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•
USER TRANSFORMATION
OF GOVERNMENT HOUSING PRO]ECTS:
CASE STUDY, EGYPT

A Thesis Submitted
to the Facult)' of Graduate Studies and Research
in Partial Fu1fillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Master of Architecture

Rafik Salama

School of Architecture
Mc Gill University Montreal
March,1995

© Rafik Salama, 1995

1+1 National Library
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ISBN 0-612-07913-9

Canada
•
USER TRANSFORMA TIüN
OF COVERNMENT HOUSING PRO}ECTS:
CASE STUDY, EGYPT

Rafik Salama
Master of Architecture Thesis
Minimum Cost Housing Program
School of Architecture McGill University

•
•
ABSTRACT

Public IlOusing l'l'presents a sigllificant percentage of t.lre 1I0i/sing stock ill lI/allY
developing countries. Its shortcomings have been identified alld exall/illed 1>.11
many scholars and experts ill ail Ilttempt ta investigate tlle possi1>ilities of growfli
and adaptability in future projects. Yet, for many years and tllrouSIl tlleir Oll'II
initiative, public housing dwellers have beell engaged ill a/terafiOIl alld
extension activities aimed at adaptillg their dwellings ta better suit tlleir needs.
These activities have resulted in the transformatioll of CI/tire 110usillS
developments in many parts of the world. Understanding this phelIVlIlellOl1 is
a prerequisite ta any attempt ta l'l'ovide better housing ellvironlllellts al/d tli
improve existing ones.

Therefore, this study examines the development of transformatiolls ill differe/Ii

public housing projects in Egypt and attempts io ide Il tify some of tlle illlplicit
factors that control change at bath dwelling and community leve/s. A wide array
of transformation activities were recorded during a survey of twellty projects ill
Cairo and Alexandria, from which it lOas possible ta establish a typology of
transformations and ta distinguish between different pattems th1'Ougll wllicll
thl'Y takl' place. Olle project (Ain el Sira) was chosen as a case study ill arder ta
examine change of dwelling characteristics from bath extl'mal al/d illtemal
aspects. By going beyond simple description into empirical analysis of tlle
phenomenon, the study identifies two categories of factors that infiuellCl' tlle
process of transformation: factors which are related ta the housing unit and
direct/y influence household decisions, and others whicll are related ta tlle
housing environ ment and affect the behavioural patterns of the community.
Interesting correlations were found between different housing charactaistics al/d
the type, pattern and extent of transformation activity carried out by IlOuseholds.

Il was found that user transformation of public housing projects shou/d not be
considered as a simple space enlargement process, but rather a result of a
complex set of inter-related determinants associated with bath context and
dwelling characteristics. The findings also revealed that in favourab/e
conditions, users were capable of successfully undertaking transformation
activities which not only increased the range of used spaces within housing
developments, but also created dynamic multi-functional l'states that better
respond ta changing needs of househo/ds.

i
 RÉSUMÉ

• Le lo:.:ement social représente Wle part importante du stock résidentiel dans

beaucoup dl! pays en voie de développement. Un grand nombre de spécialistes
ct d'experts ont détenni/lé les inconvénients de ce typc de logement en essayant
d'examiner les possibilités d'évolution et d'adaptation dans de futurs projets.
Toutefois, pendant longtemps, les habitants des logements sociaux se sont, de
leur propre initiative, lancés dans des modifications ct des extensions visant à
mieux adapte" leurs lugements à leurs besoins. Ces changements ont totalement
transformé certains développements résidentiels dans plusieurs pays. Si l'on
veut parvenir à offrir de meil/eltres conditions de logement et à améliorer les
conditions actuelles, il est essentiel de bien comprendre ce phénomène.

Cette étude analyse donc l'évolution des transformations qui ont eu lieu dans
différents projets de logement social en É8.1fpte et tente de cerner certains facteurs
qui, implicitement, jouent un l'ole déterminant au niveau de l'habitation et de
la communauté. Suite à une enquête faite sur 20 projets au Caire et à
Alexandrie, il a été possible d'établir une typologie des transformations et de les
classer selon les dIfférentes catégories auxquelles elles se rattachent. L'un des
projets (Ain El Sira) a été choisi pour une étude de cas en vue d'examiner les
changements apportés aux caractéristiques externes et internes des logements.
En dépassant le stade descriptif et spéculatif, et en analysant de façon
expérimentale ce phénomène, cette étude détermine deux catégories de facteurs
qui agissent sur le processus de transformation: des facteurs relatifs à l'unité de
logement qui ont un effet direct sur les décisions des habitants, et d'autres relatifs
à l'environnement du logement qui affectent le mode de vie et le comportement
de la communauté.

Par ailleurs, il ne faut pas considérer les modifications apportées aux logements
sociaux comme un simple processus d'élargissement de l'espace habitable, mais
comme le résultat d'une série de déterminants connexes associés tant au
COPltexte qu'à l'habitat. Les résultats ont aussi révélé que sous des conditions
favorables, les habitants ont réussi à faire des transformations qui ont, non
seulement augmenté l'espace utilisable au sein des développements résidentiels,
mais qui ont aussi crée des cités dynamiques, multi-fonctionnelles, mieux axées
sur les besoins en perpétuelle évolution des habitants.

u
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

1 wish to express my deepest gratitude to my thesis advisors Prof. \)l'rek

Drummond, whose wise guidance, inspiring comments and constructivl'
advice have been invaluable to me, and l'rof. Vikram Bhat! for his valuabk'
suggestions, insightful ideas, and continuing support during the entirl' periml
of my studies. 1 would also like to thank Dr. Eric Dluhosll of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology for his assistance and for ma king his
valuable research work available to me at the early stages of this study.

Particular thanks are due to Ms. Maureen Anderson whose unfailing

padence, help and support 1 will always value. 1 am also very grateful tu
Marcia King for her friendship and assistance which \Vere a great
encouragement to me, and to my friend Ghislaine Orfali for her proficiency
in translating the abstract l'rom English to French.

1 extend my thanks to Samia Sakr of the Development and l'opular Ilousing

Company and Dr. Madiha El Safty of the American University in Cairn for
supplying me with important information regarding public housing projects
in Egypt.

1 would like to express my sincere thanks to my dear friend Mohammed

\Vhose contribution was essential in conducting the field work, and to the
residents of the surveyed projects for their hospitality, patience and
understanding. Without their cooperation, this work could not have becn
achieved.

Last but not least, 1 thank my parents who encouraged and supported me ail
along, my wife and my daughter who endured the hardship of my return to
studies, and my friends who encouraged and helped me during the courHe of
this work.

iii
•
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract 1

Acknowledgements iii

Table of Contents iv

Chapter 1: Introduction 1

1.1 Preface 1

1.2 The Research 2

1.2.1 Importance of the Study 2

1.2.2 Rationale 3
1.2.3 Defini tion 5
1.2.4 Research Problem 6

1.3 Research Structure 7

1.3.1 Objectives 7
1.3.2 Methodology 7
1.3.3 Thesis Outline 8

Chapter 2: Public Housing Within the Egyptian Context 10

2.1 The Housing Problem 10

2.2 A Historical Background of Public Housing Policy in Egypt 16
2.3 Public Housing Projects 18

2.3.1 Project Layouts 18

2.3.2 Dwelling Designs 23

2.4 Unresponsive Housing: The Problem of Adaptability 25

Chapter 3: The Phenomenon of User Transformation: 30

A Review of Relevant Literature

3.1 Introduction 30

iv
• 3.2 Exarnples from Developing Countries

3.3 Examples from Developed Countries.

Chapter 4: A Survey of Existing Types of Transformations

42

4.1 Introduction 46

4.2 Types of Transformations 46

4.2.1 Interior Transformations 46

4.2.2 Exterior Transformations 49
4.2.2.a Vertieal Extensions 53
4.2.2.b Horizontal Extensions 55

Chapter 5: Examining Transformations 67

5.1 Introduction 67

5.2 Patterns of Transformation 67

5.3 Resulting Environments 71

5.4 Problems Resulting from Transformations 73

5.5 Legal Aspects 75

5.6 Socio-Cultural and Economie Aspects 76

5.6.1 The Context 76

5.6.2 Methodology and Sample Selection 79
5.6.3 Selected Case Studies 79
5.6.3.a El Zawya el Harnra 80
5.6.3.b Helwan 87

5.6.4 Socio-cultural and Economie Factors inherent to 96

the Transformation Process

Chapter 6: Analyzing Transformations: the Case of Ain el Sira 104

6.1 Introduction 104

v
•
6.2 Settings 104

6.3 Samplc 106

6.4 Data Gathering 106

6.5 Socio-economic Conditions of Ain El Sira 107

6.6 Description of Transformations 108

6.7 Data Analysis 113

6.8 Illterpretation of Charts 123

Chapter 7: Factors Affecting Transformations 130

7.1 Introduction 130

7.2 Factors Related to Housing Environments 135

7.3 Factors Related to Housing Units 144

Chapter 8: Conclusions 150

8.1 Summary of Findings 150

8.2 Conclusions and Recommendations 153

Bibliography 157

Appendix 1: Description of Surveyed Projects 161

Appendix 2: Cases Surveyed in Ain el Sira 196

vi
•

CHAPTER 1
•
Chapterl
INTRODUCfION

1.1 Preface
Change has always been the oruy constant that has characterized ail aspects of
life. If housing could be considered as the setting for life and the "physical
embodiment" of different patterns of living (Rapoport, 1969), it should not be
conceived as a static product but rather as a dynamic process which allows
continuous change over time.

In their attempts to house low-income populations, architects and planners

around the world have often followed design ideals which ignored the users'
actual perception of their homes and disregarded their growing and changing
needs. The results have, more than often, been catastrophic: masses of rigid
housing developments which were not only alien to occupants' norms and
ways of life, but - in many instances - resisted transformation and adaptation
(Habraken, 1972).

As a result of users' continuous struggle for a better quality housing space,

even the most static built-forms have been subject to transformation
(Habraken, 1980). By observing how existing housing projects have
developed, it is possible to study changes as they have occurred over time.
These changes - referred to, in this study, as transformations - are the .
outcome of a variable extent of interaction between human behaviour and
the built environment.

This study explores these patterns of interaction in an attempt to understand

the forces that shape and transform existing housing environments. The
research deals with a specific group of people, that is, low income familles

1
•
and a specifie built environment, public housing. The interaction bctween
the two includes both the effects of environment on people such as the
constraints of public housing and its failure to respond to their socio-cultural
and economie needs, and the effects of people on their environment, such as
families adapting their dwellings to suit these needs. The multiple patterns
of interaction are embodied in the informai transformations people makI.' to
their dwel1ing units. These transformations involve additions and
alterations which have transformed entire housing environments and have
become a phenomenon observed all around the world.

1.2 The Research

In this study, the phenomenon will be described and analyzed 50 as to
examine the types and patterns of transformation, to understand the factors
behind the process and to evaluate its effects on the built environment. The
research is based on field work carried out in various public housing projects
in Egypt, and includes a detailed case study which is representative of many of
the surveyed projects. The reasons for which Egypt was chosen for the field
study, are first, because it is one of the developing countries where the
govemment's main housing policy has been - and still is - directed to the
construction of completely finished public housing units; second, because
there has been evidence of dramatie user transformations occurring in public
housing projects; and third, because of my familiarity with the situation in
Egypt.

1.2.1 Importance of the Study

The possibility for growth and adaptability has been investigated through
many housing studies, but only a very few have 50 far examined the means
for makins maximum use of the existing housing stock through alterations
and extensions. lt is because these transformations have already started to

2
•
takc place, through the dwellcrs' initiatives, that housing experts are now
starting to realize their effectiveness in solving sorne of the housing
problems and particularly those pertinent to developing cOW1tries.

Developing new strategies to provide better housing environments can only

be made possible through a comprehensive study of users' direct
interventions in existing housing developments. The phenomenon of user
transformation of public housing is a perfect example of this type of
intervention, and thus. worth a thorough examination. However, most of
the available studies about transformations have so far only scratched the
surface of the phenomenon, offering brief descriptions and making little
attempt to relate "transformation behaviour with household and housing
characteristics" (Tipple,1991). Therefore, further research is required.

1.2.2 Rationale
The increasing demand for affordable housing in many developing countries
has prodded governments, during the last decades, to commit themselves to
provide low cost housing for medium and low income farnilies. This was
usually achieved by adopting so-called "paternalistic" housing policies
(Farahat, 1985) through which ambitious projects were implemented
consisting of completely finished housing units.

In Egypt, the formai mass housing approach - also referred to as "public

housing" - persists and is likely to continue for many years to come (MOHR,
1989), despite the fad that it has been proved inadeqcate in many contexts
and has failed to provide enough housing to meet the demand of the low
income population. In an exaggerated concern over physical features and
standards, government officials have forwarded their systematic approach,
underestimating its socio-economic and cultural shortcomings and excluding

3
•
low income groups from participating in formcl housing production.

The urban poor, however, have found a way to participate through the
informai sector, where their activities are often regarded by authorities with
hostility. This situation is typical in many developing countries. !",lean\\,hile,
on the international scale, much attention has been paid to the undeniable
role of the informaI housing sector in accommodating the majority of lo\\'
income urban dwellers, and many attempts have been made to channel the
building potential of these groups by allowing them a greater extent of
participation in the formaI sector through self-help projects, core housing or
sites and services schemes.

lt was only recently discovered that informaI building activities were being
carried out within formal housing developments in Egypt (Habraken, 1980)
by low income groups despite the govemment's control over these areas.
These activities - referred to as user transformations - have spread rapidly in
urban centers and have affected a large number of projects in many parts of
the country.

The phenomenon was first recorded in four and five storey walk-ups in
Helwan, after ownership of flats was transferred to the occupants during the
early 1980's. While residents had already started modifying their flats before
that time, more explicit transformation activities started to take place in the
form of encroachrnents on unused public open space. Given the scale of
"illegal"l building activities, local authorities had difficulty in maintaining a
firm attitude towards the transformations and usually ended by ignoring
them.

, ln lhis sludy, user Ir.msformalion is referre<! 10 as an "informai" aclivily bccausc conslruction is

undenaken on public land. wilhoui a permil, and Iherefore considere<! illell'll by local aUlhorilies.
4
Transformations have become a noticeable feature in almost every public
housing project in Egypt, and have resulted not only in an increase in the
actual housing stock and the rehabilitation of the decaying housing units, but
in changing entire housing environments into dynamic, mixed-use
developments where daily activities overlap and maximum use of the
available space is made.

Henee, the new environments created have gained sorne of the advantages of
informai settlements (such as more suitable dwellings and an effective use of
outdoor spaces) without losing the advantages of formai projects (such as
proper infrastructure and services); and could be described as a combination
of formai and informai housing, sinee they integrate the characteristics of
both types. Therefore, it seemed most important to try to comprehend these
new environments, and to understand the factors that control change and
determine the outcome of transformations in different environments.

1.2.3 Definition
This study deals with transformation activities carried out or managed by
users, who mainly consist of low income households, without the support of
outside authorities or organizations. The type of housing discussed is
completely finished multi-storey apartment blocks provided by
governments, which were not intended to he altered or extended as in the
case of core-housing.

The term "transformation" refers to any type of change brought to a dwelling

unit. It consists of alterations and/or extensions carried out on the
dwelling's interior and/or exterior. It also includes activities which may not
necessarily involve construction work, but still affect the original
characteristics of dwellings and housing environments, such as appropriating

5
•
open spaces for a private or public gardens, or changing the use of spaces and
re-arranging interior layouts of dwellings by using movable partitions,
fumïture or curtains.

The term "informaI" refers to the nature of these transformation activities

which are carried out without a construction permit and in many instances
built on appropriated public land. The process is totally managed by
households and, in sorne cases, with the help of small-scale local contractors;
but with no formaI intervention from architects, planners or engineers.

lt should also be emphasized, that this study concentrates on examining the

physical aspect of transformation activities, hence the legal, political, socio-
cultural and financial aspects of the process of transformation are not
examined in detail although they may be discussed in parts of the study.
Finally, the study does not aim at formulating a strategy for possible
intervention in existing public housing projects, nor does it provide specifie
design solutions for future projects; these objectives are beyond the scope of
this research.

1.2.4 Research Problem

This study is based on the assumption that the phenomenon of user
transformation is more than a simple space epJargement process: it is the
result of a set of multiple deterrninants associated with the context as weIl as
with the dwellers and dwellings' original characteristics. In order to arrive at
a better understanding of the phenomenon, the following questions were
formulated :

- What are the different types and patterns of user transformation

activities common to public housing projects in Egypt?

6
- How does the process of transformation reflect the behaviour patterns of
public hotlsing dwellers?

- To what extent have transformations affected the characteristics of both

housing units and environments ?

- What are the factors that have influenced - both positively and negatively ..
transformation activities?

1.3 Research Structure

1.3.1 Objectives
The main objectives set for the study are the following:

- To develop a better understanding of the phenomenon of user

transformations by examining the nature of transformation activities and
identifying the implicit factors that control change within different housing
environments.

- To provide planners and architects with information and some guidelines

which could be used in reviewingexisting policies towards transformers
and could also be useful as an input in the design of future projects.

1.3.2 Methodology
The proposed methodology for the research is as follows:

- An investigation of the development of the housing problem in Egypt and

an evaluation of the environments resulting from the policy governing the
provision of public housing .

7
• - An analytical review of relevant literature on housing transformation from
which it would be possible to form a picture of the nature of the
phenomenon.

- An exploratory survey of existing public housing projects in Egypt in which

there has been evidence of user transformation activities.

- An empirical analysis of the phenomenon through an in-depth case study,

in order to assess the effects of transformations on housing units and to
examine correlations between housing characteristics and different aspects
of transformation activities.

- Identification of different factors that affect the exter.t of transformation

observed in different housing situations.

1.3.3 Thesis Outline

The study is organized in the following chapters :

Chanter 1 : An introduction, including the research problem, the rationale,

the definition and scope of the study, the objectives, methodology and
outline of the thesis.

Chanter 2 : A background of the housing situation in Egypt, a description of

housing projects and problems relevant to public housing.

Chanter 3 : A review of relevant literature on transformations in housing

from both developed and developing countries.

8
•
Charter 4 : A description of different types of transformations observed in a
survey of twenty public housing projects in Egypt.

Charter 5: A study of different patterns of transformation activity, and an

assessment of their positive and negative effects on the built environment.
This chapter also includes a brief discussion of socio-economic and legal
aspects of the process of transformation illustrated by sorne selected case
studies from an ongoing survey.

Charter 6 : An analysis of transformations through a case study (Ain el Sira)

which includes examining changes in dwelling characteristics from both
external and internai aspects and establishing correlations between variables
such as physical characteristics of dwellings and patterns of transformations
occurrence.

Charter 7 : A study of two categories of factors which influence

transformations:
- Those related to housing environments and affecting the patterns of
transformation behaviour of entire communities.
- Those related to housing units and directly affecting household decisions.

Chapter 8 : A summary of the research findings and conclusions which

include an assessment of the transformation experience from wlùch sorne
guidelines are suggested for future housing interventions.

9
•

CHAPTER 2
•
Chapter 2
PUBLIC HOUSING WITHIN THE EGYPTIAN CONTEXT

2.1 The Housing Problem

High rates of population growth of almost 3.15{Xl (V.N., 1988), combined with
a continuous flow of rural-urban migration, have resulted in rapid und
uncontrolled urbanization which has transformed the face of Egypt's main
cities during the last decades. The increase in urban population has - among
others - caused a severe housing shortage, most evident in the low incorne
group2 which represents 92{Yo of the urban population (MOHR, 1989).

The problem started in the early fHties when industrialization led to a

growing flow of rural migrants into cities in search for better job opportunities
in the developing urban economy. The increasing demand for housing urged
the Egyptian government to commit itself to provide low cost housing for
medium and low incarne farnilies through ambitious programmes which
consisted of completely fini shed walk-up apartrnents.

Fig. 1. A p"b/ie hOllsing project bllilt during the late fifties near Cairo, Egtjpt.
Source: Snkr, 1983.

2 The low income group was delined by lhe Minislry of housing, in 1989, as lhose whose
llIonth1y incolllc rangcd helwccn 70 and 140 Egyplian pounds (corresponds 10 U.S.$ 25 - 50).

• 10
• The 1950's and 1960's witnessed a great activity on the government's part with
the construction of public housing projects in major cities such as Cairo and
Alexandria. The underlyi.!1g pollcy behind these projects was to provide as
many housing units as possible at minimal costs, which led to the use of
minimum space standards disregarding users' needs and their actual use of
space, let alone familles' changing needs in the future.

