
Aprs un rapide tournoi entre Radek et Kollonta, et aprs une brve intervention
de Clara Zetkin en faveur de l'adoption du rapport Kreibich, un dlgu ayant demand la
non-publicit des dbats, Radek, au nom du Comit Central russe, dclare : Cette
discussion n'a pas une porte de conventicule. Aprs avoir vu l'opposition ouvrire
l'uvre, nous ne sommes pas srs de ne pas voir la presse blanche utiliser contre nous
ces dbats dforms. Ces dbats doivent tre publis : il faut faire entendre la voix de
l'Internationale .
Conclusion
L'opposition ouvrire est forme de camarades qui sont depuis longtemps dans le
Parti et qui ont fait dans le pass tout leur devoir rvolutionnaire.
Elle tente de dresser arbitrairement les ouvriers qui font marcher la machine
gouvernementale de l'Etat proltarien contre les ouvriers rests dans les usines.
Elle impute au Comit Central des responsabilits qu'il n'a pas. Sans doute, par
exemple, la lutte contre la bureaucratie n'a pas donn tous les rsultats attendus. Mais il
ne suffit pas, pour faire disparatre la bureaucratie, de prendre des dcisions de congrs,
ni mme de croire qu'elles sont toujours intgralement applicables. Chaque fois qu'il y a
pnurie de produits, il y a plthore des organismes de rpartition. On peut, en Russie,
rduire la bureaucratie, et de gros efforts ont t faits en ce sens : on ne la rduira au
minimum que par l'augmentation de la production.
Par ses imprudences, l'opposition ouvrire a souvent donn des armes la presse
mencheviste et la presse blanche.
L'opposition ouvrire est dbilitante pour le proltariat. Elle doit tre nergiquement
combattue.
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The Workers' Opposition, born in the Bolshevik Party during the revolution reached
its peak in 1921, the 10 th Party Congress.
In this congress, his criticisms were heard: they did not differ essentially from the
criticisms made by the Central Committee of the Party itself. The resolutions voted were
applied as far as possible.
Despite this, the workers' opposition did not disarm. Although she had a
representative, Chliapnikov , on the Central Committee of the Party, she had a signed
letter of 22 names distributed to the members of the Expanded Executive, a letter in which
she expressed her grievances. The Central Committee of the Russian Party officially
referred the matter to the Conference , which had already resolved the internal conflicts of
the Hungarian and French parties.
After hearing for several hours the leaders of the workers' opposition , Chliapnikov
and Kollontai , voted unanimously for the Kreibich report.
The Kreibich report, after having nullified the accusations of the workers'
opposition, disapproved of it, invited it to submit to the discipline of its party and concluded
by saying: "Who breaks the discipline and the unity of the Party Russian betrays the
interests of the Party and the Communist International. "
Around the Kreibich report, the debates took place before the Conference. They
were marked by the speeches of Chliapnikov and Kollontai for the workers' opposition and
by the brilliant speech of Radek , in which the views of the Central Committee of the
Russian Party were expressed.
Chliapnikov proposes, in order to remedy this situation, to favor the influence that
must be dominant in the Party of proletarian elements, to seek to bring the proletarians
closer to the State, and finally not to confuse the necessary centralism with the practice of
persecutions Against the minority.
Chliapnikov adds: "We are not an organized faction, we do not carry our criticism
outside, we do not think that the fact of addressing ourselves to the Conference can allow
us to accuse ourselves of giving our critics weapons To the Mensheviks. The
10 th Congress, Zinoviev recognized the validity of most of our critics. We are not in violent
opposition to the 10 th Congress. We just want to enforce the decisions. We are
disciplined. "
We said: "For the united front, as for the tax in kind, as for many other questions, the
decisions arrive as if by surprise without the Party being consulted";
All the examples we have taken show that these are not decisions of the 10 th Congress
we criticize, but not their application. The Central Committee of the Party is more critical
than we are, he says; But, in fact, nothing is changed. When we criticize the non-
application of decisions, we are suspected. The fact that 22 comrades are asking to be
heard shows you that in the Party there is something that does not work;
If we had wanted a break, we could have criticized the working masses. We do not want
that. We come to the Conference in a spirit of unity. We call for the Kreibich report to be
referred to the ordinary executive, as meaning that the cry of alarm that we pushed has
been heard from the International Conference.
It is Radek who intervenes to explain the point of view of the Central Committee of
the Russian Party. His retaliation to Kollontai was decisive and carried away the last
hesitation of those who had been able to lend a complacent ear to the complaints of the
workers' opposition.
Radek agrees with Kollontai on only one point: to say that the affairs of the Russian
Party are very important affairs for the entire International.
"The Commission has done a conscientious job: it heard Chliapnikov and Kollontai for
more than three hours. The Commission has endeavored to examine the details of the
complaints made.
Kollontai claims to be disciplined. But last year she published a pamphlet which was
reproduced by K. A. P. D. and which fed the campaigns of the Menshevik press and the
white press.
The opposition has diminished the value of its work by shrinking the debate to secondary
issues.
To judge exactly what the workers' opposition is, one must ask them what they think of the
new policy.
If the Commission had asked: "Is the policy of the Central Committee good? ", The
workers' opposition should have replied: yes.
In the presence of this dominant fact, all the criticisms of detail pass into the background.
The workers' opposition claims to be bullied. However, when Lenin spoke of excluding
Chliapnikov, Radek opposed it, and his opinion prevailed. It was thought that it was better
to try to convince the workers' opposition. It does not look like persecution at all.