On the economic level, the gap between the high cost of finished housing
units and the limited financial resources of low-income households has
required massive government subsidies which has not only exhausted
government financial resources but also hampered its efforts to provide
enough housing to meet the demand of the low income group.

During the 1970's and the 1980's a number of programs have been launched
by the Egyptian government - with the recommendation of international
agencies - such as upgrading, sites and services and core housing programs.
However, these programs did not go beyond a few pilot projects. By the late
1980's, the government renewed its efforts in the production of public
housing projects, this time, with the intention to provide "partially finished"
apartments where interior partitions were left for users to finish (Farid, 1991).
But with the exception of a few projects, the main trend still remains the
provision of completely finished dwellings.

Today, the gap between the supply and demand of low cost housing is still
increasing. According to study by Farid (1991), United Nations statistics in
1976 showed that eight to ten housing units needed to be built per thousand
persons annually in order to meet the Egyptian low income housing
demands between years 1970 and 2000. The same study shows that the

11
• average governmental production is estimated at oruy 3.7 housing units per
thousand persons annually. Another study by MOHR in1979 estimates the
housing need for the same period at 3.6 million units. But with a population
expected to reach 75 Million by year 20003 (U.N., 1984), the gap between supply
and demand of low cost housing would be over 6 million units.

Fortunately, the informai sector4 plays an important role in overcoming part

of the housing gap, and although it is constantly being criticized by scholars
and government officiais for creating "morass of slumlike housing areas"
which offer poor living conditions "not acceptable by normal standards"
(Farid, 1991), it has nevertheless succeeded where the public sector has failed:
sorne studies indicate that 80 to 90% of the low cost housing production has
been built by the informai sectorS (Bahgat, 1984).

On the other hand, the formai private sector's reluctance in building for the
low income groups could be partly explained by the low profits involved
compared to the more lucrative business of building for the upper middle
and high income groups. A comparison between the percentage of housing
types projected by the Ministry of Housing and the percentage executed
during the 1980's (Table 2), shows an excess of production equalling 28 times

3 Following U.N. population sludies in 1988. Egypt's population prospects were as follows:
- in 1980: 4:! million
- in 1990: 54 million
- in year:!()()() il is expeeted to rcach 75 million (with a growth rate of 3.15%)

4 The informai seclor praduces low income housing whieh according to Chiri (1985) is "built
wilhout construction permit on land not approved for subdivision. and unsupplied with services atthe edge
of citics in urban arca.., and in villages and lowns of rural area..,"

5 According 10 statistics published in the Egyptian newspaper "AI AhrollJl" in 1993, thc informai
scclor houses 5.5 million of Cairo's 13 million rcsidcnt.,
12
the percentage of housing units projected for the high income group, 'l'hile
for the lo\\' incorne group there \l'as a deficit equalling 17 tirnes the nurnbl'r of
dwellings needed (Fig. 2).

Although the airn of govemment's housing policy \\'as the provision of

housing affordable to the lo\\' incorne group, the cost of governrnent-built
housing units was beyond the financial capability of 76% of the lo\\' incorne
population (Bayad, 1979). Therefore, considerable subsidies \\'ere required in
order to fill the gap. Moreover, the skyrocketing prices of urban land along
with the rapidly increasing costs of labor and building rnaterials (Table 1 ) and
the high rates of inflation, have considerably aggravated the problern. The
cost of a lo\\' cost dwelling unit has increased by 30 to 35 tirnes since the 1960'5,
whereas incornes of the low incorne groups have only increased by 8 to 10
tirnes6 (See tabie 3 and fig.3).

Year Steel Cement Brick

L.E./lon L.E.lton l.. E./ 1IlIlIl

1963 67.00 5.00 5.75

1973 93.00 8.00 11.00

1983 350.00 (224.25) 46.00 (28.00) 32.00

1993 1100.00 200.00 (110.00) 110.00

(..) = Priee of subsidized material

Table 1. The increase in cost of building materials du ring the last decades.
Source: Sakr, 1983 and the Author's survey in Egypt in 1993.

6 A sludy by Bayad in 1979 showed lhal lhe average monlhly income of a govemmcnl employcc
in 1960 ranged belween 12 and 15 L.E. while a fi ft Ysquare meler low-cost aparlmcnl could rnughly cosl
belween 250 and 300 L.E. More reeenlly, a study made by Farid in 1991 showed that in 1990. the same
employee was be paid bet",een 80 and 150 L.E. and that a similar aparlment would cost betwcen R.CXl() and
11.000 L.E.
13
• Housing Type

Low Cast
Projected*

55'X.
Executed*

3(}';1

Middle Class 37% lO(Yo

Upper-Middle Class 6% 28%

Luxury 2% 59%

* = Percenlage of totill housing.

Table 2. 1-lollsiJlg Production bet'Ween 1980 nnd 1990.

SOl/ree : Fnrid, 1991.

Law Cosi Housing Middle Incarne Housing Upper Incarne Housing Luxury Houslng

:::. Eslimaled Need mAclual Production

Fig. 2. Differences ill t/le percclltnges of housing types projected nnd executed
lwtweell 1980 nl1d 1990.

• 14
• Year

1960
1965
Average lncome*
(L.E.)

140
160
Cost of unit**
(U:.)

250
400
1970 220 SOO
1975 360 1600
1980 480 3000
1985 750 5000
1990 1200 9000

* =The average annual income of a public sector worker.

**= The average total construction cost of a law cost dwelling unit of 45 Sq.m.

Table 3. Tlle cosi of mt average "econo11lical llOllSillg III/if" COlllparerl to tltt'

average inco11le of a govemment wOl'ker.
Source: Bayad, 1979; and Farid, 1991.

12000

10000

6000

6000
00

:~.,1 ~, ' ~
4000

"Jilll
",.,." " " ";,;,;,;";" ; "'i!i;i; Hi !imi,i, , , !, mli l~i !~i ~!i~ i!~I I ~ ~!i!i!il~!i i i i i i!mli! i m! ;,; ,m!i~!.
"•,'• :'•• ,'• • ,'•• ,'.: •,•. :'.,':•• • :'• • ,i• • .. ,::
.,: ,: .,:
. . . . . . .. ...,·l .,:·. .,1.. :i,· l,. ;',. :!,. ' ,",.,.
2000 .':: .' .' '• •

o r . , i , i l ,

1960 1965 1970 1975 1960 1985 1990

• Annual Income' ',: Cost 01 Dwelling oo

Fig.3. A compariSOH between "economical llOlIsing" costs and the average

m11111al income of the lOlO income group .

• 15
 2.2 A Historical Background of Public Housing Policy in Egypt

• As a result of Egypt's socialist rule after 1952, the provision of low income
housing became a primary responsibility of a centrally directed government
whose main concern was promoting social equity. Facing the increasing
demand for low income housing, Egyptian government officiaIs, planners
and architects soon adopted the mass housing concept which was already very
popular in both Eastern and Western countries at the time.

Mass produced public housing projects, following standard design prototypes

aimed at suiting the average users needs, started to spread in major cities like
Cairo and Alexandria. According to the Ministry of Housing's statistics, a
total of about 60 000 units were built between 1960 and 1965 (MOHR,1979).
Projects were carried out by the "Development and Popular Housing
Company" (DPHC), a public company especially established for this purpose
and financed through loans made available by the government .

Rents were calculated following the "Ministry of Housing Guidelines for Low-
Cost Housing", and were not to exceed 20% of the average monthly income of
tenants. However, as a result of tenants' inability to pay, rents were later
lowered by 40%, the underlying policy seemed to make rents affordable to ail
tenants7 . In 1979, a presidential decree transferred the dwellings ownership to
tenants at a symbolic price R, in order to remove maintenance responsibility
from the government and to encourage residents to maintain their d,,:ellings
(Sakr, 1983).

7 According to residents the average monthly rent. during the late 1960's and 1970's. ranged
bclween L.E. 0.70 and 1.40 pcr room depcnding on noor level.

8 ln 1963, a lwo-roomed apartment's monlhly rent at the Workers' City in Helwan was fixed at
L.E. ~.40. IUler rents were lowered to L.E. 1.40 and in 1983, tenants were given ownership of their
apartmenls at the nominal priee of L.E. ~50.00 (V.S. 110.00).
16
•
Most of the projects, built during the sixties and early seventics, \\'cre locatcd
along cities' peripheries (e.g. in Cairo: El Teraa el Bulaqiya, Zeinhom and Ain
el Sira; in Alexandria: Kom el Shuqafa and Et Hadara), ,,,,,hile so-cal1ed
"industrial housing projects" intended for public sector factory workers, ",crc
generally built outside the cities (e.g. in Cairo: Imbaba and Helwan; iïl AIl'x:
El Gabbari and El \'Verdeyan) ( Fig. 4 & 5). Today many of thcsc projects arc
centrally located compared to the cities' ne\\! boundaries.

<\

"\". ....... - 1~
-., .... ,

l "11\11111111 ~II
! 11 ~J "' .....," IHH-J
\ UL'! .\I~~
~ Il Il Ho\.\ 1111\11 "'JIY"
" 1/liI 1 I\lL'"
,. II./ \\,.,->\ II.IIMII'·\
7 ri 1\ IV \' 0\ 1 l '~II 'il' "-
~ Urb.uH/t'd lwluH' PU,ti x 1L "11 \'<"-111 \,\
., 1 ~ \\ '\ '1 1 ~
o tJth.l'lllolllh. 1'1"-1\
III '.,11: \11,\
Il Il ,'\llim '\
L' lil~.IH;\1
Dll'h.t'Ull"1l.11Jlfl'·'11
\ ~ \ '". ~ 1 ... \ l' \
_ •. - (~,'\'''rnjlr.lh·I>'llInd.lI\ ,~ 1111 \\ \'.

Fig.4. Location of surveyed projects ln Caira.

• 17
• MElJI1ERRANEAN ScA

15.m. AZARI'I'All III Urh.nlll~l"d"n·1%li

If EI.IIADARA Bi§.) Urh.n limil.. 1'193
17. KOM m.5HUKArA
_ 'l'rîlmway
IH. El. WERDEYAN
I~. ELGAIlIlARI ___ RoillV.IY
l""UALI~."''''.''l'Uh .Dc.itd~I>rwtt"l'I.,j. 2U.GJIOUR1AL.
,
t:> <:1
---
Fig. 5. Location of surveyed projects in Alexandria.

After the 1967's war, the number of public housing units produeed, dropped
considerably because of a political and financial crisis. With the dramatic
change in the Egyptian economy during the 1970's and 1980's, following the
new market oriented policy of the Sadat government along with the flow of
foreign capital investments into the country, the priee of urban land soarcd
considerably. As a result, new housing policies aimed at shifting urban growth
to new towns away from the major congested cities, and most public housing
projects were constructed in remote areas, either at the edges of existing cities or
in new towns such as: Sadat, lOth of Ramadan, 6th of October and New Amriya.

2.3 Public Housing Projects

2.3.1 Project Layouts

The earliest examples of public housing projects date from the early fifties, and
comprised single-family row houses built at the fringes of Cairo such as in
Helmeyat el Zeitun (Fig. 6 to 8), Imbaba and Helwan. The availability of urban
land, at the time, allowed relatively low densities of 400 to 450 p./hectare and
layouts were imitations of western garden cities" . Il

• 18
•

Figures 6 &7. Layout plan and view of the Helmeyat el Zeitun public housillg
project in Cairo (1954).
Source: the Development and Popular Housing Company.

Fig. 8. View of a housing c/uster in Helmeyat el Zeitun.

Source: the Development and Popular Housing Company.

19
A few years later, the Ministry of Housing opted for what it perceived as a more
economical type of housing which was the apartment block. And ever since,
most public housing projects have consisted of identical rows four and five
storey walk ups, surrounded by large open spaces (Figures 9&10). The
resulting built environment is c1early different from traditional urban areas.

Fig. 9. Layollt plan of the Zeinhom project.

Fig. 10. Rows of llOllsing blocks in Zeinhom.

20
•
A joint study undertaken by Caira University and M.l.T in 1977, showed clear
differences between a public housing praject, a traditional development and
an informally developed area (Goethert,1978); these diffcrences could be
summarized as following :
1. Land patterns: Land patterns reflected the development process of different
built environments. Public housing projects, being instantaneously
developed, had a uniform and rigid pattern; white traditional and informaI
areas, which developed incrementally, had a more ch(,lllging and variable
pattern more adapted ta the community's changing und growing nceds
(Fig.11).
2. Land use: The public housing project, having the highest ratio of public
space - measured in an area of one hectare - (Fig. 12), represented an
enormous waste of land which could have been used for housing, and more
uncontrolled land which is difficult to manage and usually turns into
waterlogged and refuse dumping areas.

---
PUBLIC HOUSING OLD DEVELOPMENT

--
--
•-
.--
--
=1 ----- ,
--
••• • ••

Fig. 11. Comparing land patterns in public, traditionai and informaI 11Ousing.
Source: Goethert, 1978.

• 21
 3. Circulation efficiency: By comparing the ratio of street length to area

• served in the three developments, the highest value of this ratio was found
in the public housing area which means higher costs of services and
infrastructure networks in addition to higher Iong-term maintenance costs.
4. Density: ft was argued that, in the public housing project, a relatively
higher density combined with a much Iower ratio of private space (land used
for housing) indicated a higher Ievel of overcrowding within housing units
than was observed in in traditional and informaI developments.

PUBLIC HOUSING OLD DEVELOPMENT INFORMAL DEVELOPMENT

J •••

WD 1''U~IUTIOIl WO 1Ir1LIUTIOK WI\l l1flLlUTlOIl

~
7U pub Il. 271 ,""U. r:=J lU ,ollU.
SI ••• t,u11ll. • '''I,.bil. _ • •••I,.bUe
2U ,rlv.u ~~'<$ ni ,rt_n. ~ en ,rlv.t.
JI " ••• 11 " ...

CUCUIATION EfPlCl!l1CT CIIClILIoflON trfltlINCT CllI;lILIoTIOIl UF1CltlleT

610 .l.u/H•• ur. 4" .hu/Hooun 296 .lor./Heeu••
J ....
l " ••

••••••• •••••••••
•••••••
••••••
••••••• •••••••••
•••••• •••••••
•••••••••
•••••••
........
••••••
••••••
•••••••
•••••••••
•••••••
• •••••••
llUlSln JO pouan. • lltllUn JO pou"". •
1033 ,00plo/H"10 •• UOI , ••pl./H•• t.r.

FiS' 12. A comparison between land use, circulation efficiency and density in
tilt! threL' arL'as.
Source: GoetJlI!rt, 1978.

• 22
•
2.3.2 Dwelling Designs
The prototypical d,,,,cllings ranged from one to four-roomed llnils wilh
facilities and fIaar areas ranging bctween 25 sq.m. and h5 s'l.m. (11ig. \:1).

1 room + entrancc

Roon

2 rooms + cntrancc

...
" ".~
RN""

3 rooms + cntrancc

hIU"., "'"lof'lt
...--1---.,.....---"\1-..., P..

Moon _""n

..-.--..."
r.l
1

Fig. 13. Prototypical plans of public housill{o: unÎts.

SOUTce: the Developmellt and Popt/laT Hot/sin{o: Company .

• 23
 As described in the Cairo University / MIT study, the plan's configuration of a

• typicai public housing unit is clearly different when compared to typical

dwellings in traditional and informaI areas (Fig.14). The design follows a
European configuration with the entrance opening into a smaLl hall, an open
kitl:hen or kitchenette, and a corridor Ieading ta the rooms. While traditional
and informaI dwellings are organized around a central multipurpose roam or
open spacc9 .

PUI~IIC: 1I( >USINCi 01 [) DIVII OPMI NI INI"C)RMAI. l)[vnOPM1NT

\)

K
R
T

-...
R ~
....
~ ëi1
R t;; f-
BR BR '"

KIY:

1R • liVING ROOM
IJ. DININGIl A IlN<; ARrA
lIR. ni DR<X)M
K • KI ICI lIN1COOKING ARfA
1 • IAUNIJRY
1 • 10111' 1lV\ Il IR<X)M
C • Cl OSlllS IORAGI o 1
R • R( X)M MUL II-US\) 1

Fis- 14. A comparisou betweeu plan configurations In the three areas.

Source: Godhert, 1978.

9 The trJditional courtyard has actually becn rcplaccd, in many informai housing plans, by u
ntullipurposc ccntm\ room. This mont cullcd "Sala" is gcncrally uscd for gucst cntcrtainmcnt, family
galhcrings, socializing with ncighlx)urs, food prcpamtion, wal,hing laundry, cating, studying and in many

•
c.t<;es for sleeping.
24
The most common method of construction used in public housing, is the
concrete skeleton frame and brick infill. As a result of keeping building costs
at a minimum, the constructed units were characterized as being "small and
cheap" (Sakr, 1983). Nevertheless, il's fair to admit that from the structural
point of view, buildings were properly constructed. This could be argued, not
only on the basis of the author's observations during the field study, but also
from the fact that these buildings have endured deterioration during forty
years of neglect and lack of maintenance. Moreover, they remained almost
intact even after a strong earthquake hit Cairo in 1992, destroying many
popular neighborhoods, and causing the collapse of sorne newly constructed
buildings.

As mentionned earlier, the cost of a public housing unit has increased

dramatically throughout the years. A public housing unit, built in Cairo in
1958, would cost L.E. 7.0/sq.m. including land, infrastructure and finishings
(Sakr,1983). In 1975 the cost increased to L.E. 45/sq.m., and in 1985, it reached
L.E. 170 per square meter (MOHR, 1989). Today, a public housing unit built ia
remote areas (Le. new cities) costs L.E. 250 per square meter (Farid, 1993),
which is unaffordable to the low income group (see table 3). However, by
building so-called "partially finished" units (see p.lI), the govemment plans
to save from 25% to 30% on building costs and thus make public housing
more affordable to target groups (MOHR, 1989).

2.4 Unresponsive Housing: The Problem of Adaptability

The main problem facing public housing dwellers was, and in many cases still
is, the smallness of the dwellings which could not accommodate the growing
needs of the families. High levels of overcrowding were detected in several
projects: In Zeinhom, a study by Sakr in 1983 showed a mean density of 3.5

25
persons per room in two-roomed units; in Helwan, according to a survey
conducted by Abdel Hady in 1986, an average of 6 persons were found living
in one-roomed units; and finally in El Zawya el Harnra, a study by El 5afty in
1982, showed an average density of 7 persons in one-roomed units.

The minimum standards, on which public housing designs were based,

resulted in interior layouts which could only support a limited number of
functions and failed to accornrnodate the wide variety of daily activities and
the changing needs of low income families. Furthermore, rooms were
usually overcrowded with furniture, reducing even more the available floor
space (Fig. 15&16).

As a result, residents had to adapt themselves to their new conditions. The

field study revealed many exarnples of such adaptations: people would sleep
in balconies or kitchens; different activities could occur simultaneously in the
same room, such as family members sleeping while food is being prepared or
guests are being entertained; and in sorne cases shifts were organized for
certain activities such as sleeping and studying. An additional consequence of
crowding seemed to be that farnily members - usually males - spent most of
their time outside their homes, a tendency which was generally observed in
many low income housing areas (Freedman, 1975).

Other problems observed through previous post-occupancy studies (5akr,

1983; El Safty, 1984 and Abdel Hady, 1988) could he surnrnarized as following:

- Lack of appropriate storage space: low income groups are used to conserving
everything possible for future need, therefore extra storage space is needed
(Fig 17).

26
• - Housing units are not designed to accommoda te keeping pOllltry or othe!'
anirnals 10 • This activity has been observed in almost ail low income hOllsing
areas in Egypt (Fig. 18).

Figures

.J..~
l' f}.,:
(
! -

~~
~,"

~
:~~
,...
''M'
i '1.
l\ j,
Fig. 16. Balconies lised for storage. Fig. 17. Balcol1ies used for keepillg
an i11lals.

10 Keeping poultry or animaIs within dwelIings is very common among low-incomc

populations living in urban areas in many developing countries. This practicc, which is
originally a rural tradition, not only serves a household's own consumption necds, but providcs
additional incarne as weIl (El Safty, 1981 and Abdel Hadi, 1986).

• 27
• - The
~llow
sm~ll number of rooms (one and two-roomed apartments) doesn't
separation of male and female family members, an important
tradition in Islamic societies. This is further aggravated by the fact that one
and two-roomed apartments represent the highest percentage of units in any
public housing project.
- Lack of services within the housing area such as shops, pharmacies, medical
clinics, nurseries, clubs and cafes.
- Lacl< of private open space for outdoor activities (Le. food preparation,
cooking, washing laundry and children's play). Existing public open spaces
are inhospitable and in poor condition due to the lack of maintenance
and therefore not considered as the ideal place for children to play or for any
other activities (Fig. 19).
- l1l-maintained sanitary and drainage systems for which no one seems to be
responsible. Misuse and negligence have resulted in continuous leakages
and in many cases sewage overflows onto public spaces (Fig. 20).

Fig. 19. 11l-lIlnintnined public spnces Fig. 20. Wnterlagged open spaces
trallsjarllled inta dumping nrens. resulting jram drain averflows.

In general, one could say that public housing planners and architects have
given little thought to the real needs of the target group in designing their
projects. The gap between the\r anticipations and the actual use has become

28
•
more obvious through the post-occupancy studies mentionned earlier. Since
housing was meant oniy to satisfy peoples' primary need for shelter, the
decision makers' main concern \Vas the provision of large quantities of
economical housing. Hence, it failed to satisfy the other important social,
cultural and economic needs, which public housing policies, indeed, did not
take into consideration until many years later.

29
CHAPTER 3
 Chapter3
THE PHENOMENON OF USER TRANSFORMATION:
A REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE

3.1 Introduction
As discussed in the previous chapter, many post-occupancy studies have
confirmed the fact that public housing environments are particularly
unresponsive to occupants' changing needs as well as to their values and
expectations. As a direct resuit, many families sought to adapt their dwellings
to suit their needs. Driven by the need for space to accommodate their
different daily activities, people started altering and extending their dwellings.
Complete blocks were gradually transformed and the originally static housing
areas became dynamic environments where houses developed in a
continuous process according to the changing social, cultural and economic
characteristics of households.

Transformation has become a phenomenon observed world-wide, not only

in public housing projects, but in other housing developments as well.
Examples of transformations can be traced in countries as widespread as
China (Casauit, 1988), India (Greger and Steinberg, 1988; Dasgputa 1990),
Bangladesh (Tipple, 1991&1992), Egypt (Serageldin, 1981; Habraken, 1980; Sakr,
1983; Steinberg, 1984; El Safty, 1984; Tipple, Wilkinson and Nour, 1985; Abdel
Hadi, 1986; Kardash and Wilkinson, 1992; and Tipple 1991&1992), Libya (El
Fortea, 1989), Ghana (Tipple, 1991), Zambia (Tipple, 1991&1992), Chile (Kellet,
Toro and Haromoto, 1993) and Venezuela (Reimers, 1992).

This phenomenon is not limited to developing countries, evidence of

transformations was also found in Israel(Oxman and Carmon, 1989) (Fig. 21),

30
•
Greece (J~riedmun und Pupamarkuki, 1989) (Fig. 36), Holland (Greger and
Steinberg, 1988) (Fig. 23), the U.K. (Bauwelt, 1987) (Fig. 24), Hong Kong
(Tipple, 1991) (Fig. 22), The U.s.A. (Friedman and Papamarkaki, 1989), and
Canndn (Ritchie, 1991) (Fig. 37) .

..,,,._ ..
• ...... ~"l•

-..... , .
........
U .•_

1 •• 1 .. _ .... ..,.,,.,
...... '

Fig. 21. HOllse enlargement in Ci/vat-Olga.

Source: Oxmml and Cannon, 1989.

l'Ir"" pla~ ~fIJpjl"a/1lO"1 1(""NfI'"

aw,..mo&zli"1 ~rt7lM/.
~_.iJ1.p1.u;, ....
~,-",,,, ...rp., 0-"''''_
1. ...·h',.-JJ
c-...·,:~'" F_"",r_

Fig. 22. HOllg KOllg steel cage extensions.

Source: Tipple, 1991 .

• 31
•

Fig. 23. Transformations in a row Fig. 24. II/forli/al extellsiolls 111 tlle
house development, in Hol/and. Royal Crescellt, Ratll.
Source: Greger and Steinberg, 1988. SOllrce: Ballwelt, 1987.

A review of all the literature mentioned earlier would be too long

considering the limitations of this work, therefore, only a few examples were
chosen to illustra te the wide variety of extension and alteration activities that
have transformed forma! housing in countries all over the world. Literature
containing information on housing transformation was mainly found in
articles published in architectural journals, and in unpublished dissertations.

3.2 Examples from Developing Countries

A thesis dissertation by A. Casault in 1988 describes how traditional courtyard
houses in Beijing (China) have undergone changes du ring the last decades.
Severa! families were found to share houses that were once inhabited by
single extended families, and the original "pavilions" were gradually
transformed by residents who added new buildings inside the compounds'
courtyards (Fig. 25). In spite of their apparent disorder, the author argues that

32
•
extensions wcrc carricd out following implicit rules strongly related to
Chincsc Tradition.
Ur'!ort' Afler

.. . .

lliiI'!:==I - .
(il ORIGINAl PAVIllON.,)

~ ADDIIIONS

rig. 25. Example 0] a compouud before mld after tra1lsformatiolls took place.
Source: Casault, 1988.

ORlCilNAI PAVillONS Fig. 26. S/ll1red collrtyards are divided

Il ANI) ADI)IIIONS <TC)
iuto territories accordiug to the
PUI~' le S'lAC! 01
D 1AUI Il RRI' ORY (TB) tradilÏollal hierarchical arder in open
puni \( ~ SIIAU 01 spaces.
D \1 Il WIIOII COMPOUND (TA)
Source: Casault, 1988 .

• 33
In addition to describing the additions and extensions observed, their location
and stages of development, the author tries to identify differences and
similarities between traditional and contemporary building deployment.
Among the features identified as constants in both types of deployments were
the dwellers control over their living environment and the levels of
hierarchy in both open space and built form. Finally, the study discusses the
importance of respecting these features for ensuring continuity in the built
environment.

Even though the study mainly concentrates on the physical aspects of the
process of transformation, other facets are indirectly revealed, such as the
social and cultural factors, which are deeply rooted in Chinese tradition and
have influenced the deployment of additions. Hence, we find out ho\\'
courtyard houses were divided into territories controlled by different families
sharing the same compound (Fig. 26). Limits between territories were usually
marked by the appropriation of space instead of using physical barriers.
Levels of hierarchy in open spaces ensured a smooth transition from public to
private spaces. In spite of the fact that limits between spaces within the
compound were often very subtle, introversion was maintained by
preserving the physical enclosure of the compound. "The social group living
in the courtyard house did not seem big enough to force people to build a
small introverted living space in an already small introverted one, that is the
original compound..." (Casau1t, 1988).

The examples of transformations illustrated in the study show how cultural

and social factors have influenced the process of transformation in traditional
courtyard houses. In fact tradition has been kept alive through the
contemporary interventions by users.

34
•
Other examples of user transformation are found in the Jiangpura Extension,
the Kalkaji courtyards and the Bodella housing demonstration project, in
New Delhi, India (Greger and Steinberg, 1988). Each of the three residential
developments was transformed into a complexity of multifunctional spaces
accommodating a wide array of social and economic activities which better
served the resident communities (Fig. 27).

.'•

BOOELLA
TRAH5FORMATI0II
STUOY,
UIiIT rLÀII . Il 0-, 1 21l,
~

f\~. 2i. Transformations in tlle Bodella Project., New Deilli.

Source: Cre8L'1' and Stehlber8, 1988.

Both the Hangpura and the Kalkaji developments are courtyard complexes
consisting of double-storey blocks of two roomed apartments built during the
1950's. Flats opened directly onto the courtyard with a gallery providing
access to first floor apartments. Toilets for the flats were located in the corners
of blocks. Extensive transformation activities took place with the help of
informai small-scale contractors. Extensions were carried out horizontal1v on
bolh road and courtyard sides, and vertical1y on roof tops. Plans and
elevations are used to illustrate the incremental development of blocks
throughout the past decades (Fig. 28).

35
• ~
•
l'.
rgl~l~f~~
I~ J . . . ' ....
11"'1'11
o:u
1

•
L-
UI
J ffi."".-
tfFfrl11:1
!]

Fig. 28.The liangpura Extension, New Deihi.

Source: Greger and Steinberg, 1988.

The Bodella project is a cluster housing estate build during the 1970'5
consisting of two-roomed aparhnents with a bath and W.c. The fIats were
arranged in two storey blocks organized in the form of compact clustcrs
around semi-private open spaces. Transformations are described and
c1assified into two categories: alterations and extensions. Although limited
extension activity was envisaged by the project's planners, the extent of
building activities surpassed aIl predictions. In sorne cases extensions cewered
the total plot area resulting in problems of poor lighting and ventilation. ln
most cases, however, the results are considered positive sinee they show a
significant improvement in levels of overcrowding within the housing units.

In all of the three cases described above, it îs mainly found that

transformations have positively affected the housing developments: besides

• 36
•
the improvement in spatial distribution within units and the provision of
additional space for household activities, the accommodation of a large range
of communal and commercial facilities within each housing area has
benefitted the entire neighborhood.

A study of El Gallo project in Venezuela carried out by Reimers in 1992,

describes the transformation of single storey houses over three decades.
Dwelling evolution is analyzed in a survey sample by examining change in
area, spatial structure and functionallayout of dwelling units. The formally
produced units built in the 1960's with an average area of 60 sq.m. consisted of
four rooms with a kitchen, and a bathroom. The study shows an average
increase in floor area of almost 250% in the surveyed sampie, with sorne
households tripling the area of their dwelling units (Fig. 29).

The original layout of units allowed extensions to be made to the four sides of
each unit. Hence, additions were built to the front, back and side yards; and in
most of the cases people tended to leave a narrow passage at one side of their
dwellings for a separate access to the backyard. The additions were mainly
used to enlarge the living room, to accommodate an extra bedroom or a new
kitchen, and in many cases, they were rented out or used for commercial
activities in order to generate additional income.

Throughout the analysis of transformations in El Gallo, the author examines

the extent of change occurring in the surveyed dwellings according to
different stages of evolution. The study argues that transformation did not
only provide a significant inci"ease in habitable area, but it also led to an
improvement in terms of spatial standards and functional layout of
dwellings.

37
• Dweltlnl r
1
01, Gr~ ~ A

,I:;;~ l"X ;:~. 1

:. ;:"
rif7l
I1~J"
r.. .:_.__
...
ia\
---~ . . .
iWI ~f

:J,:J.fj
1r7,.. ..... ,._
'. '. .. '1 ,1
':~II(~I+:
.. , ......}
.! .
. r....... 1
l::j "
;
:
...•..
, '1 Il 1 1 ~
L J' :1 1 ~
RANCHO ST. 1S1 STAGE 2nd STAGE 3rd STAGE 4th STAGE

Front AdditIons

Fig. 29. Tite progressive tral1sformatiol1 of a dwellil1g in El Gallo.

Source: Reimers, 1992.

In Egypt, similar transformations involving single storey houses can be found

in an article by Serageldin (1981) about the Nubian Resettlemcnt Project, built
by the government in the 1960's, in Kom Ombo, Egypt. Dramatic
transformations occurred immediately after the projcct's completion,
alterations and extensions aimed at reorganizing interior layout of hou ses
and providing additional rooms for household activities. Many of thesc
transformations reflected socio-cultural needs of the resettled population
which the project failed to meet. Alterations included cJosing ventilation
slits which opened onto the neighbor's yard, moving the w.c. from its
location next to the house entrance ta a discrete corner in the courtyard,
covering parts of the courtyard to create a "Loggia" for guest entertaining and

• 38
• for sleeping during hot summer nights (Fig. 3D), plastering and decorating
stone walls with distinctive traditional paintings, etc (Fig. 31). Additions were
uscd ta tlccommodate various traditional functions (e.g. a bridaI room
"Diwal1i", a guest room "Madiafa", a typical nubian oven "Doka", and a
sitting ureu "Mastaba"). The exaggerated widths of streets were convenient for
absorbing the outdoor extensions which resulted not only in considerable
space enlargement of dwellings, but in creating interesting patterns of
irregular setbacks in a formerly clull mass housing project (Fig. 32).

1 Il JL
Su.a.t ::..W .....ll
STCIA~ .. t'H""ni:N l~
(1 /1~
..... ~J
A.''''A~~ L.1.,1 N V
Y.l.J,:,-O

lOU<lT~""P

\J~ ....,
.'
U L..... t14e"
J , ........ j ... '"

~ ...
(,ut~l ~""""
:"AoSLE. .sI.U"~"" Hl""''''''
...-- - '-

-
Fig.- 30. New Nubia: Plans of hOllses after extensions.
SOl/ree: Adapted from Serageldin, 1981.

Fig. 31. Decarated hause, New Nubia. Fig. 32. Irregular setbacks of extensions.
Sourcc: Serageldil1, 1981 . Source: Serageldil1, 1981.

• 39
Another early example is found in a paper by Habraken (1980) where he
portrays transformations in a public housing project in Cairo. The sa me
project is also presented through a visual analysis by Steinberg (1984). In both
articles, informai building activities include: closing-in ba1conies, adding 11f.'W

ba1conies supported on steel cantilevers, adding extra rooms on both ground

floor and roof tops and finally, multi-storey stacks (Fig. 33). Steinberg
admired the way people took control over their housing and freely expressed
themselves, each one according to his needs and aspirations.

Fig. 33. Transformations in Ain El Sira .

Source: Photographs by aut/zor.

The same alterations and extensions are described in later studies, such as the
Worker's City in Helwan (Fig. 34), by Tipple, Wilkinson and Nom (1985).
This time a more detailed study, based on a site survey, is presented in an
attempt to measure the extent of improvement in the levels of overcrowding
in dwellings as a result of transformation activities. The study argues that
considerable overcrowding of dwellings would have been experienced -
reaching 5 persons/room- if no alterations and extensions had been carried
out. Finally, it concludes with a set of proposaIs by which future projects
couId be designed with extension in mind (Fig. 35).

40
 "

.. .,--...,
y LJ Y

1 f ] , jr'

Fig. 34. Multi-storey extensions in the Workers' city of Helwall.

Source: Tipple ,Wilkinson and Nour, 1985.

'_I_CWr
'." ....,h_ -.,
:;.::.:: J~[~'l r-r-·--··~""'"
~.i.. ~ . ... '1.. 1
..
l'. ..... -:..:
,

LJ_~
'

__ ._ .U
l ,

... -_. --- ..... , '

n-~--·--T"1
, 1

~-::'~"'~·1. 1

... "..... -
.~""""1IwIt
~·~.'-.'-'
!\_!of.." ,...... (,......_ 'C.U" .._."..",.

Fig. 35. Proposais for future public housing designs with extension possibility.
Source: Tipple, Wilkinson and Nour, 1985.

41
An introductory study on "Self help transformations of low cost housing" by
A.G.Tipple (1991), attempts to gather a great deal of the CUITent literature and
to present it through an analytical study, describing the nature of
transformations and suggesting the underlying reasons for their occurrence
and probable contributory factors. Four case studies, from research carried out
in different countries (Le. Mirpur in Bangladesh, Kumasi in Ghana, Kitwe in
Zambia, and Helwan in Egypt) are used to illustrate the scope of
transformation activities.

Similar to the BodeUa study, transformations are classified into two main
categories: alterations and extensions, however, it only includes
transformations which involve construction activities, other forms of
transformation, such as changing the use of rooms, subdividing rooms
through the use of furniture or othe: movable elements are excluded.
FinaUy, the author tries to identify both advantages and disadvantages of
public housing transformation, and suggests sorne guidelines for future
designs of public housing projects.

3.3 Examples from Developed Counmes

Only a few studies have dealt with the issue of transformation in the so-called
"developed countries". Among the sources used for this study, were two
unpublished dissertations which include interesting examples of user
transformation in middle and high income groups.

A study by Papamarkaki in 1989, describes ten cases of multi-storey Hats in

Athens, where transformations had taken place. Alterations consisted of
closing-in balconies and removing interior walls, while extensions were
made by acquiring space from neighboring apartments (Fig. 36). The study
argues that although transformations have improved housing conditions in

42
 the surveyed sample, the problem of growing needs for space, on a long-term,

• remains unsolved. Finally, sorne suggestions are made for the design of
cxpandablc flats with the purpose of allowing maximum user intervention
d uring and after the construction of apartment buildings.
Bcfore Afler

~
0.50 \00 20011\

Fig. 36. Plan of an apartmellt in Athens, before and ajter trmzsformations.

Source: Papamarkaki, 1989.

Another study by Ritchie in 1991, described transformations occurring to five

single-family houses in Canada over a period of fifteen years. Besides
presenting a summary of different types of transformations observed and
establishing correlations between changes and the life cycle of households; the
study discusses the importance of flexibility in the design of ilouses which
could improve conditions for families particularly during the final stages of
their life cycle.

Most of the trap.sformation activities observed in the surveyed sampie

involved interior alterations (such as changing partitions, furniture and
finishings), and outdoor extensions (such as extending a room or adding a

• 43
 newone) (Fig. 37). The five cases showed that aiterations mainly occurred in

• private and semi-private spaces such as dens, studies, recreation rooms and
bedrooms. These spaces were usually modified in order to adapt thcm to tiU'
changing needs of family members. The need for additional space ",as mon'
evident when children were in their late teens and still living at home. As a
result, most cases had expanded their houses during that period. l-lowcver, it
was more likely that these spaces would become under-utilizcd during later
stages of the faOlily life cycle.
Before A fIer
r--········+···,_··__ ï·_--T-'......... ..
. ··_~····~1
;
--_···_~· ~_····'----_l

Fig. 3i. Alterations and cxtellsiolls to Cl sillg1e fmnily JlOl/SC ÎlI Ca1lada.
Source: RUcllic, 1992.

Although many experts in North-American and European countries have

studied and implemented flexibility in the field of housing, there i8 obviously
still a need for more research in order to ensure that a house can allow for
change over an entire family Iife cycle. It was often found that problems of
rigid design have prevented families from adapting their houses to suit their
changing needs. The author's own experience in various home rl'novation
projects in Canada, has confirmed that many of these obstacles could have
been prevented if designers had not aimed at only satisfying their client's

• 44
needs at the time, but at providing enough flexibility for the house to be
changed over time.

Finally, one could say that housing transformation is far from being a recent
phenomenon, it can be traced throughout the history of housing. Growth
and change have always been part of a natural process in traditional housing.
People's control over their housing was greater before the industrial
revolution paved the way for mass housing production. The new housing
systems adopted during the modem era have often denied the right of a
dwelling to growth and transformation. Adaptability, once a natural feature
of housing, has become a luxury which not everybody can afford. However,
since this study focuses on understanding how people respond to an existing
built environment, an attempt to review literature about traditional housing
is beyond the scope of this study.

So far, most of the literature on housing transformation have made little

~.

effort to relate transformation activities with the context within which they
take place. The fact that different transformations occur in different housing
situations has not been analyzed thoroughly. A few studies, however, have
identified sorne of the reasons and influencing factors involved in the
transformation process (Kardash and Wilkinson, 1991; and Tipple,
1991&1992), but more evidence is needed in order to evaluate their effect in
different physical, social and economic circumstances. The following chapter
will provide a doser view of transformations in order to better understand
the phenomenon.

45
CHAPTER 4
•
Chapter4
A SURVEY Of EXISTING TYPES Of TRANSfORMATIONS

4.1 Introduction
The field survey, conducted in twenty public housing projects which were
selected in the cities of Cairo and Alexandria 11 , revealed that a11 of the
projects had been and were still undergoing sorne kind of transformation
activity. One of the purposes of this survey was to observe and record as
many types of transformations as possible in order to understand different
typologies of transformations and to examine the factors which affect the
development of different patterns of transformations in different areas. Since
no predetermined survey sample was used for this part of the study, the
outcome should not be considered as representative of the global situation in
Egypt. fina11y, an attempt to describe all of the recorded transformations
would be impossible within the limitations of this study and only the most
common types of transformations were considered and classified into two
main categories: interior and exterior transformationsl2 .

4.2 Types of Transformations

4.2.1 Interior Transformations

Among the most common examples of interior transformations observed in
the surveyed sample are the fo11owing:

- Modifying the use of spaces such as kitchens converted into bedrooms or

II A delailed description of Ibe surveycd projects is gil'en in Appcndix 1 and more information
rclaled to the SUl"\'CY is also gil'en in Chapter 7.

12 The photographs and illustrations of transformations were made by the author during his field
sUI'vey.
46
• workrooms, and balconies converted into kitchens (Fig. 38&39). (n fact, many
rooms became multifunctional 13 and were used for various activities such as
sleeping, food preparation, cooking, guest entertaining, and working. (Fig. 40).
Even toilets could he used for dishwashing, keeping poultry, or storage.

Fig. 38. A kitcheu couverted iuto a

work room.

Fig. 40. A bedroo11l lIsed at tlle saille

time as a kitc1wn and workroolll.