The workers' opposition criticizes the Central Committee for making decisions without
sufficient consultation with the Party.
In terms of the united front, it is the other parties who would complain that they did not
have enough time to look at it. They do not, because they understand that it is the events
that, sometimes, in rushing, require to make quick decisions.
As for the new policy, we must not reason in the abstract. The tax in kind was substituted
for the requisitions at the time of Kronstadt. Kronstadt was an echo of the peasant
discontent with the demands. At that time it was a matter of life and death for the
Revolution to change immediately and radically the economic policy towards the
peasants. "That's what we did," said Radek, "and so we liquidated Cronstadt.
A former white general, aware of revolutionary necessities, said: "Only the Communist
Party of Russia, only a revolutionary government, could thus radically change its policy in
less than 24 hours." And he added that in the face of such an event, he understood for the
first time the Marxist doctrine.
The decision was ratified by Congress. It was impossible at such a moment to discuss a
year before the Party before making a decision. He who does not admit this does not
understand anything about the Revolution. "
Radek continues:
"Bobst (of Switzerland) claims that it is good for any government to have its opposition. I
fully endorse his thesis for the Swiss National Council: it is a way of awakening the
sleeping deputies.
The opposition, if it threatens the vital interests of the revolution, we will fight it if
necessary with arms in hand.
Free election to the Soviets, in the face of the intrigues and conspiracies of the counter-
revolution, is often a counter-revolutionary demand. Our proletariat is undoubtedly tired by
five years of revolution, by five years of heroic sacrifices. He may, in a moment of
weariness, let go of the red flag. We must stimulate the proletariat. The bourgeoisie has
not abandoned the game. With the new policy, she will try to fight again. Also, inside,
more than ever, it takes a severe revolutionary regime.
Let the opposition say whether our policy is good or bad. Behind Chliapnikov and
Kollontai, there are good workers, tired of the struggle and who believed in faster
results. If we are not more advanced in our work of socialist construction, it is the fault of
the world proletariat, which leaves us to struggle almost alone in a thousand difficulties
which the Russian Revolution can not solve in isolation.
We are told: "The regime can soften: there is no longer war". But we know that enemies
are in the place. The international bourgeoisie is trying to strangle us through our petty
bourgeoisie. Under these conditions, it is not possible to disarm, even inside.
Chliapnikov is in the Central Committee; He can defend his point of view. But no
fractions. In the midst of a revolution, the letter of the 22 is a real dagger in the back. The
workers' opposition does not oppose anything constructive to our policy. By its vain
criticisms, it diminishes the resistance of the workers, already weakened by five years of
suffering.
In the adjoining room of the Conference, in a difficult moment for the Revolution, Kollontai
told Trotsky: "The time of the split has not yet come."
Today, the letter of the 22, spread all over the place, went to the Genoa Conference to
fuel the propaganda of our enemies. It is going to be the food of all the
counterrevolutionary campaigns. To say that the Communist Party no longer has the
workers behind it is false, and it is counter-revolutionary. If the bourgeois governments
deal with us, it is precisely because the working mass is with us.
We are opposed to the removal of the Kreibich motion, which gives us all satisfaction.
A delegate, who does not limit himself to knowing Hotel Lux, but who seeks to understand
the situation of Russia, must know that it would be to demoralize the workers only to listen
to the sterile criticisms of the opposition. We have to vote on the Kreibich report. In this
way, the whole International will say to the proletariat, to all the workers: "Walk with your
party, gather together behind him."
Those who fought in Germany against Noske already know the terrible necessities of
fighting with arms in their hands.
Thousands of decisions must be made quickly, without any time to consult the
Party. Within minutes, a few comrades, we have taken decisions against Denikin . We
wish less severe necessities in the Western revolutions; But if such a wish is fulfilled, it will
be thanks to the Soviet's previous triumph.
Of course, we have committed thousands of mistakes. We could list them more fully than
those who criticize us. But what we can not blame ourselves for is that we have never
failed to make a decision.
We must close the locks of Chliapnikov and Kollontai, and prevent them from
unnecessarily disturbing the Russian proletariat.
We will do everything to group the proletariat ever closer to its revolution. "
After a brief tournament between Radek and Kollontai, and after a brief intervention
by Clara Zetkin in favor of the adoption of the Kreibich report, one delegate asked not to
publicize the debates, Radek, on behalf of the Russian Central Committee, said: This
discussion does not have a scope of conventicle. After seeing the workers' opposition to
the work, we are not sure not to see the white press use against us these distorted
debates. These debates must be published: the voice of the International must be heard ".
Conclusion
The workers' opposition is composed of comrades who have long been in the Party
and who in the past have done all their revolutionary duty.
It tries to arbitrarily set up the workers who make the government machinery of the
proletarian state work against the workers who remained in the factories.
It imputes to the Central Committee responsibilities which it does not
have. Undoubtedly, for example, the fight against the bureaucracy has not produced all
the expected results. But it is not enough to make bureaucracy disappear, to make
congress decisions, or even to believe that they are always fully applicable. Whenever
there is a shortage of products, there is a plethora of distribution agencies. Reducing
bureaucracy in Russia can be achieved, and great efforts have been made in this
direction: it will be reduced to the minimum only by increasing production.
By its imprudences, the workers' opposition often gave arms to the Menshevik
press and the white press.
On the day when the Revolution triumphs in an industrial country, it will be possible
to organize, on the basis of a socialist economy, the exchange of agricultural products
with industrial products.