Fig. 39. A balcouy converted into a

Kitchen.

13 Besides being a result of limiled space, multifunctionaliLy of rooros is deeply rootcd in

Egyptian tradilionalliving patterns. Residenls of tradilional and rural arcas will ncvcr descrihc lheir hOllles
as having a bedroom, a living or dining room. they will rather describe il as having one two or three ronllls,
since there is no clcar cul separation betwecn diffcrent funclions within the dwelling unil.

• 47
• - Modifying interior partitions so as to change a room's size or to create a new
room (Figures 41&42).

- Repositioning door openings and using curtains to separate spaces for

privacy reasons (Fig. 43),

- Providing extra storage space by building wall closets, fa Ise ceilings and in
one case, by installing a built-in closet with a folding bed (Figures 44&45).

wc
i
E:,.-- - r= ':: '=.

Il
Il
Hall
Il
'-l

Fig. 41. Enlarging the hall.

.

Room Hall

Fig. 43. The bedroom door facing the

entrance was repositioned for more
Fig. 42. Creating a l1ew room . privacy, and replaced by a mirror.

• 48
•

Fig. 45. A wall c10set replacillg l1l1

Fig. 44. A built-in closet with a interior wall, lins providcd extra
folding bed has made tItis bedroo11l storage space witl! 0 1I1iHi1lW/ cffeel
mu! ti-fune tiona!. on tl,e existillg floor orea.

4.2.2 Exterior Transformations

The fo1lowing examples summarize different types of exterior
transformations observed :

- Closing parapets of exposed balconies to improve privacy. This tendency

was observed in almost aU public housing projects where the government
had provided balconies with open steel parapets14 • Balconies were screened
off by using brick or lightweight materials such as tin sheet or cloth (Figures
46&47), this was often combined with curtains which did not only providc
more privacy but extra shade as weIl.

- Making openings in flank wa1ls of blocks for new windows (Figures 48&49).

14 This was also observed in a newly built project in El Werdeyan (Alcxandria), whcrc dwcllcrs
rcmoved the steel parapets, and sold them, to cover the casts of building a ncw one oul of brick.

• 49
Figures 46&47. Closing parapets of balconies with brick wal/s or tin sheet for
privacy.

Figures 48&49. New openings in flank wal/s of blocks.

50
•
- Enclosing the ba1cony for use as an extra room or as an extension of nn
existing room (Figures 51&52), and thereby adding more intcrior spncc to tlw
dwelling unit. Although original ba1conies were almost identicnl in tcrms of
size and shape, patterns of enclosed balconies varicd trcmendously resulting
from differences in choices of both designs and matcrials used by occupants.
These differences are shown in figure 50.

n Wood frilme windows (ply wood pilrapet) Brick pilrapc\ + wood lilllicc ilncl curt,lin:.

Fig. 50. Patterns of balcony enclosure.

• 51
•

Figures 51&52. Closing in balconies.

- Outdoor extensions and appropriation of public space, which are basically

carried out in two directions: vertically ( Le. roof top and underground
extensions) (Fig. 53); and horizontally (i.e. ground floor, upper floor and
multistorey extensions) (Fig. 54).

Fig. 53. Vertical extensions. Fig. 54. Horizontal extensions.

52
• 4.2.2.a Vertical Extensions

Roof top extensions

~
1}

In Egypt, roof top extensions are very common. Roof dwellers, arc estimatcd
at 1.5 million in Cairo alone (Farahat, 1985). In the surveyed public hOl1sing
areas, nearly every building had roof extensions. These extensions werc
usually carried out by top flaar dwellers and used for keeping animaIs,
storage, and as a living space such as an extra room or a complete dwelling
unit (Figures 55 ta 58). Access was gained through a hale in the ceiling of the
existing dwelling by using a step ladder (Fig. 59). In cases when a separatc
dwelling was built on the roof, access was gained by piercing the roof of the
stairwell. Initially, roof extensions were made of lightweight matcriaIs, but <lS

the threat of possible demolition by authorities was gradually rcduccd, they

were replaced by brick walls and cancrete roof slabs.

Figures 55&56. Roof top extensions vary Jrom one additianal raam ta a
complete dwelling unit.

• 53
•

Fig. 59. Access is gained through a

hole in the fiat's ceiling.

Figures 57&58 Roof top extensions

llsed for storage and to keep animaIs.

n
1
" ~'\~'!i~
Underground extensions:
Only after ground floor dwellers had extended horizontally, did theyextend
downwards to add a basement. This was usually done by excavating the
ground beneath the existing extensiC'n, down to the foundations level, then
building retaining walls and a concrete floor slab. The basement was
generally used as a storage place and to keep animal~ (Figures 60 to 62). In all
the cases observed, basements were no higher than 1.7 m. they were fairly
weil lit and ventilated, and had a separate access from the street.

• 54
•
Fig. 61. A shop owner accommodated
a basement, under an existing
extension, for the storage of supplies.

Fig. 60. Underground extensions

used to keep animais.

Fig. 62. Underground extensions

provide large additional storage space.

4.2.2.b Horizontal Extensions

These inc1ude the following types:

Ground floor extensions:

Ground floor dwellers usually started by enclosing a piece of public land

• 55
surrounding the dwelling unit to make a private garden which was used for
household activities, keeping animais, storage, cultivation, as weil as to gain
additional privacy to dwellings (Figures 63&64). This form of extension was
often tolerated by local authorities who seemed to informally encourage
vegetation. Later, dwellers would start building extensions; and in many
cases, building activilies took place inside the gardens so as to be less apparent
from the outside.

Figures 63&64. Appropriation of public space

for private gardens.

Recorded ground floor extensions varied from expanding one room up to

building seven additional rooms (Fig. 65). In several cases a complete new
dwelling was added to the existing unit. Extensions were usually carried out
at the balcony side, but there have been cases where they covered both front
and back facades of the dwelling. In general, sufficient clearance was left
between extensions for access to public staircases and for maintenance of
vertical pipework. The width of extensions varied from 2.9m (which
corresponds to the minimum width of a room) to 7.0m (which equals the
total width of a dwelling unit); and in depth, they varied from a.5m. to 5.5m.

56
• Corner dwellings were more advantaged since they could also ex tend ta the
sides of blocks (Figures 68&69). If in early stages of extension, lightwcight
materials were used from fear of government retaliation, they wt're
subsequently replaced by better quality structures which consisited of load
bearing masonry walls with concrete or corrugated sheet roofs. Besicles thcir
use as a space enlargement, ground floor extensions located on main streets
were often used to accommodate a shop or other business (Figures 66&67).

Fig. 65. Examples of extensions in two and

three-roomed fIats in Helwan.

Fig. 66. Ground fIoor extensions

located on a main street are used to Fig. 67. An outdoor staircase leads to
accommodate shops . a hairdresser's shop in an extension.

• 57
Figures 68 & 69. Corna units extending in three directions.

d li'!.
d fi,iil

Upper floar extensions:

Compared to the ones carried out at the ground floor level, extensions at
upper floor levels are more complicated to build. The most common types
observed were cantilevered balconies, cages and porches fixed on buildings'
facades (Figures 72&73). Porches and cages being limited in size, with depths
not exceeding 0.75m., were generally made of wood and used as an additional
space for storage or to keep poultry (Figures 70&71).

Fig. 70. Wall c10sets extend outside a fIat

to save interior space.

58
Figures 72&73. Cantilevered balconies and animal cages.

Figures 74&75. Upper floor extensions supported on steel girders.

In many cases where existing ba1conies had been enclosed and incorporated
into the dwelling's interior, residents constructed new ba1conies to replace old
ones. These ba1conies were usuaiiy supported on steel girders fixed in the
floor's slab and extending 0.6 m to 1.8m outward (Fig. 74&75). The length of a
ba1cony could range from 2.0 m. to 7.0 m.

59
Figllres 76&77. Enclosed steel balconies
lIsed as room extensions.

Fig. 78. Calltilevered concrete Fig. 79. A wooden balcony in

balcollies. Helwan.

Most balconies consisted of steel structures covered with corrugated sheets

(Fig. 74); but in sorne cases they consisted of a concrete cantilevered slab and
brick walls (Fig. 78) which was usually the case when a new balcony was the
extension of an existing one. Only in a very few cases were new balconies
made of wood (Fig. 79). The use of wood for these types of structures was less
popular because of its limited spans and relatively high costs.

60
Figures 80&81. Similar steel balconies and rool1l extensions in El AlIliriya.

Figures 82&83. Sil1li/ar finishing of cantilevered COl1crete balconies and rool1l

extensions in El Tema el Bulaqiya.

It is noticeable that a dweller's choice is often strongly influenced by other

neighbours' choices. Many similarities have been observed in terms of
balcony size, shape and its finishing materials within the same block, street or
even through an entire project (Figures 80&81). Small-scale contractors,
who usually build these extensions, play an important role in that sense.
Each one of them has his own standards concerning size, shape and materials
used. And after a while, it becomes easy for an observer to distinguish
between works of different contractors in different areas (Fig. 82&83).

61
When larger balconies were built, they were sometimes supported by columns
which rested on the ground (Fig. 84). This method of support was more
common in the case of concrete frame room-extensions (Fig. 85).

Figllres 84&85. Cases of IIpper floor extensions sllpported by cO/lImns.

Multi-storey extensions:
While previous types of extensions can be carried out individually, this type of
extension activity requires a mutual agreement between groups of vertical
neighbors which is not always an easy process. However, when families
cooperate in ail stages of the process, the results can be remarkable on both
physical and social levels, as described later in this chapter.

It has been found in earlier studies (Tipple,1991), that multistorey extensions

tended to start incrementally with upper floor dwellers extending on top of
already existing ground floor extensions. But this tendency seemed to have
been rapidly replaced by the erection of concrete frame multistorey stacks
which allowed pre-planned and organized extension activity for ail households
sharing the same vertical section. The fact that each household had more or
less equal chances of extension possibility, was much valued by residents in

62
areas such as Helwan, Ain el Sira, and Imbaba, where this form of extension
became widespread.

Multistorey stacks usually allowed one or two rooms with balconies. Sorne
cases of corner multistorey extensions allowed as many as six rooms plus
balconies15 . However, due to various factors like the lack of open space or
government's vigilance, sorne multistorey extensions were more limited in
size allowing only a balcony or a small room extension of 0.5 to lm. in depth
(e.g. Shoubra, Aluned Helmi and El Sharabeya) ( see Fig. 78).

The decision making process has been described and analyzed in a previous
study by Kardash and Wilkinson in 1991, it involves different influencing
factors of economic, socio-cultural and political dimensions. The major
outcome of this stage is to determine whether extensions will be carried out
collectively or individually. If one or more families are reluctant to join the
others, and that their reluctance doesn't stop the process, the support structure
will only be used by participating familles (Fig. 86). In sorne cases, occupants of
top floors will build a complete support structure for their own extension
leaving out the neighbors below (Fig. 87). Familles who wish to join later will
have to pay their share of foundation and structure costs.

Different degrees of neighbour participation within the same vertical stack

were reflected through the wide variety of extension patterns observed in the
fjeld study and presented in Figures 88 to 91. In Ain el sira, differences in
income levels between residents have affected their degree of participation
resulting in irregular extension patterns (Fig. 92); whereas in Helwan, variable
but regular extensions reflect a higher level of neighbour participation (Fig. 93).

15 ln Hclwan, mosl blacks wcrc bcing cxtcndcd sidcways with corner uniL' doubling and lripling
their arca sizc, large multis!orcy extensions were obscrved co"ering thrcc sides of many blocks.
63
 ,"" '. tl

Fig. 86. Third and fourth floor flats, Fig. 87. A multistorey extension
original/y left out, join the stack. only used by top floor dwel/ers.

Figures 88&89. Two-storey stacks in Ain el Sim.

64
Figures 90&91. Three and fOllr-storey stacks in El Amiriya and Ain el Sira.

Fig. 92. Irregular stacks of variable Fig. 93. Regular muti-storey

heights in Ain el Sira. extensions in Helwan.

65
•

Figures 94&95 Collective transformations with vertical and horizontal

cooperation between occupants.

[n sorne cases, stacks have been erected simultaneously as a single structure

covering the width of more than one fiat, thus reflecting both vertical and
horizontal cooperation between neighbours (Figures 94&95).

Beyond the description of types of transformations it is essential to examine

more carefully the transformation process in order to understand why
different patterns of transformation have developed in different housing
situations. This question will be studied in more detail in the following
chapters.

66
•

CHAPTER 5
•
Chapter5
EXAMINING TRANSfORMATIONS

5.1 Introduction
Originally, the appearance of most public housing projects was similar, since
they were based on prototypical plans and layout designs. Presently, and after
more than a decade of transformations, each projed has gained a character of
its own, resulting from common tendencies in transformation activities;
these tendencies are defined, in trus study, as "patterns of transformations"
and classified into two categories following the way they refiect whether
activities have been carried out on an individual or a collective basis.

5.2 Patterns of Transformation

Individual transformations can he considered as the main trend in most of
the surveyed public housing projects. The individuality of these
transformations is evident from the fact that they have been carried out
independently, even though they might have occurred simultaneously in
adjacent dwellings. In many instances it was found that sorne forms of co-
operation have developed between transformers; but basically, each
household has acted on its own and no form of collective decision making or
organization has taken place. (Fig. 96).

On the other hand, collective transformations were comparatively more

limited in their occurrence as they usually required high degrees of neighoour
participation in both decision making and execution. Other factors were also
found to have limited the spread of collective transformations in the
surveyed projects, these will be discussed later in more detail. The most
common examples of collective transformation activity observed were multi-
storey extensions. (Fig. 97).

67
•

. .,,_'''''*''"7...... --:~.,i,.
~~= ..
Fig. 96. Individual transformations.

Fig. 97. Collective transformations.

Other forms of collective activities were also recorded such as: building il

community market place in El Zawya el Hamra and El Sharabeya, planting

public gardens in Helwan and El Teraa el Bulaqiya, and renewing sewage
networks in El Amiriya (Figures 98 to 101).

• 68
•

Figures 98&99. Market places built by residents of El Zawya and El Sharabeya.

Figures 100&101. Examples of collective activities: A public garden in Helwan

and a new plumbing stack in El Amiriya.

Out of the twenty surveyed projects, five (El Teraa el Bulaqiya, Imbaba, El
Amiriya, Ain el Sira, and Helwan) had large-scale collective transformations;
whereas in the remaining fifteen projects, transformations were mainly
carried out individually (Fig. 102). However, a few cases of newly built multi-
storey extensions were observed in as many as five projects (Bulaq, Ahmed

69
• Helmy, El Zawya el Hamra, El Sharabeya, and El Wayli). This suggests n
possible sign of the beginning of a widespread deployment of collective
transformation activity in those areas as weIl. Finally, it should be pointed
out that in several of the surveyed projects a combination of individual and
collective transformations were observed (Fig. 103).
IJ A/.)O'~~)
l "lmlJrl"1l
Ilhtll l rloll
IJO••hl,<1I1
IJ MIIJIUlot 50%
Il ï'''I~'y"tll;'t:ll..,~..
Kumt:1 'Shll'I,.t,1
Il 'KII"'~~I~1l1~1
1~1~1 Jhl;.a!
1.l:I11l:lulII
Ihll.lq
Ah.lllt.'flllcinu
U 1.;j"}'1 d Il;llUm 25%
H Shamhty-d
IlW.I\ih
fl'rLT':.al.'lH1lbql)"1
l.lLlbolbJ
1] .\lmnyOl 25%
Aml:l SII"Ji
HclW;1J1

-.
[
;~\----;. M:III1I;----~~:.~
CI)IIt'i.1I1'e' 1Il1.ht.. uhlal \1'llh a 1r.. n1fl~nllalll\fl\
1 1:r.U)'l.hlllllanOn, tl"Y+' c.l~U.'1o 01

1
L--~~ __..~~~:fo~:at1nrL"
.__... _

Fig. 102. Surveyed Projects listed Fig. 103. A combinatioll of individllal

according to pattern of and collective transformations
transformation activity. observed in El Amiriya.

The decision making process which determines whether transformation

activities will be carried out on a collective or individual basis, was found ta
be influenced by the following factors:

1. The level of cooperation between residents

This is a key factor in the process of negotiation in order to reach a consensus
for collective activity. It was found that stable cornmunities with similar
cultural backgrounds and incorne levels, along with strong social tics wcre
more capable of working collectively (e.g. Imbaba and Helwan).

• 70
2. The location of the project and its proximity to the city center
In projects located on major streets or close to city centers (e.g. Bulaq, El
Kossayirin, El Azaritah and Lombrozo) where local authorities generally
adopt a tougher attitude, transformations were generally carried out
individually. On the other hand, collective transformations were
concentrated in projects located on peripheral and marginal sites (e.g. Ain el
5ira and Helwan).

3. The role of local contractors

This has proven to be one of the mobilizing factors of collective participation
in Helwan (KardaRh and Wilkinson, 1991). A successful contractor usually
convinces households to follow their neighbors' example by extending. The
contractor's control over a neighborhood is also a factor: in areas where steel
workshops were established, cantilevered steel balconies were the common
trend (e.g. parts of El Amiriya and El Zawya el Hamra); and according to local
contractors, it would be difficult for a new contractor to introduce concrete
frame structures in these areas.

4. The Dwellers' financial capability

The cost of a typical two room multistorey extension of about 30 sq.m. can
range from L.E. 2000 to 3000 per household, while the cost of a typical steel
balcony or room extension varies from L.E.500 to 700. Although the latter
provides less additional area, it is more affordable to low income groups. The
size and type of an individual extension varies according to each household's
ability to pay; whereas in collective extensions, costs are fixed by the
neighbors' agreement which may not always suit households with relatively
lower incomes.

5.3 Resulting Environments

By comparing the built environments resulting from individual and

71
•
collective transformation activity, differences in terms of the following
aspects were found:

Variety of transformations
More variety was found in projects where transformations were carried out
individua11y (e.g. Zeinhom and El Sharabeya), sillce these r~flected each
family's own needs and aspirations. Whereas collective transformations,
being the outcome of a compromise between different households, tended to
be less representative of each family particular needs.

Regularity of patterns
Transfonnations carried out individually vary in terms of size, form and
function from one household to another; while on the other hand,
households participating in common building activities usually decidc
collectively on aspects such as area, shape, location, and sometimes evcn the
colour of finishing of buildings. Consequently, the patterns resulting from
multiple individual interventions, tend to be less regular than those resulting
from single collective interventions.

Gained floor area

The percentage of area added to the original dwellings varied according to
their location and floor level. This was a determinant factor in the case of
individual transfonnations where only ground floor and top floor dwellers
had the opportunity to built relatively large extensions, while upper floor
extensions are usua11y more limited in size. On the other hand, multistorey
extensions usually allow relatively large extensions for a11 units within the
same vertical stack. Hence, from a cumulative standpoint, the total floor area
gained from collective transfonnations could be significantly more important
than the one resulting from individual transformations.

72
Viability of structures
Structures resulting from individual building activities were often less viable
than the ones produced collectively. Many single-storey extensions were built
of scavenged lightweight materials and sorne cantilevered upper floor
extensions had clear deviations as a result of insufficient support (e.g. Ezbet
Bilal). Wllereas when dwellers joined together, they were more capable of
financing the construction of sound and endurable structures (e.g. Helwan).
Most multistorey extensions observed were built from concrete skeleton
frames and were usually of better structural quality than other types of
extensions.

Ouality of living conditions

Overall, collective transformations have resulted in higher quality
environments and have offered better living conditions for residents. By
comparing transformed environments in areas like Helwan and El Teraa el
Bulaqiya with the ones in Kom el Shuqafa and Ezbet Bilal, it was found that
not only did collective transformations create better housing and more
regular block patterns, but other activities such as planting public gardens,
building market places and improving sewage networks contributed in
upgrading whole neighborhoods as well.

5.4 Problems Resulting from Transformations

Among the problems resulting from observed transformation activities were
the following:

. Problems of obstruction caused by extensions which blocked the view of

neighbouring flats (104).
. Problems of access to infrastructures for maintenance, caused by extensions
built on existing ground networks or covering vertical pipework leaving too
littIe clearance for access (J 05).

73
. Problems of poor naturallight and ventilation, particularly in flats located
in the middle of blocks in areas where large multistorey extensions have
developed on both sides of blocks (106).
1'•..••

'!"'u

,i>'ffi~
.
,,"~"' ~~
'. ~i!'i:::;l
Fig. 104. An extension obstrllcting Extensions covering part of
the view of the balcony below. the vertical pipework on facadcs.

Fig. 106. Extensions at both sides of Fig. 107. Acccss to extensions

blocks crea te narrow open spaces. throllgh existing rooms.

. Problems of cross-circulation and lack of privacy in the internaI layout of

dwellings (e.g. access to new rooms through existing ones) which were

74
 caused by the fact that original designs were not meant to allow
transformation (Fig. 107). However, this problem seemed not to have
disturbcd many of the surveyed households.

5.5. Legal Aspects

The presidential decree of 1979 tré'nsferred ownership of fIats to tenants
under certain rules and conditions. Among these rules the following were
the most relevant to the study of transformations:

- "New owners may not sell, modify, or change the use of their fIats without
prior approval of the governorate (or municipality). Any such act will be
considered illegal and is subject to penalty measures determined by
authorities." As a consequence, one may suggest that ail types of
transformations presented in this study could be considered "illegal" by local
authorities sinœ they were carried out without prior approval of the
govelTlorate.

- "The land on whieh buildings are constructed remains the property of the
governorate" which also means that ground fIoor extensions are considered
encroachments on public land and are subject to demolition by authorities.

- "The governorate maintains the exclusive right to build any vertical

extensions on existing buildings by adding new fIoors, within the limits of
building regulations, without prior consent from residents". Hence, roof
top extensions built by users are considered as a violation to the
governorate's right to use buildings' roof tops and can therefore be
demolished by local authorities.

- Upper f100r extensions could only be considered illegal in the sense that
they were built without construction permit, as stated in the Egyptian
Building Codes and Regulations"Any construction work realized without

75
•
building permit is subject to a penalty equalling double the regular permit
fees". Nevertheless, they could be considered hazardous to public safet)' in
case they do not correspond to building regulations, and could be subject to
demolition or modification according to the following by la\\': "Any
construction work that does not correspond to Egyptian Building Codes and
Regulations of 1962 , is subject to a penalty and mandatory modification
according to building codes and regulations".

Finally, it should be noted that not only are owners not allowed to change the
use of their dwellings to accommodate a shop or other income generating
activity, but it was also found that renting a dwelling is completely forbidden
according to the contract of ownership which stated the following condition:
"Under no circumstances shaH new owners rent their apartments".

5.6 Socio-Cultural and Economie Aspects

In order to better understand the process of transformation, it seemed
essential to examine more closely what takes place at the household leve!.
However, because of the limitations of this study, only a few examples of
households selected from an ongoing survey were used to illustrate the
process and to identify sorne of both the causal and influencing factors behind
the decision making. Moreover, it also seemed important to put these
examples into their context before any attempt to analyze the outcomes of the
decision making process.

5.6.1 The Context

Cases from two projects were chosen from a field survey conducted by the
author as part of an ongoing research about public housing transformations.
The two projects are Helwan and El Zawya el Hamra. Both projects were
built during the early 1960's and had similar physical features. These are

76
dcscribcd in dctail in the Appendix. However, it is important to emphasize
the main differenccs between the two projects in terms of sodo-cultural and
cconornic charactcristics.

Fig. 108. Plall of the He/wall project. Fig. 109. Plall of the El Zawya e/ Hamra
project

The Helwan project was essentially built for public sector workers ernployed
in heavy industrial factories located South of Cairo (Fig. 108). Most of the
families interviewed had stable incomes sinee at least one rnember of each
family was or had been a public sector worker. In case sorne workers had
either retired or died, their families usually reeeived their pensions. It was
also found that sorne of these workers' sons were also employed in the same
facto ries. Henee, household incornes were not only characterized as being
stable but they \Vere relatively high as weil, as most families had more than
one eamer.

77
•
Another important feature of Helwan's population is its homogeneity in
terms of socio-economic characteristics of residents (most of them being
public sector workers) as weil as the strong sense of community which has
resulted from the fact that common workplaces and similar backgrounds
have helped develop social ties between residents and made them more
capable of acting on a collective level (e.g. organizing communal
transformation activities). Moreover, the weight of local opinion within the
community has been an important catalyst to the spread of transformations
and has led to undermining the attitude of local authorities towards the
illegal building activities. In fact, some government representatives
informally permitted the extensions, according to many interviewed families.

On the other hand, the project of El Zawya el Hamra was built for resettled
populations from sIum clearance schemes near the center of Cairo (e.g. Bulaq
el Daqrur, Eshesh el Torguman and Arab el Mohammadi) (Fig. 109). As a
direct result of resettlement, many dwellers lost their jobs because of
problems of transportation and disruption of socio-economic networks,
which increased the level of unemployment within the newly established
community. Other consequences emerged, such as an increase in crime rate
and vandalism. This was further worsened by an outbreak of violence
within the community during the early 1980's. Thus, the resettlement was
found to have severely damaged the community on both social and
economic levels (El Safty, 1983).

El Zawya's population mainly consisted of merchants, petty traders, and self-

employed workers (steel contractors, casuallabourers, craftsmen, taxi drivers,
etc..). Only a small percentage was employed in the formal private and public
sectors, and a considerable number were unemployed. Because of the social
stigma attached to the area, many residents have expressed their

78
•
dissatisfaction with both social and physical conditions of their neighborhood.
This has apparently lead many residents to withdraw from any social interaction
with their neighbours which they consider as "bad people", it has also generated
a feeling of resident dissociation from their environment, all of which has
limited the spread of collective transformation activilies. In addition, the strict
attitude which was being adopted, until recently, by local au thon ties in the area,
has further affected both the quality and scale of transformations.

5.6.2 Methodology and Sample Selection

The projects were chosen on the basis of the transformation patterns observed in
each. Transformations observed in El Zawya el Harnra were basically individual
(with only a few cases of recently bullt multi-storey extensions), while those in
Helwan were mainly collective. A total of six cases representing the two patterns
were chosen from both projects. The cases chosen represent different dwelling
prototypes as weB as different types of transformations. Interviews and informai
discussions were used to record the farnily history, to deterrnine the socio-
economic and cultural conditions of households and to identify the events that
started and accompanied the transformation process. Measurements, sketches,
photographs, and visual observations were used to record transformations.

5.6.3 Selected Case studies

Key to family composition:
-Symbols: B= Male z= Female rB= Retired
- Representation: B
Falher-molher Reialive(s) 50n(s) Daughler(s)
~& ~~
5pouse& children 5pouse& children
Key to floor plans:
(1) Guest receiving; (2) Informal visits and socializing with neighbours; (3)
Farnily gathering; (4) Eating; (5) Study ; (6) Food preparation; (7) Cooking;

79
•
(8) Laundry; (9) Sleeping: (a) Parents, (b) Children, (c) Son's famil)', (d)
Daughter's family; (10) Home-based economic activity; (11) Storage; (12)
Animal or poultry keeping; (13) Vegetable garden.

5.6.3.a El Zawya El Hamra:

Case 1. : Om Faten
Location: Second floor, mid-block unit. Date of Occupancy: 1964
Original characteristics: Present characteristics:
Number of rooms: 1 Number of rooms: 3 .
Area: 26 sq.m. Area: 44.5 sq.m.
Family composition: B.& B Family composition: BK B88

am Faten's husband works as a carpenter in a workshop near El Zawya el Hamra.

They left their village in the Delta region in 1960, and came to Cairo in search for a
job. After they moved into their one-roomed fiat (Fig. 110), they had to
accommodate am Faten's brother who had followed them to the city. Sincc they
only had one room, am Faten's husband made a built-in folding bed which made
the'jom serve more than one purpose, he also added wall closets in order to save
as much space as possible within the dwelling unit (see fig. 43). Because am faten
used to keep poultry and animaIs in her village, her husband also made her an
animal cage which he hung from the balcony.

When her brother got married in 1973, they decided to enclose the balcony in
order to accommodate a separate room for the married couple. Her husband
carried out the work while her brother paid for the materials, and shI' herself,
made curtains in order to separate the new room from the hall and to increase
privacy within the dwelling. As her family became larger, her brother decided to
leave with his wife, leaving their room to the father and his son.

80
•
After being persuaded by their neighbour, the family decided in 1982, to build a
new balcony in order to replace the enclosed one. Since the new balcony would
also serve as a roof for their neighbour's extension, the latter suggested to share
sorne of its costs. By selling her jewelry, Om Faten partîcipated "vith her husband
in financing the extension. The \'York was carried out by her husband and a friend
who was a steel worker and the total costs were limited to L.E. 300. By blocking-off
the view with large curtains, the family was able to use the new balcony for
activities such as: food preparation, studying, and sleeping. Part of the balcony was
incorporated to the haU 50 that it could be used fer farnily gatherings and sleeping.

Other interior modifications also took place such as: repositioning the bedroom's
door which originally faced the entrance (see fig. 42), separating the kitchen from
the hall, and adding a glass panel to the toilet daor in arder to allo\\' naturallight
into the kitchen (Fig. 111). Om Faten expressed her famïly's desire to build an
additional room, but she explained that such an extension would cost more than
they could afford at the moment. Since her son had recently found a job in the
same workshop as her husband, and that he wauld be gettîng married in the near
future, she added that the possibility of extending would saon become a necessity.
wc Balcony

Hall Room
Kitchen

_F"\I.,llnh\\·lll ..
~ I~l l'h.l''''''' ..' \tl'n",IPrl
~ 2nd l'ha ....' l·\r,h·I1 IOU

:t:7Zl2Z lrd flll,l..,t.' (.'\h.'" u\n

===.--=. lh·nwlt... hl·~t \\-'llll."

Befo I"e After

Figures 110f1'111. Plan of Om Faten's apartmellt before and after transformation .

• 81
Case 2. : Om Mohammed
Location: Ground fIoor. mid-block unit. Date of Occupancy: 1964
Original characteristics: Present characteristics:
Number of rooms: 2 Number of rooms: 2
Area: 36 sq.m. Area: 36 sq.m.
Family composition: Farnily composition:

Om Mohammed originates from a village in the Delta region, she moved with
her family into a two-roomed apartment in El Zawya in 1962 (Fig. 112), after their
house in Bulaq el Daqrur had been demolished, as part of a sium clearance
scheme. Her husband was employed as a worker in a public sector company in
Cairo. As the couple used one room and their children used the other, they did
not need to extend their apartrnt:r't.

The first modifications they did to their fiat was adding a poultry cage on the
balcony and closing-off the balcony's parapet in order to increase privacy and to
keep am Moharnrned's chickens from getting off the balcony. Later the father
decided to appropriate a piece of unused public open space adjacent to their
dwelling in order to plant a vegetable garden for the farnily's own consumption
(Fig.114). When the children reached the age of adulthood, the son moved to
sleep in the hallleaving the room to his older sisters. Later, the two daughters got
married and left, which allowed their brother to occupy their room on his own.
After the death of his father, the son got married and remained with his mother.

According to am Mohammed, the fiat will go to her son's farnily after her death
since her daughters have got their own apartments. 5he did not think that they
would build any extensions in the near future.

82
•
l''itcnen
Hall Room

WC Balcony

_ "\lSI'"1; "'11'
~ hl l'hil~l' l',I(On'a-HIIl

lDlIiZIiIX 2nd l'h.1'-l' il" tl'n~mn

2'ZZ2ZZZ; .lra P'hù5t.' c'\tC'IlSIDn
==::.':; n""lOl"hod I\'~lt,

Before After

Figures 112&113. Plan of Orn Molzam11led's npnrt11leJ1t before and after

trnllsformatiolL
.....
."'.". ?,
"

,~
~.:.
l',

.....

,1

Fig. 114. Om Mohammed' s room (also Fig. 115. Room of son's famiiy.
ltsed for receiving gllests

• 83
Case 3. : Raafat
Location: Top floor (5th), corner unit. Date of Occupancy: 1963
Original characteristics: Present characteristics:
Number of rooms: 2 Number of rooms: 3
Area: 36 sq.m. Area: 75 sq.m.
Family composition: 6R BBB RR Family composition: fl&BBB
BR

Raafat's parents were allocated a two-roomed apartment after their house was
demolished as part Jf a sium clearance project (Fig.116). As a consequence of
relocation, the father lost his work as a merchant in Arab el Mohammadi, and had
to start a new business in El Zawya el Hamra. With the help of his two eldest
sons, he set up a vegetable stand in a nearby marketplace, and later his sons were
forced to leave school in order to help their father. Although the family grew
larger (with the birth of another two daughters), they did not carry out any
transformations to their apartment, but rather adapted themselves to the
dwelling's limitations. While the parents occupied one room, their four
daughters used the other and their three sons slept in the hall.

After three of the daughters got married, it was Raafat's tum. 5ince he did not
have a stable job and that his family could not afford getting him an apartment,
they decided to extend on the roof of their building. The fact that other neighbors
had already built roof top extensions and did not seem to have had any problems,
encouraged them to carry out the extension. They made a hole in the ceiling of
the kitchen to gain access to the roof on which they built one room and
accommodated both storage and animal cages (Fig. 118, also see fig. 57). The
extension was entirely built by household members, using scavenged wood from
boxes as well as other lightweight materials. Raafat's family moved into the roof
extension which was mainly used for sleeping and for Raafat's own work (Fig.
119). In spite of the fact that they had made water supply and electricity

84
•
connections to the extension, they could not afford building a toilet and a kitchen;
therefore, they used the existing facilities in their parents' apartment.

The family intends to build a complete dwelling on the roof top as soon as their
financial situation improves. Raafat's younger brothers wish to have their own
apartments when they will be getting married, but they were' suspicious about the
possibility of their wishes coming true.

Room

Roof extension
Kitchen
Room Hall

Balcony wC

Before

_ 1'\I'lln~ "",Il,
~ ~~t Phi",!'>'C' 'l,'\t ... no.,Ulll

D:::I2ii!jj;S 2nd l'h.l'l-l' l'\It.'n"lOrl

~ 3rd Pllil(,l" l"h.'n"ll1Tl
=::: :::::. DcIlllll"h<'d .. "Il,

Hoor plan
1 :;
r--_~

After 1\ 4

Figures 116&117. Plan of Rafaat's apartment before and after transformation .

• 85
Fig. 118. Access to Raafat's extension Fig. 119. Raafat's roof extension.
throllgh a hole in the kitchen's roof.
':. . ";;.'
~'.;>" "

'ê~::~;~iJ1~~7

Fig. 120. HaIi in Ibrahim's apartment Fig. 121. Appropriated gallery in

lIsed as a mllltipllrpose room. ibrahim's apartment

86
5.6.3.b Helwan

Case 4. : Ibrahim
Location: Fourth floor, Corner unit. Date of Occupancy: 1962
Original characteristics: Present characteristics:
Number of rooms: 1 Number of rooms: 3
Area: 26 sq.m. Area: 49 sq.m.
Family composition: ô.8. Family composition: rlJ.8. B &&

Ibrahim arrived with his wife in Helwan in 1962, after leaving their village in
Upper-Egypt. He was employed as a public sector worker in one of the factories in
the area and was allocated a one-roomed fiat (l room+hall) in a gallery-type block
(Fig. 122). During the first years of occupancy, the couple shared their bedroom
with their children, but as the family grew larger, the older children slept in the
hall.

In 1982, the family was composed of 7 children (5 girls and 2 boys). At that time,
the mother and her daughters used the bedroom while Ibrahim and his sons slept
in the hall. 5ince they occupied an end unit, the family appropriated the gallery
space in front of their entrance (Fig. 121) to accommodate a room which replaced
the hall in its prior functions (guest entertaining, socializing with neighbours,
food preparation, etc.).

In 1984, Ibrahim's neighbours decided to participate in building a muItistorey

extension. After being persuaded by the contractor, Ibrahim decided to join rus
neighbours. His eldest son had opened a small kiosk on a street corner in the
neighborhood, and by selling his wife's jewelry, in addition to the extra savings
from his son's business, he was able to pay the contractor. The total costs of the

87
•
extension was about L.E. 1 000 it was finished one year later and consisted of one
room with a balcony. Since one son has left home for military service and three
daughters are married the new room is actually occupied by Ibrahim and his wife
J J

while the remainig two daughters use the second room and the son sleeps in the
hall (Fig. 120).

fbrahim wishes to extend his apartment to the side of the block in order to add at
J

least two more rooms 50 his sons could get married. But he faces two main
problems: the lack of financial resources and the existence of a shop at grade level
whose owner clearly opposes any extension activity.

Room

Gallery

_ Ihisling w~lls

= Ist Ph.se ",tension

llDlIlIS 2nd Phase extension
= 3rd Ph.se e\lension
:;;:'::::. Dcmolishcd w.,lIs

3
Before After r 1 r
o 2 4

Figures 122&123. Plan of Ibrahim's apal'tment before and after transformation.

• 88
Case 5. : Abu Mohammed
Location: Ground fioor, Corner unit. Date of Occupancy: 1962
Original characteristics: Present characteristics:
Number of rooms: 2 Number of rooms: 7
Area: 36 sq.m. Area: 225 sq.m.
Farnily composition: Farnily composition: rfi K
The family of Abu Mohammed arrived from Upper Egypt, during the early 1960's,
seeking better econornic opportunities in the city. They were al10cated a two-
roomed fiat in Helwan after Abu Mohammed was employed as a public sector
félctory worker (Fig. 128). In the beginning, the children slept in one room while the
parents used the other. But as the children became teenagers, family members were
separated in different rooms according to their sexes. In 1982, the eldest daughter
got married, she was forced, with her husband, to live with her parents. Her
husband had only just started his own business as a contractor, and was unable to
buy an apartment for their own use. The newly wedded couple were given one
room, while the remaining daughters and their mother used the other and Abu
Mohammed with his son slept in the hall.

One year later, it was the son's turn to get married. He had found a job in the same
factory as his father, and with two additional earners in the farnily (both the son
and the eldest daughter's husband) Abu Mohammed decided to add one room to
the dwelling. His son-in-law, the contractor, was going to undertake the
construction. With the help of his wife, the son-in-law was able to convince
neighbours to join in. As a result, he managed to build his first multistorey
extension in the area which became an important precedent to other projects he
later undertook. The eldest daughter moved with her family into the new room,
leaving the former room for her newly wedded brother. Meanwhile, Abu
Mohammed continued sleeping in the hall while his wife and daughters occupied
the remaining room.

89
Following the divorce of their second daughter in 1987, and her return home with
her two children, the situation became unbearable for many family members.
Therefore, the family decided to build an extension to the side of the block (Fig. 129).
They were joil'led by their neighbours and this time, a larger multi-storey extension
was built adding as many as three rooms with large baiconies. As a result, the
parents moved into one room leaving their former room to their unmarried
daughters. The second daughter with her children got the second room, while the
eldest daughter got the third room which was used to accommodate her husband's
new business as a travel agent (besides his work as a contractor).

In 1989, The family decided to ex tend once more, this time without their
neighbours' participation. By adding a new room and accommodating a kitchen
with a bathroom in the existing room, the eldest daughter's family obtained a
separate dwelIing for their own use. The new room was used as an office for her
husband (Fig. 125). MeanwhiIe, a new shop (with an outdoor loggia) was built for
Abu Mohammed's eldest son who, besides his job as a factory worker, had started
his own business of seIIing used cars (Fig. 124). The space beneath the extensions
was aIso used as a basement for the storage of car engines and household items as
weIl as for keeping animais. FinaIly, after the divorced daughter had left to return
to her ex-husband, the son moved with his family into her room, while his former
room was converted into a guest room (Fig. 126). The family could not give an
exact figure of the construction costs, but Abu Mohammed's daughter estimated the
cost of one room ranging between L.E. 1,000 and L.E. 1,500.

At the time of the interview, Abu Mohammed was retired, he was busy looking
after his animais in addition to his son's used cars shop, while his eldest daughter
was taking care of her husband's travel agency (waiking around with a wireless
telephone!). The family had aIso planted two trees on the sidewaik and built a
typical "Maziara" (water jars supported by a stone frame) which, according to Abu

90
•
Mohammed, was an ad of charity for their neighbourhood (Fig. 127). His eldest
daughter had recently bought a ground floor apartment, located at the corner of a
11eighbouring block, for the priee of 15,000 L.E. He explained that it was relatively
expensive beeause of its location which allowed more extension possibilities. And
added that his daughter intended to move in the new dwelling after her hnsband
wo'_tld have extended it, àüd to leave her present apartment to her brother.

Ftg.124. The llsed cars shop. Fig. 125. The S011-Îll-law's travel agency

Fig. 126. Gllest ro011l ill Abu Fig. 127. The "Maziara" butU by Abu
Molza11l11led's apart11lellt. Molzamed's family.

• 91
• Room

Room
!)
o
Before
_ E,i.lin~ "',111'

::s:s:s:s::s::s l:!-t l'hilSl' ("trns.ion

zz:::t!Zi% 2nd Phi1~l' ('\tl'ns,lon

= Jrd 1'1l.1'~ ,'\l~n.ion

=::~~ D"m(",~h~d \V"Il~

Nl'W llllSCIIlr!Ilt

9Jt
I~--q
J~
(..l2.3,4,'.Ib
l'T
',' .;;;;;y.I---~

Grol/lld j100r
After
Figures 128&129, Plan of Abu Mohammed's apartment before and after
transformation,

• 92
• Case 6. : Abu Adnan

Location: Second f1oor, mid-block unit. D,üe of Occupancy: 1966

Original characteristics: Present characteristics:
Number of rooms: 3 Number of rooms: 5
Area: 50 sq.m. Area: 87.5 sq.m.
Family composition: BZ. Z. B z..8. Family composition:

The family of Abu Adnan lived in Cairo before rnoving to Helwan in 1966. Abu-
Adnan worked as a public sector ernployee and was allocated a three-roomed
apartment which he occupied with his mother, his wife and his three children
(Fig. 130).

In 1977, he got a job in Kuwait; and after a few years, his family joined him,
leaving their apartment to the care of his rnother and his brother. They were
forced to leave Kuwait after Iraq's invasion in 1990, but fortunate enough to
retum with ail their savings and belongings. Impressed by the nurnber of
multistorey ~xtensions in the neighbourhood, the family decided to extend their
apartment as weil. They arranged with their neighbours to build a multistorey
extension at the back side of the building (Fig. 132), and closed-in the balcony at
the front. In addition to enlarging the master bedroom, they managed to merge
the original hall, with the kitchen, the toilet, and an existing room to form a
large reception area with a living space facing the entrance (Fig. 133). A small
corridor gave access to the new bedroom along with the new kitchen and
bathroorn (Fig.l34). Finally at the backside, a large balcony decorated with plants
opened on a large public open space which was being transformed into a garden
through the residents own initiatives (Fig. 135).

93
• Abu Adnan explained that he was coordinating the work for the garden; and
that, with the help of hiR son, a civil engineer, he managed to coordinate the
construction of the multistorey extension as well. He paid the contrû.ctor L.E.
l,SOO, and added another L.E. 1,000 for finishings. The apartment was
completely renovated and was in an exceptional condition compared to the
other surveyed cases. Abu Adnan added that, in the future, he could always add
an extension at the back of his apartment since there was plenty of space
available. But because rus eldest son could not find a job, he was considering
going back to Kuwait with the family until his retirement and then probably
come back to stay in Helwan.

Ralc

Room Room

Balc~-~"~==-""""'"

_ E>jslillt: w~ll,

=
~
l,ll'h~,~ ~'l~n'lon
211d l'ho,~ ~,I~II,ioll

= 3rd l'hosc c,I~IIsion

==:.:. Dcmolishcd w~lI,

n 2 4..,

Before After

Figures 130&131. Plan of Abll Adnan's apartmellt before and after

transformation.

• 94
•

Fig. 132. Abu Adnan's extension (2nd. Fig. 133. Abu Adl1an's reception area
floor J. and living room.

.~
1
;

J
Fig. 134. New kitc/len i1l Abu Adllall'S Fig. 135. Abu Adnan's new ba/cOllY,
apartment.

• 95
5.6.4 Sodo-Cultural and Economie Factors Inherent to the Transformation
Process
The main reasons for transformations were summarized by previous studies as
following: accommodating relatives, increasing privacy and providing additional
income (Tipple, 1991). Although these reasons correspond to statements made
by households interviewed for this study, the outcome of the interviews' analysis
showed that transformations occured as a result of a complex set of interrelated
factors and events linked to different family histories. They could be defined as
causal and contributory factors to the transformation process. When analyzing
the process, it was found that the same factors that could start transformations, in
one case, could act as catalysts during the process, in another case. Therefore they
are presented as one group which is basically related to socio-cultural and
economic characteristics of households and communities.

1. Lack of alternative housing accommodation

Most of the households surveyed could not afford rnoving into a new dwelling
more adapted to their needs. As their need for more suitable accommodation
became more urgent, they were left with no other alternative than to transform
their existing dwellings, which was much cheaper than moving into a new
apartment, of sirnilar condition, elsewhere in the city. This was particularly
evident in the case of Abu Mohammed who extended his dwelling in order to
accommodate his daughter's farnily after they failed to find an affordable
apartment of their own. The same happened to Raafat who, after he got married,
did not have any choice rather than to built his own dwelling on top of his
parents' apartment.

2. Increase in household size:

Since the surveyed households first occupied their apartments in the 1960's up to
the tirne they started transformations, they had all increased in size (see Table 4).

96
As new children were born, the need for additional space became more urgent.
The case of Ibrahim perfectly illustrates this point, the household size grew from
2 to 9 in about 17 years while his one-roomed apartment did not increase in size
until about 20 years after they had moved-in. It should also be mentioned that
most of the interviewed familles expressed the importance they gave to having
separate rooms for children of different sexes once they reach certain age.

3. Marriage of a family member

As mentioned earlier, affordable housing is almost impossible to find for many
newly wedded couples; as a consequence, they often end-up by living with their
parents. Hence, in many of the surveyed cases, it was found that extension
activities mainly occurred as one of the children was getting married (usually the
son, since it is traditionally his duty to provide the house). This occurred in the
cases of Raafat and Abu Mohammed. While in the case of am Faten, it was the
marriage of her brother that led the family to close-in the balcony in order to
accommodate the new couple.

4. Divorce of one of the children

Under the Egyptian law, in case of a divorce, the wife does not have the right to
keep the house owned by her husband; therefore, she is usually obliged to return
to live with her parents. The family of Abu Mohammed had to extend their
dweIling in order to accommodate their daughter along with her chiIdren, after
she had been divorced.

5. Need for more privacy

Because of the fact that prototypical public housing units followed occidental
configurations, sorne of their design characteristics did not suit the occupants
from the socio-cultural aspect. This was what made Om Mohammed decide to
close-off the steel parapet of her exposed balcony (see fig. 46 page 50), while

97
Ibrahim's wife decided to use curtains at door openings inside her fiat in order to
increase privacy within the dwelling (see fig. 121). Om Faten, on the other hand,
used curtains on her new balcony so as to block the view from the exterior (see
fig. 111). Her husband also decided to make sorne interior modifications such as
altering the position of the bedroom's door facing the entrance and replacing it
with a mirror (see fig. 43 page 48), as weIl as separating the kitchen from the hall.

6. Need to accommodate new activities

Several of the households surveyed were fOllnd to have maintained sorne of
their rural traditions. This was illllstrated through the cases of: Om Mohammed
and Om Faten who have bird cages fixed to their balconies, in Ibrahim's case the
cage was fixed to the toilet's ceiling, and finally Abu Mohammed who used the
basement of his extension for storage and animal rearing (see figures 60&62, p.55).
"'f
- ~, ... - >
-

Fig. 136&137. POllItry breeding in toUets and storage accomodation llnderneath

beds.

In addition to keeping animais, many families were found to crowd their flats
with a huge quantity of stored household items which might be useful for future
need. Ibrahim's family stored their belongings in the balcony corners, on shelves

98
in the toilet (Fig. 136), and underneath beds (Fig. 137) and couches in all the
rooms, whereas Om Faten's husband built large wall c10sets in both the room
and the balcony for storage.

A final example is Om Mohammed's family who has appropriated part of the

unused public space adjacent to their dwelling in order to plant vegetables and
sorne fruit trees. This did not onIy save them sorne of the food expenses but it
particularly reminded them of their former gardening activities in their village.

7. Examples of previous transformations in the neighbourhood

Most of the households surveyed were strongly influenced by previous
transformation activities which had already taken place in surrounding
dwellings. For eXâmple, when Abu Adnan' family retumed from Kuwait in
1990, they were amazed by the scale of transformation activities that had been
going on in their neighborhood since the time they had left (more than 10 years
earlier). They subsequently decided to invest part of their savings in their
dwelIing, They totally renovated the flat's interior and built a new extension
with a large balcony (although they did not really need the additional room, and
that they were planrùng to return to Kuwait anyway). Abu Adnan explained that
given the fact that the extensions were being tolerated by the authorities, he
decided to take advantage of the situation while it lasts. Another example is
illustrated by the case of Raafat who, after watching his neighbours building roof
extensions, feIt more confident to extend without much fear from local.
authorities reprisaI.

8. Influence of neighbours and local contractors

The role of local contractors in persuading families to undertake transformation
activities was essential in many of the muIti-storey extensions in Helwan. This
role was also recognized by Ibrahim who joined his neighbours in extending,

99
after he was encouraged by the contractor who undertook the construction of the
multi-storey stack. Om Faten's husband was influenced by his lower neighbour,
who convinced him to build a new balcony which could also serve as a roof for
his neighbour's own extension. By sharing the costs of the common slab, they
both saved the costs of extending individually.

9. Additional Household Income

The increase in a household's income couId be an important incentive to
undertake transformations. The income of a household was compared with the
expenditure in order to assess the economic conditions of a household (a family
having more than one eamer could also have more financial responsibilities).
The total income of the surveyed households was estimated through a cross
examination of data about type of employment, number of eamers within the
family and the generalliving conditions within the dwelling (quality of
finishing, furniture, and household appliances). The differences between the
estimated income of interviewed households along with the number of eamers
and the household size, at the time of transformation, are presented in Table 4.

Case no. Household Nb. of Total

size earners income*

1 5 1 40
2 5 1 50
3 6 2 60
4 9 2 80
5 9 3 200
6 7 1 800

*= Estirnated rnonthly incorne in L.E.

Table 4. Household size, number of eamers and estimated monthly income at

the moment of transformation.

100
The additional income could result from the fact that the family gains a new
earner, but it could also be generated by a home-based economic activity such as
keeping animais or poultry, or opening a shop or other business. This is
illustrated by the case of Ibrahim (case 4) whose eider son had opened a kiosk on a
street corner before the family managed to realize enough savings to build their
extension. In addition, Ibrahim's wife had to sel1 her jewelry in order to coyer
the total construction costs.

In the case of Abu Adnan (case 6), the family decided to invest part of the savings
they realized during more than ten years of work in Kuwait, by building a large
extension and completely renovating their dwel1ing. Another example is the
case of Abu Mohammed (case 5) whose daughter continued to live with her
parents even after getting married. 5ince there were new eamers in the family
and that his son-in-Iaw was a contractor, Abu Mohammed managed to finance
the construction of two additional rooms. The additional space al10wed them to
start a home-based travel agency which was managed by Abu Mohammed' son in
law. The additional income generated by their new business al10wed them to
build yet another extension. Final1y, after Abu Mohammed's son had also started
his own business they decided to build a shop for the sale of used cars.

The case of Abu Mohammed represents a growing percentage of Helwan's

originally poor population which is prospering with the increase in commercial
activities within the neighborhood. On the other hand, the families of am
Faten (case 1) and Om Mohammed (case 2) represent a larger spectrum of public
housing dwellers whose economic conditions remain relatively poor. In the case
of am Faten, there was only one earner in the family, so she had to sell her
jewelry in order to build a new balcony. 5he expressed her family's wish to
extend as soon as their economic situation would improve.

101
10. Building skills of household members or relatives
The presence of skilled builders in the family as well as the help of relatives and
friends who work in the construction field encourage transformation activities.
This was evident from the case of Om Faten whose husband was a carpenter and
thus, carried out most of the transformation activities by himself (e.g. c1osing-in
the balcony and making built-in furniture). He also got help from a friend, who
was a steel worker, in building a new ba1cony. Abu Mohammed's son-in-law,
who was a building contractor, was the one who carried out the extensions not
only for his wife's family, but for their neighbours as well. Finally, in the case of
Raafat, the roof extension was entirely built by the family members using
scavenged materials such as wood and cardboard, since they could not afford
buying expensive building materials or hiring a skilled worker.

11. Cultural background of households

The influence of cultural background on transformation activity was particularly
evident in the case of Ibrahim. lhe value he has given to secure the privacy of
his dwelling's interior, as well as his decision to extend - which was more related
to his wish to separate male from female children rather than to reduce
overcrowding - refiect his rural background. The same importance given to
privacy by Om faten, who explained that blocking the view to outsiders also
protected her family from the "evil eye", also refiects her traditional beliefs.
Abu Mohammed's rural origins were refiected by his decision to build a
"Maziara" next to his new shop which is very common in Egyptian villages.

The difference in cultural backgrounds between Abu Mohammed's family and

that of Abu Adnan is evident from the following comparison between
furnishings and design configurations of their respective dwellings after
transformations.

102
Abu Moharnmed's dwelling was crowded with massive furniture, sorne walls
were painted in bright colours and others decorated with curtains, while rooms
were arranged around a hall which accommodated most household activities
(see figures 125 to 128). And in spite of the fact that the family was apparently
rich, the dwelling was generally in a poor condition (except for the guest room,
the office and the shop).

The fiat of Abu Adnan, on the other hand, was very neat, the entrance opened on
a large reception area which gave access to a living room decorated with modem
furniture and a 30" colour T.V. A lobby gave access to the kitchen and a corridor
led to the bathroom and a bedroom (see figures 131 to 135). Both lobby, kitchen
and bathroom floors were covered with ceramic tiles and the walls were freshly
painted in light matching colours. The balcony was decorated with a bird's cage
and flower pots. It was noticeable how Abu Adnan's family maintained their
apartment compared to most of the surveyed flats. Abu Adnan added with pride
that aIl household members were well-educated and that they gave much
importance to living in a cIean and healthy environment.

103
CHAPTER 6
 Chapter6
ANALYZING TRANSFORMATIONS: THE CASE OF AIN EL SIRA

6.1 Introduction
The main objectives of this survey were to investigate different patterns
through which transformations have occured within the same housing
project and to analyze the factors involved. Ain el Sira was chosen for the
purpose of this part of the study, since it combined both individual and
collective types of transformation activities. The variety of changes and
irregularity of extensions have given this project a dramatic appearance
which has impressed sorne researchers earlier (Steinber~ 1984).

6.2 Settings
Ain el Sira was built during the late 1950's and the early 1960's south west of
Cairo's citadel, on a area of approximately 40 hectares (almost 100 acres)
located between two main streets: Magra al Ayoun and Salah Salem (Fig. 138).
The project contains almost 5 000 dwellings consisting of one, two and three-
roomed units which are arranged in rows of four and five story walk-ups.
Land used for housing represents about 19% of the total area, while the rest is
mainly public open space. Each block has staircases giving access either to two
or four flats per floor (depending on dwelling size). The average habitable
area of one-roomed units is approximately 28 sq.m., while the area of two-
roomed units is approximately 36 sq.m., and in the case of three-roomed units
it is approxirnately 48 sq.m. Ali units have a kitchen, a w.c. with shower and
a balcony (Fig. 139).

104
•
As in most public housing projects, buildings are made from reinforced
concrete skeleton frames, concrete slabs and brick infill walls.

Fig. 138. Plan of the Ain El Sim project in Caira.

~oo~.

HaJI

..
,...---..
,

Fig. 139. Plan prototypes of one, two, and three-roomed lmits of tht' sllrveyed
sample .

• 105
6.3 Sample:
The sample selection was aimed at representing the same variety of
transformation patterns observed within the project area. The selection was
based mainly on the following criteria:

Variety in dwelling size (one, two and three-roomed units).

Different locations of dwellings in blocks facing public, semi public or
private spaces.
Different locations of dwellings within the same apartment block (Le. floor
level and position at the middle or corner of the block).
Different transformation types.

One typical block was selected in six different parts of the project (see
appendix 2, p. 197) for the purpose of examining change within a block and
detecting different types and patterns of external transformation activities at a
collective level. The survey then focused on six cases chosen in each block in
order to examine interior and exterior transformations in each dwelling unit
and to analyze its profile compared to its original characteristics.

6.4 Data Gathering

The instruments used for data gathering mainly consisted of observations,
sketches, physical measurements and photographie recordings in addition to
informai interviews conducted \\ith residents, shop keepers and local.
contractors. The gathered information focused on the foIlowing aspects:

The location of f1ats and blocks, as weIl as their original characteristics.

Types and patterns of transformations carried out in each block.
Change in dwelling characteristics such as: size, area, and use of rooms.

106
6.5 Sodo-Economie Conditions of Ain El Sira
Although this part of the study is only concemed "vith physical aspects of
transformations, a brief overview about the social and economic
characteristics of Ain el Sira's community is considered essential to
understand the context within which transformation activities take place.

According to a previous study by A. Ahrned (1990) in Ain el Sira the mean

family size in one-roomed units was 6.7 persons while in two-roomed units it
was 7.2 persons and in three-roomed units it reached 7.9 persons. In an
earlier survey, conducted by the MIT/Cairo University joint research team
(1977) in the same area, the mean family size was approximately 5 persons. In
addition to the high rate of population growth, this could also be explained by
the fact that extensions started to appear in the early 1980's; thus the increase
of dwelling size has possibly contributed to the growth of population during
the period between the two surveys.

Ain el Sira's dwellers are mainly (60%) private sector workers and employees,
many are merchants or have their private bUSh ·ess (Ahmed, 1990). Most of
the remainder are public sector workers anè employees and an unknown
number of them are jobless. One important characteristic of Ain el Sira's
community is the strength of social ties that bind the population inspite of
the disparities in terms of employment and incorne levels between residents.
This was evident from the strong interaction observed between neighbours
and the existence of informaI socio-economic networks aimed at financing
transformation activities. The attitude of local authorities towards the
informa! building activities has been undermined by the weight of locai
opinion within the neighborhood. This has provided a sense of security and
self confidence which has allowed transformations to occur on individual
and collective bases, without much fear of government retaliation.

107
6.6. Description of Transformations
The most common transformation activities observed in Ain el 5ira could be
summarized as following:

Interior transformations
Modifying the interior wall separating the hall from the bedroom, thus
enlarging the hall 50 it would be suitable for use as a room for guests and
family entertainment (see appendix 2: case#5 ).

Partly or completely separating the kitchen from the entrance or reception

area for more privacy, by building a new wall (see appendix 2: case#lO).

Repositioning the w.c. door, 50 access wouldn't have to be through the

kitchen (see appendix 2: case#7).

Exterior transformations:
. Closing the parapet with a masonry wall for privacy reasons.

Making openings through flank walls of end flats for additional windows
(see appendix 2: case#11&12).

Closing up windows in walls separating existing rooms from extensions

(see appendix 2: case#9&10).

Repositioning ~:le w.c. window when incorporating an existing

bakony into the dweIling's interior (see appendix 2: case#12)

Closing the balcony and incorporating it into the dweIling's interior (see
appendix 2: case#20).

108
 Appropriating unused spaces in public staircases for individual use such as
building shops or storage rooms (Figures 140&141).

Building ground floor, upper floor and roof top extensions. Other forms of
extension included private gardens and terraces. Terraces were often
accommodated on top of existing extensions and on roof tops (see
appendix 2: case#8&16).

Building multistorey extensions, with variable numbers of families

cooperating ranging from two to aIl families of the same vertical stack.
Stacks were either built incrementally or as single concrete frame
structures. Finishings varied from one dwelling to another but it was
noticed that almost aIl extensions were finished both internaIly and
externaIly.

Figures 140&141. Appropriation of space in public entrances and staircases.

109
Figures 142 & 143. Plan of block no. 1 (third from the right) and
surrounding blocks before and after transformation.

110
Figures 144 & 145. Computer generated perspectives of block no. 1 and its
surroundings before and after transformation.

111
 Figures 146 {1 147. Extensions have created dynamic environments similar to
informaI neighbourhoods .

• 112
Figures 142 to 147 illustrate how the originaily static environments have become
dynamic neighborhoods similar to traditional and informaI areas (note that only
the extensions in the two streets surrounding block 1 are represented).
IncrementaI building activities have turned wide unused open spaces between
blocks into lively narrow streets better controiled by residents and more adapted
to Egypt's hot climate. It was aiso noticed that the reduction of the area of spaces
between blocks, as weil au the fact that most ground floor units had gained direct
access to streets, has significantly facilitated the maintenance of open spaces.

6.7. Data Analysis

By anaIyzing coilected data (see appendix 2, pp. 199-222) the foilowing was found:

Out of the total 208 flats surveyed in six different blocks, only 6.25% didn't
reveai :my form of exterior transformation. On the other hand, 47.60% had
extensions, 35.58% had only enclosed bakonies, while other forms of
transformation such as gardens, terraces, cantilevered animal cages, closed
parapets and appropriated spaces in public staircases represented 19.23%,
15.87%. 12.50% and 3.85% respectively (Fig. 148).

Extensions at the ground floor Ievei were more frequent than those
observed at any other floor level: 70.83% of ail ground floor dweilers, of the
surveyed sampIe, had extended. This couid be explained from the fact that
ground floor extensions are among the easiest to build and do not
necessariIy require neighbors' cooperation. Since many muitistorey stacks
were built incrementaily, they did not always reach higher floor levels,
which explains the decrease in percentages of extensions from 41.7% for
second floor levels, to 31.3%, 20.8% and 18.8% for third, fourth and fifth
floor Ieveis respectiveIy. A higher ratio of roof top extensions (35.42%)
reflects the tendency of top floor dweilers to extend verticaily rather than
horizontally (Fig. 149).

113
• Extensions
Transformation occurrence accordlng to each type observed.

47.60'7.

Appr. ot public staircase

Gardens /terracas

Animai cages

EnCiosed balconles

Closing parapets

0.00% 5.00% 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 45.00 50.00
% % % % % % % % %
% 01 lotsl nb. 01 unite

Fig. 148. Cumulative chart representing different types of transformations

occuring in tlze six sllrveyed blocks.

Percentage of dwellings unfts wlth extensions per t100r

- Roof top extensions

- Firth f100r extensions

"o
0;

..
~ - Fourth Iloor extensions

-o
- Third troor extensions
i.
-'
- Second f100r extensions

- Ground tloor extensions 70.83%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 4(, 00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00%
% 01 total nb. 01 unite

Fig. 149. Cumulative chart repreSelltÏ11g extension activity 011 eaclz floor of tlze
six surveyed blocks.

• 114
 Extensions were generally carried out on the balcony side of blocks with
the entrance side used for gardens. However, in the case of one-roomed
dwellings, extensions were carried out on both sides of blocks (see block 1
in figure 143) following the fact that units were arranged back to back.

The average area of extension was found to be approximately 30 sq.m.

with larger extensions occurring at both ground floor and roof top levels
(Figures 150&151). Corner dwellings had larger extensions than mid-block
units, since they extended in two directions. The largest extension was
found at the ground floor level with an area of approximately 78 sq.m. The
depth of extensions ranged between 2.0m. and 4.75m., and their widths
ranged between 3.0m. and 8.5m.

In terms of the percentage of increase in a dwelling's floor area, higher

percentages were found in one-roomed units where an average of 100%
increase was recorded (Fig. 152). This could be explained by the high
levels of overcrowding observed in these units (see page 74). On the other
hand, the average increase in area of two and three-roomed units was 68%
and 79% respectively. The maximum increase in floor area was found in the
case of a two-roomed unit where it represented 204% of the original area.

The average room size decreased 18.43% in one-roomed units, and by

8.71% and 10.02% in two and three-roomed units. Whereas the number
of rooms increased by 250% in one-roomed units and by 85% and 61%
in two and three-roomed units respectively (Fig. 152). This reveals
residents' tendency to increase the number of rooms rather than their size.

New dwelling sizes varied significantly: 100% of the total surveyed cases
had at least two rooms, 86% had three rooms, in addition to four, five
and six-roomed flats which represented respectively 67%, 17%, and 8% of
the surveyed sample.

• 115
• Number of % 01 units
•
Area of extensions ISa.m.) Average size Total area of % increase in
Level of extension dw. units Der floor < 10 10><20 20><30 30><40 40><50 >50 01 extension ex!. (SQ.m.) total floor area

Ground floor 34 70.83% 5 18 5 3 3 29.41 1000 54.35%

Second fJoor 20 41.67% 1 15 4 26.50 530 28.80%
Third floor 15 31.25% 1 12 2 25.67 385 20.92%
Fourth lIoor 10 20.83% 1 7 2 26.00 260 14.13%
Firth 1100r 3 18.75% 1 1 1 25.00 75 11.72%
Roof top 17 35.42% 2 1 6 8 36.76 625 33.97%
. .
Fig. 150. Frequency distribution of extensioHs nccordmg ta nrea.

Roof top

_13,28%
Fifth floor

_14,13%
Qi Fourth floor
j
...o
o
u:: Third floor

28,80%
Second lIoor

54.35%
Ground lIoor

10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 45.00 50.00 55.00
Area (m)
,
, • Average size 01 extension - ~~r,,-entage. ?I in~rea.s~ in total fJoor area .
. - - -
Fig. 151. Average size ofextensions nnd percentages ofincrease in total flaar area accarding ta each leve!.

116
 -------------------.- . --.. . --..
•
-~-- _.~-~~-------------~ -----.--~--.--~~-~ --~.---

Ê 90.00 -
r
,
& 80.00
~ 70.00 .
al
~ 60.00 .

.g
al 50,00 --
40.00 -. I.B;k,~; T ran~-f~~~~ti~~1
== 30,00 _. o After Transformation
~ 20.00 - ------------_._~~,._--~---

al
à 10.00 --
~ 0.00- -1
One- Two- Three
roomed roomed roomed
Size of original dwelling

?&14.00·-
16.00 -1-
1/)
';' 12.00 --
.~E 10.00
8.00--
1 .-B~~re Tran~f~rmati~~1
eo
~
~
6.00--
4.00
2.00
t .t~_~~~~__Trél~sf()rf!l~~~on 1

~ 0.00--
One- Two· Three

l
1

, roomed roomed roomed

Size of original dwelling
1 . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -.. -- -.----- ---·····------.-- .. 0

!
5.00 -'0--
~ 4.50
o 4 00 --
o ·
.. 3.50 ..1
C) 3.00 1-
.g 2.50 or·
----.-.----- .. ---. --
• Before Transformation 1
- --1

li) 2.00 -
~ 1.50 - .L~__ ~!t~r.!ransformation l '
à 1.00 --
> 0.50
<1: _.
0.00 -, _., 1

One- Two- Three

roomed roomed roomed
1
Size of original dwelling
1
L.....

• Fig.152. Change in averagefloor nrea, room size, and number of rooms.

117
•
The new plan configuration in transforrned units basically consisted of
a rnultipurpose hall surrounded by roorns (Fig. 153), which is sirnilar to
the typical d welling design in informaI developments. Many households
enlarged the hall so as to serve more purposes other than circulation
(food preparation, laundry, storage, socializing with neighbors, etc.), which
lead to an increase of 71 % in average area of halls (Fig. 154).

On the other hand, the average area of rooms decreased from 12.97 sq.m. to
11.51 sq.m.; a decrease of 11.31 % from its original size. Several cases were
found where kitchens were separated from entrances for more privacy.
Extensions were also used to accornmodate new kitchens or toilets usually
larger than the original ones. Enclosed balconies were generally replaced by
new ones of larger area which explains the 65% of increase in average area
of balconies. FinaUy, several of the surveyed cases were found to have
added a store-room, a basement, or an animal cage usually outside of their
dwellings; in addition, a significant percentage of ground floor extensions
were used to accommoda te shops.

IIQII
'" l. :c."":..
---I===~C-
'"'" '0" ~Kltllf

_ Exl&llng .. lill

El nt c:ony =N9" ...aU

C :::J Rernoved ""u

Plon b~rore lrunsforUlOlions Up Plan afler transformations

Fig. 153. Change ill a dweLLillg's conjïguratiol1 as a result of transformation .

• 118
• 1···· .-.. ----.-- ...-.----.-.-----~~------.-.-.

14.00

12.00
- -.. -- - - -..-.---.-.--.-.------.--. ---------..---..---..----- ----... _...-- ..

64.93%
! 80.00%
1
1 70.00%

60.00%

10,00'
tiO,OO%

40.00%
8,00
E
ci- ll
..
.e-
l'!
. 30.00%
c( 6.00
. 20.00%

10.00%

4.00 li 0.00%

::::.
0.00%

-10.00%

Entrance Hall Kilchen w.c. Room Balcony

Funcllon

L- Original Area - New A~~~--- .__ ~,:~~~~~g~:?(C~~ng~J

Fig.154. Comparison between average areas ofspaces before and after transformations.

Overall, the average area used for circulation decreased in all types of units.The
most significant change was found in one-roomed units where circulation
space decreased by 42 % (Fig. 155). On the other hand, the area of utilities (i.e.
kitchen,W.C. and bathroom) increased in the surveyed sample, more
particularly in three-roomed units where an increase of 61% was recorded.
Most of the surveyed cases added much more living space to their units than
was originally provided: areas increased by 158% in one-roomed units and by
64% and 55% in two and three-roomed units respectively. Finally, the highest
percentage of increase was recorded in area of open spaces (balconies, terraces
and gardens), reaching as high as 368% in two-roomed units; whereas in one-
roomed units it only increased by 10% reflecting the priority given by its
occupants towards increasing interior rather than exterior space.

• 119
 The percentage of total dwelling area used for different functions has
changed significantly in the surveyed sample (Fig.l56). In the case of one-
roomed units, an important reduction in percentage of space used for
circulation (from 21% to 6% of the total dwelling area) as weIl as utilities
and open spaces, has allowed an increase in the percentage of living spaces
(from 52% to 68% of the total dwelling area). Whereas in the case of two
and three-roomed units, the percentage of total dwelling area occupied by
living spaces, circulation and utilities was reduced in order to allow an
increase in the percentage of open spaces. Changes in the repartition of
spaces in aIl three types of dwellings have resulted in accommodating
rnany new functions such as keeping animaIs, storage and home-based
economic activities.

1·roomed
400%
368%

350% .
m
~
Îij 300% .
• 258%
~> 250% .
m
o
-; 200% .
~

.s~ 150% .
158%

ë
~ 100% .
m
ë 64'%
•~ 50%, 39%
fi.
0% . ---_._'
·5%
7%
_.,---------
-4%

·50% ;
·42%
Unit type

Il Circulation _ UtilHies :1 living spaces Open spaces

Fig. 155. Change in average area of space llsed for different fllllctions.

120
 One-roomed units
Before After

11 % 0% 9% 6%

16%

68%

Two-roomed units

Before After

6% 0% 12% 1%7%

14%

0%

66%

Three-roomed un=ts
Before After

0% • Circulation
6% 14% 6% 8%
• Ulillties

9% • Slorage-cages

0% C Living space

~_-::. Open-spaces

Econo. activily

61 %

Fig.156. Pereentage Of dwe/ling's area l/sed for different fl/netions before and after transformation.

121
Fig. 157. Black no. 1 Fig. 158. Black no. 2.

Fig. 159. Black /10. 3. Fig. 160. Black no. 4.

Fig. 161. Black /10. 5. Fig. 162. Black no. 6.

122
6.8 Interpretation of Charts
. The charts show that extensions were most frequent in certain blocks, while
in others, the majority of households did not go beyond closing-in balconies.
In previous studies, this has been explained as being the outcome of
differences in spatial needs between residents. Hence, the lack of extensions
in three-roomed flats was seen as a reflection of a lower perceived need for
more space (Tipple, Wilkinson and Nour, 1985). In this study, the fact that
68.75% of three-roomed units in block no.6 had extensions (Fig. 163) versus
37.5% of all one-roomed units block no.1 (Fig. 164) suggests that factors such
as the economic conditions of occupants may be involved. By comparing
transformations in two blocks of two-roomed units, it was found that in the
first block (no.3), which was occupied by a larger number of relatively
wealthier families, extensions were carried out by 65% of households (Fig.
165), while only 35% of those occupying the second block (no A) had extended
(Fig. 166).

. By examining profiles of extensions in the six blocks surveyed (Fig. 167), two
main patterns couId be identified: the first, shows a dramatic drop in the
percentage of extensions between ground and upper floor levels, with a
sudden increase in the percentage of extensions at roof level; the second
pattern shows a gradual decrease in the percentages of extensions from
ground floor to roof level. This could be explained as being a result of
variable degrees of individual versus collective transformation activity: when
extensions are carried out individually those at ground and top floor levels
are the most advantaged while for residents of other floors, the task is more
complex. On the other hand, when extensions are carried out collectively
they resuIt in more regular patterns since they generally oHer better
opportunities for all residents to extend.

123
• Extensions

Appr, of public sleircaso 6.25%

37.50%

Gardens 1 terraces 8.33%

Animal cages 10.42%

Enclosed balconics 47.92%

Closing parepets 14.58%

0,00% 5.00% 10.00% 15,00% 20.00% 25,00% 30.00% 35.00% 40.00% 45.00% 50.00%
% or lotal nb. or unlts

Fig.163. Transformation OCCl/rrenee aecording to type in olle-roomed WlitS (block no.1).

Extensions 68.75%

Appr. of public slairease 0.00%

Gardens 1 terra ces

animal cages 25.00%

EnClosed belconies 12.50%

Closing parapets 12.50%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

% 01 lolal nb. 01 units

Fig.164. Transformatioll OeCllrrellce accordhzg ta type in tlzree-roomed 111litS (black 110.6) .

• 124
• Exlensions

Appr. or public stalrease

Gardens 1 terraees

animal cages

Enelosed balconles 52.50%

Ctosing parapets

-----+------j-------I-----------·+-·-----·-----··I-·-·-·-··---·----··1
0.00% 10.00% 20,00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00%
% of tOlal nb. of unite

------------------------------------_._-_.... _-- .. -
Fig. 165. Transformation occurrence according to type in two-roomed units (bloc~_'.~q~1.( __
T ' ]
Exlensions 65.00%

Gardens 1 lerraees

.,.".
animal cages 20.00%

"'''~,.",,- .L 1
1 1

Closlng parapels . 7 , 5 0 %

-+1------;---.---+---.-----+-----~,---- ------+------- ------1

1
0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50,00% 60.00% 70.00% 1

% of total nb. 01 unlle 1

L...- . J
Fig. 166. Transformation occurrence according to type in two-roomed units (block no.3).

• 125
 • •
BlOCK 1 BlOCK 2 BlOCK 3

-Rooflop Rooftop Rooftep

extensions extenslOl"5 emnsîons
.:•
.
Il Cl fifth lloor
- founh Hoor • FOUfth floor •
.."
IC
li
exter1S1ons
•
ii
Cl Eltensions
ii
Cl
• Fourth
e~tensîons
floor

~
•
li
- ntird lIoor
extension;
- SecorJ:! floor
..
""•
Ttud floor
eltenslOns
• SecorU floor
.. el terlSio ns
""•a Tt1rd floor
Extensions
Ci
:1> exterlSlons
,.
'0
extensIOns
,.
i Seoordfloor
75.00%
li
...1
- GroLJld floor
•
... GrourxJ floor ...
Il
mensions
Grourrl 110er
66.67'16 87.50% 75.00%
ExtensIOns el1 ensiors e\tens'ons
0.00% 20.00~ 40.00% 60.00% BO.OO~ 0.00% 20.00% 40.00% 60.00% 80.00% 100.00% 0.00% 20.00% 40.00% 60.00% BO.OO%
'l6 01 total nb. of units per lIoor % 01 total ob. of units pel lIoor % of total nb. of units pel lIoor

BlOCK 4 BlOCK 5 BlOCK 6

Rooftop Roof top Rooftep

exterlSlons eltensions ellensiotli
.:•
Flfth floor Il Il
• FOlJl'th floor ~
.. founh lloor

...."•
Il
c:
extens;cns
If fourlh lloor
ii
Cl eltensiors
! ThJrd fJocr ..•
Cl
Il
eltensiors

li
e\tenslons
Third floor
e~tensions
..••
le
Elten5lOns ..•
l( ThJrd lloor
eltensions

Ci SeoorU 11001' ,.
'0 Second IJoer '0 Second llaor 75.00%
> eltensions
t
...1 e~tenslOns ...•
ellerbicrs
...•
Ground flocr GrourU lloor Greund floor
62.50% 62.50% 75.00%
e\tenslollS eltensiolls Eltensiofl;
1 1
0.00% 20.00% 40.00% 60.00% BO.OO~ 0.00% 20.00% 40.00% 60.00% BO.OO% 0.00% 60.00% BO.OO%
% of total nb. 01 units per 11001 % 01 tolal nb. 01 un'Ils pel Iloor % of total 00. of un'Its per lIoor

Fig. 167. Charts represeutillg exteusio1ls at I!ach floor lei.1e/ l1l the sn: sltrveyed blocks.

126
 . The increase in number of rooms of dwellings was significantly more

• important than the increase in floor area (Fig. 168). This was mainly due to
the following reasons:

a. For households who have extended their units, priority was given to
increasing the number of rooms rather than their size; therefore, by
reducing areas of new rooms, they managed to add more roOInS to their
dwellings.

b. Many households who did not extend, transformed the hall or balcony into
a rOOIn, thus increasing the number of rooms without changing the total
floor area of the dwelling.

. -~-~~_.~-",_._--~~._-,_ .. _--_.~~_._-------
-----_._. -------~----- ._-_ ...
1-roomed 2·roomed 3·roomed
-------t--·---~-~---·-·--------- ---~ ~------- 1
500%

450%

400%

350% -
9l
lU
!! 300% .
S
~ 250%
î
Iii 200%-
~
:. 150% -
100% -

50% -

-... M
~
~
~
~
~
~
~
...
N
M
~
~
N
~
N

--- -~------------------ ----------------- -~ ---

Fig. 168. A comparison between the average percentage ofincrease in nrea and in number ofrooms
in the surveyed sample.

• 127
By exarnining the correlation between increase in total area of dwellings and
change in area of spaces according to their function (Figures 169 to 174), it was
found that:

a. There was absolutely no correlation between the increase in total area of

dwellings and the increase in area of circulation.

b. Strong correlation was found between the increase in total dwelling area
and area of utilities, which reveals the tendency of households to
increase the area of utilities as their dwellings grow larger.

c. The percentage of increase in area of living spaces reached a high of

200% as the total dwelling area increased up to 120%, but beyond this
limit, it dropped to 50%. This could be explained by the fact that after
fulfilling their most urgent needs in terms of living space, households
tended to extend for other purposes such as providing more open spaces
or accommodating a shop or a storage room (see paragraph d & el.

d. The only increase in area of spaces used for storage or economic

activities occurred when percentages of increase in the total dwelling
area exceeded 100%.

e. Open spaces increased drarnatically at two instances: once, when the

percentage of increase in total dwelling area reached 50% and again,
when it exceeded 110%. Besides confirming the finding mentioned in
paragraph c, this also reveals that households tended to appropriate
relatively large open spaces at the early stages of transformation, which
could be used for future extensions.

128
 • •
-- --~~--~--~-

1 ~
250.00% r T 100.00%
t 80_00% p
~
250.00% i 250.00%
1
JJ -0
250.00%

l"i 200.00%
T25.00
1
.1
20.00 ~
. •

i
200.00%! 60.00%
40.00%
1 .s:
200.00% 1 200.00% :
li
.s:
1

..
-= -=1'"
ë 150.00% 1 20.00% !li 1 150.00% 150.00% .. ~
'"
i 150.110% 15.00 ~

.B
o
~'" u .. !!:I,
~i. i ~ 0.00%
uS
.5
Ouf
.E!
-"
u •
.s: .. ~
'0

~
100.00% - ·20.00%
. o
ll.
100.00% 100.110% -"
.='>
0 " 100_00%
DI
111.00 il
!
1 50.00%
·40.00%
·60.00%
-80.00%
S
~
l.
~
~
"
Il.
50.00% 50.00%
S
"~
l.
~
rli
Il.
50.00% 5.00 :
ti
D

0.00% 1 -100.00% Il.110% 0.00% 0.00% Il.00

ca.. ~ Cltooo
r"---· _ _ ,
~.~Inc.ease jn rola1 ales - - tnc;rea!e in Maa or cilcu~alion 1
-~

~~'e-ase ir'l to'a1 ftoor alea - - Inctease III alea or IMng spaces j : ~S~ tncrease in Eota1 tloot atea - - atea. 01' neW' economic: activities 1

Fig. 169. Comparisoll belweellllle i1lcrease in total area Fig_l71. CompariSOl1 betweenlfle il/crease inlolal area Fig.173. CompariS011 betweell Ille illcrease illiola! area
and i1lcrease in area ofcircl/lati01l alld illcrease ill area ofliving spaces alld illcrease in nrea ofIlew ec01l0mic nclivity

--_._--_.- --------- --------- " ------- -_._----_... ---_. - - - - - - - _ . - .....• _--- '--1
.. 250.00% r 250.00% 250.00% r ,2500.00%
1
250.00% i 30.00 !

! 1 s J
~ . 1
L 25.00
..
:

J i
200.0Q% ': 2000.00%
li 200.00%
200.00%
..
! ~
.s:
200.00% 1 .
!
.s:
i
!
i
150.00%
1
1
150.00""

100.00%
!g ïi: 1u"
.5 !
150.00%
1500.00% .; •

1000.00% ~
...
:::
-"
il'
!:
~
150.00%
20.00

15.00
:"
li i
iS .
a" o
r
II. 100.00% T
& S
\00.00%
f
olt
.. 0
ll. 10t-.00%
10.00 ~

i~
50.00% 500.00% .!l
~ I"I a
50.00% t
1
0.00%
li
li
Il.
!
I l.
511.00% •
0.00% ;;;
Il.
i. 50.00% 5.00 :
ti
·50.00% 0.00'\\ d ii, Il.00% Il.00
-500.110%
ca- e.a- ca...
i ~ lnaeasa in tQEaI 11001' Bles --Increase io area 01 utillties' ._::.~_: r.I'lC!!~~~~I~.~~_a~a_~_._~~ase
~ arl3a o!..~~~! . ~ Jnctease În talai "oor area ---=;;-;~ anilIJi\J cages. and slorage spac~
---- - ----------- J
Fig.170_ Comparisoll belweell tire incrcnsc in total area Fig.l72. Compnrison betwl'CIl tire illcrease in tolal arl'a Fig.174. COlllparisOIl betwee1l Uze illcrease i1l total area
and Îllcrellse ill nrca of IItilities alld iIlCrt'aSl' ill area ofopell spaccs alld arca ofanimal cages alld lle'W storage spaces

129
CHAPTER 7
 Chapter7
FACTORS AFFECTING TRANSFORMATIONS

7.1 Introduction
Understanding transformations implies identifying implicit factors that affect
the process and result in different extent of transformation developing in
different projects. This study has set as an objective to examine two categories
of factors: factors related to context and others related to dwellings. To this
purpose, it was necessary to measure the extent of transformation in different
projects and to compare it with housing characteristics in each project (Tables
5&6).

Transformations were recorded in areas which were selected in the surveyed

projects. Data col1ected was anaiyzed through frequency distribution and
percentages of different transformation activities (Table 7). By assigning
numericai weights of importance to each type of activity based on its cost, it
was possible to measure the extent of transformation which basically
consisted of the SUffi of percentages of different types transformation activities
recorded (Fig. 175).

The result was compared to housing characteristics in each project (e.g. area,
number of units, density, built-up area, location, level of existing services,
layout patterns, spaces between blocks, design of dwellings, etc.). By
examining correlations between variables, it was found that, on both the level
of housing environments and housing units, the fol1owing factors have
primarily influenced the extent of transformation which has taken place in
the surveyed sample.

130
 Nb. of Density* Percentage Av. distance %of % of %of %of
No. Project Area
units* of built-up between l-roomed 2-roomed 3-roomed 4-roomed
(sQ.m) (un.lhect.) area* blocks (m) units* units· units· units*

Alexandria
11,400 192 168 27.83% 10 0% 0% 66% 34%
1 El Azaritah
2,350 299 28.03% 12 46% 36% 18% 0%
2 lombrozo 78,500
36,000 1,140 317 25.12% 10 42% 30% 28% 0%
3 Ghobrial
446 319 17.01% 15 70% 30% 0% 0%
4 El Gabbari 14,000
2,560 320 30.90% 10 25% 55% 15% 0%
5 El Mafruza 80,000
900 353 28.50% 12 70% 30% 0% 0%
7 Kom el Shuqafa 25,500

Cairo
18.21% 12 20% 60% 20% (lOlo
6 El Zawya el Gedida 340,000 4,000 118
14,500 310 214 22.96% 12 0% 100% (lOlo 0%
8 El Kossayirin
940 258 25.08% 9 0% 64% 36% 0%
9 Bulaq 36,500
100,000 1,572 157 24.10% 14 0% 47% 35% 18%
10 Zeinhom
2,900 227 23.95% 10 43% 43% 14% 0%
11 Ezbet Bilai 128,000
33.90% 7 (lOlo 100% 0% (lOlo
12 Ahmed Helmi 11,000 440 400
2,710 217 22.00% 11 58% 30% 12% 0%
13 El Zawya el Hamra 125,000
4,100 205 19.69% 11 33% 51% 16% 0%
14 El Sharabeya 200,000
1,300 158 22.73% 15 0% 25% 50% 25%
15 El Teraa el Bulaqiya 82,500
680 272 19.67% 10 40% 60% (lOlo 0%
16 El Wayli 25,000
28.86% 8 30% 54% 16% (lOlo
17 Imbaba 26,000 472 182
5,600 126 19.52% 13 23% 43% 24% 10%
18 El Amiriya 445,000
5,000 147 19.44% 12 17% 67% 16% 0%
19 Ain El Sira 340,000
6,800 162 18.95% 12 20% 55% 25% 0%
20 Helwan 420,000

*= Estlmated figures based on surveyed samples

Table 5. Cilaracteristics of tlle sllrvl?lJed projects

131
No. Project Construction Target Distance to Level of existino services and activities in the area*** Total
period* Group*** city center** Conditions of Community Transport. Commercial Sources of
(km) onen spaces services activities Emplovment

Alexandria
1 El Azaritah 1964-66 3 1.87 3 3 3 1 3 13
2 Lombrozo 1964-68 1 2.75 3 3 1 1 3 11
3 Ghobrial 1966-69 2 8.50 3 2 3 2 3 13
4 El Gabbari 1962-66 2 2.79 1 0 2 1 3 7
5 El Mafruza 1960-66 1 3.55 0 2 3 1 3 9
7 Kum el 5huqafa 1959-62 1 1.88 0 2 3 1 2 8

Cairo
6 El Zawya el Gedida 1975-80 1 4.60 1 3 2 1 1 8
8 El Kossayirin 1961-62 2 4.70 1 1 3 1 1 7
9 Bulaq 1962-64 3 2.10 0 3 3 2 3 11
10 Zeinhom 1957-58 3 4.50 2 3 2 1 3 11
11 Ezbet Bilai 1961-64 2 3.70 0 1 3 1 2 7
12 Ahmed Helmi 1963-64 2&3 1.30 2 2 3 2 3 12
13 El Zawya el Hamra 1960-63 1 4.80 1 1 3 0 2 7
14 El Sharabeya 1960-62 1 2.30 1 2 1 0 2 6
15 El Terâa el Bulaqiya 1958-59 2&3 3.60 1 3 3 1 3 11
16 El Wayli 1962-64 2&3 6.60 2 1 3 2 2 10
17 Imbaba 1960-61 2&3 7.90 2 2 3 1 3 11
18 El Amiriya 1957-60 2&3 4.70 2 2 3 1 3 11
19 Ain El 5ira 1957-60 2&3 5.60 2 3 2 0 2 9
20 Helwan 1960-64 2&3 25.00 2 3 3 2 3 13

*~ Corresponds to penod of main phase of construction (e.g. In Kum el 5huqafa 2 blocks were already bUilt ln 1928)
** = City center chosen for Alexandria~ Orabi Square. and for Cairo~ Ramses Square.
***~ Numbers are based on a score system iIIustrated in page 132A.

Table 6. C/mmcteristics of tile sllrveyed projects

132
Score System for Tablé! 6

Status of tafl~et group:

1 = Mainly resettled population (sium clearance projects)

2 = Mainly government and public sector workers
3 = Mainly government and public sector employees

Level of existing infrastructure and services in the area of the project:

- Conditions of open spaces (streets, sidewalks and spaces between blocks):

o = Ali streets, sidewalks and spaces between blocks are unpaved and
undemarcated.
1 = Only main streets are paved with demarcated sidewalks.
2 = Main streets and sidewalks are paved, while spaces between blocks are
unpaved but demarcated.
3 = AlI streets, sidewalks and spaces between blocks are paved.

- Community services
0= None
1 = Schools and religious buildings
2 = Schools, religious buildings, limited social or health services
3 = Schools, religious buildings, social and health services

- Transportation:
0= None
1 = Taxis
2 = Taxis and Bus service
3 = Taxis, bus service and tramway or railway line

- Commercial activities:
0= None
1 = Few shops
2 = Shops and commercial areas (streets and market places)
3 = Shops, commercial areas and small businesses (workshops,
manufacturing, contracting and other enterprises).

- Sources of employment:
0= None
1 = Commercial areas
2 = Manufacturing and smalI businesses
3 = Heavy industries or public sector employment

132 A
Project Closing·in balconies Ground f100r and New balconies and 5mall multi-storey Regular multi-storey Extent 01
or public galleries roof top extensions upper fJoar extensions extensions w-<2.Sm. extensions w-2.5 - S.Om. Transformation

El Azaritah 55% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0.55

lombrozo 45% 28% 0% 0% 0% 0.73
GhobriJI 58% 35% 0% 0% 0% 0.93
El Gabbari 55% 40% 0% 0% 0% 0.95
El Malruza 54% 43% 0% 0% 0% 0.97
El Zawya el Gedida 62% 50% 0% 0% 0% 1.12
Kom el 5huqala 40% 113% 0% 0% 0% 1.53
El Kossayirin 50% 83% 90% 0% 0% 2.23
8ulaq 50% 88% 60% 78% 0% 2.76
Zeinhom 85% 123% 117% 0% 0% 3.25
Ezbet 8ilal 44% 188% 180% 0% 0% 4.12
Ahmed Helmi 32% 70% 96% 240% 0% 4.38
El Zawya el Hamra 35% 175% 156% 0% 120% 4.86
El 5harabeya 25% 188% 129% 90% 144% 5.76
El Terâ el Bulaqiya 10% 93% 60% 420% 0% 5.83
El Wayli 25% 145% 57% 0% 360% 5.87
Imbaba 23% 120% 81% 498% 0% 7.22
El Amiriya 47% 215% 144% 0% 420% 8.26
Ain El 5ira 36% 155% 84% 0% 576% 8.51
Helwan 2% 128% 24% 0% 936% 10.90

Type of Transformation Area (5q.m.) Materials Average Cost (L.E.)

Closing-in balconies or public galleries 2.00 - 4.00 Wood, Brick, Aluminum 200
Ground flaoT and roof top extensions 2.50 - 75.00 Wood, Tin, Brick, Concrete 500
New balconies and upper flaor extensions 0.75 - 5.50 Wood, Steel, Aluminum, Brick 600
Small multi-storey extensions (depth<2.5m.) 3.00 - 15.00 Brick, Concrete 1200
Regular multi-storey extensions (depth~2.5 - 5.0m.) 7.50- 40.0 Brick, Concrete 2400

Tables 7&8 Percelltages ofdifferellt types of transformatioll activities recorded ill tlle sllrveyed
projects and cllaracteristics ofeacll type of transformatioll.

133
1200% -

1000%

800% '

600%

400% '

200% '

0%
.c 0 <ii .~ ct! ct! .l!' c: tT E <ii 'Ë ct! c:
g N N "0 'c ct! .0 ct!
'C e 'C
.0
0
.0
.0 2
<ü
'5
Q)
ct!
tT
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ct!
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m
0
.c ID Qi
I
ct!
.0
;:
Qi
N
«
ct! .0
E
.c
Cl
ct!
Cl ::;; Cl .c
(JJ
<J>
<J> ,n" Qi
.0 "0
.§ I
0 Qi 0 N N Q)

Lü ....J Lü Lü ct! Qi ~ w E
Lü .c
~
ct!
E
0 «
N ~

Lü
• Closing-in balconies & gaUeries _ Ground lloor & rool!op extensions _ New balconies & upper floor extensÎons '1 Small mulli-slorey extensions Regular mu!li-storey extensions
- - -- -- --

Fig.I75. The extent of trallsfor/nation in the sllrveyed projects based on percentages of tmnsfor/nation activity
observed.

134
7.2 Factors Related to Housing Environments:

Area:
The most extensive transformations were generally observed in projects
which coyer areas of more than 300,000 sq.m., whereas - with only three
exceptions - projects smaller than 40,000 sq.m. were generally less affected by
transformations (Fig. 176). A possible explanation could be that the size of the
project affects the level of local authority's control over the project.

Number of dwelling units:

Large-scale transformations were generally concentrated in projects of more
than 4,000 units, while more limited activities were found in projects of less
than 1,000 units (Fig.178). This could be due to the fact that larger populations
are more difficult to control by authorities and thus, residents are usually
more self-confident in terms of engaging in large collective transformations.

Density:
Transformation activity seems to be inversely proportionate to density. In
projects where densities were less than 220 units per hectare, extensive
transformation activities have taken place; whereas, with only two
exceptions, the rest of the projects were less affeded by transformations
(Fig.180). This contradicts with the assumption that high density (meaning a
more urgent need for additional space) usually results in more extensive
transformation activity. It could be argued that low density (meaning more
public space available for extensions per dwelling unit) could be an important
incentive for dwellers to carry out extensions. Density was also found to
affect the degree of greenery observed in each project. More greenery was
recorded in projects with densities of less than 240 units per hectare (Fig. 179).

135
 ,- .....- .•.... -.........

•
12 r 450,000
1

1 400,000
la
1 350 ,000

"
.9
1ii B 300,000
E
250,000 E
0
Vi è-
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6
200,000 l!!
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.. 4 150,000

100.000
2
50,000

0 0
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Projecl
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- ,,,xtent 01 transf_ormati~n --Area(~g:!'1,l ,

Fig.176. Tlze effect ofarea of projects on the extent of tral1sformation observed.

12 7,000

" 6,000
la

c 5,000
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B !!!
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_ E.tent 01 translormation -Nb, 01 dwelling UMS

Fig.177. The effect of number of 1111itS in projects ail tlze exteJlt ~f transformation observed.

• 136
• .
.2
1ii
8
400

350

300

250
~
fi
ê III
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--
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Fig.178. The effect ofdensity of projects 011 the extent of transformation observed.

400

350

300

250 cT
1
III

3
200 :[
~
150 :g
~
100

50

0
c a
~ il ~
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ë0 <Il &. III 'c
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1 1_ Degree al ne'o\l~ greenery -~D-~~~iIY (unllsisq:-~:îl

1 .__~ ~ :::__=====__=____====.~=_=__====_=:~:_==_ __. , _

•
Fig.179. The effect ofdensity ofprojects on the amount ofgreenery observed observed.
137
Built-up area:
With a tew exceptions, transformation activity was generally affected by the
percentage of built-up area in each project. Higher percentages of open space
in projects with less than 20 % of built-up areas, allowed more
transformations to take place than in other projects where built-up areas
exceeded 24% of total areas (Fig. 180).

Duration of existence:
Projects built in the early 1970'5 were less affected by transformations than
ones built during the late 1950'5 and the early 1960'5 (Fig. 181). In the absence
of housing mobility in Egypt, older projects have generally more stable
communities with stronger social ties between residents. This factor was
found to be important catalyst to the spread of transformations, in addition to
the positive role of social and economic networks between residents in the
building process.

Distance from city center:

Although transformations occurred in all of the surveyed projects regardless
l'rom their location within the city, it was noted that building activities tended
to decrease in projects located near the city center while the largest
cooperative building activities were observed in remote areas (Fig. 182).
However, sorne projects which had witnessed extensive transformations
were situated in proximity to the city center, but their locations in not easily
accessible areas or on marginal sites made them less subject to government
controi. It is suggested that the attitude of local authorities is usually stricter
in central and strategie parts of the city than in peripheral and marginal areas.

138
• c
oS!
10
j..
12'

10· .

8-
. 35.00%

30,00%

25.00% !
...
go
20.00% ~
1: .c
.; 6
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Prolect

1- Exlanl of transformalion - Percanlage a' buill'UP a~

Fig.180. The effect ofbuilt-up area in projects on the extent of transformation observed.
I-------------·-~~-~~~---~- -~-~-~-~-.------------- ....-----.. ----------..--.---
12 :l5

:l0
10 -

+1+1+ ~a
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ProJect

L -:~=-==e=xt=en=l=o='=lr=an=s=,o=rm=a=1i=on===D=u=ra=lio=o=o=,=e=xÎ=st=en=c=e~I J
Fig.181. The effect ofdu ration of existence ofprojects on the extent oftransformation
observed.

• 139
• 12

la
! 25.00

2000

~
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I
i 15.00
f
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iij iil ül
project

Fig.182. The effect ofa project's distance from city center on the extent of transformation
observed.

Level of existing services:

There was almost no correlation found bernreen the level of existing services,
(e.g. communal facilities and transportation) and transformation activity
(Fig.183). Variable extent of transformations were observed in areas of similar
conditions. However, factors such as existing commercial activities and
conditions of open sp~lces were found to influence transformation activity.

lt was found that the lack of existing commercial facilities has resulted in the
emergence of a huge multitude of home-based econornic activities in four of
the surveyed projects, while in other projects, which were originally provided
with commercial buildings, economic activities had also increased. Of the
total surveyed projects, only three remained purely residential (Fig. 184).

• 140
• 12

10 ..
14

10 fi
1
CI
c
~
--
o
iC
III
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;:j 4 .
iii
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Fig.183. The effect of leveZ ofservices in projects on the extent oftransformation observed.
r---------------~·--------·--·-·---·---··~----~-~·---· ..~~----
3·· 2

1.8

.. 2.5' .
1.6 ~
..
:1 'u
~
1.4 :!
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III
~

i O.B
CI

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Q 1-
0.6~
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1
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1

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+ + ..••• _._j :.2 · i
.r: ." '" C co c
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co Qj

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~
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J:

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~ 1
[il
1
PrO/Bel 1

[_ Level of new economic ac1ivilies Level of exisling commercial faclli!!!!]

. ._i ~._.
Fig. 184. The effect of the level ofexisting commercial facilities on the development of new
economic activities.

• 141
•

Fig. 185. Unpaved open spaces in El- Fig. 186. Extensions developing
Amiriya have encouraged extensions to demarcation fines.

~'I

Fig. 187. Completely paved open Fig. 188. Extensive transformations in

spaces reduce extellSiOl1 possibilities. blocks facing large open spaces.

Different levels of finishing in streets and open spaces has also influenced the
extent of transformations observed, and more particuhrly extensions. Very
limited extension activity was observed in projects where an streets,
sidewalks and open spaces were paved. Whereas the most ex~~nsive building

activities occurred in projects where open spaces between blocks were

unpaved but demarcated (Fig. 189). This could suggest that households were
more encouraged to extend after clear limits were set between public territory
(streets) and what is viewed as "private" territory (sidewalks around blocks)
which is usually appropriated by residents (see figures 185 to 187).

• 142
• 12

10
·3,00

·2.50

·2.00
fi
.
:t
<:
K
o
.
."
<:

j
ë
1.50
..
'0
~ 4 1.00 :!l
w .g
:;:;
2 0.50 u
5

a
.. cr ." .'" 0,00
'lii
cr
:>
.=
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d3 ~
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m
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Oi i:il :.: E ~ ilJal i:il
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ProJect

r- Exlenl of transformation
---------~~-~---~--------~~-----.---_
Conditions 01 slreets and op~~~J
... __ .- ._-_.
Fig.189. The effect ofconditions ofopen spaces in projects on the extent oftransformation
observed.
,----------------~----------~--

12· . ·3.00

la .. 2.50

2.00
a.
:>
l!
1.50 ~
..
Cl

~
1,00

~
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0'

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&:
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5
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!j ~ i:il iil ~
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in
ProJect

1_ Extenl of lransformalion Target group]

Fig.19D. The effect ofsocio-economic conditions ofthe resident population on the extent of
transformation observed.

• 143
Socio-economic conditions of the resident population:
Extensive transformations were found to be carried out by populations
consisting of a combination of different income groups (e.g. public sector
workers/employees) (Fig. 190, aIso see p. 196). This could be partly due to the
fact that in many cases of muIti-storey extensions, wealthier families have
helped out those with lower incomes by financing the major part of the
structure costs. In other instances, multi storey stacks were initially built by
higher income families while those with lower incomes joined in at a later
stage, after they could afford paying their share of the costs. It should be noted,
however, that both public sector workers and employees have stable incomes
which aIlow families to pay installments to contractors or lenders in order to
build extensions. Moreover, common activities and work places (as in the case
of factory workers) can stimulate contacts between residents and encourage
participation in collective transformation activities.

On the other hand, communities which mainly consisted of poor famiIies,

such as resettled populations from sIum clearance projects, were found to be
legs active in terms of engaging in cooperative building activities. FinaIly,
sorne of the least transformed projects were found to be occupied by
government employees who belong to the middle income group. This could
be partly due to the lower need for space and the relative spaciousness of fIats,
which rnainly consisted of four-roomed units. However, further research may
be required in order to determine whether other factors might be involved.

7.3 Factors Related to Housing Units

Location of blocks
Transformations seemed to decrease in blocks located on the outer border of
projects, particularly in those located on main streets (Fig. 187). On the other
hand, more extensive transformations took place at the inside of projects,
particularly in blocks facing large common open spaces (Fig. 188).

144
 ~IO'"

Fig. 192. Narrow spaces in Ahmed

Fig. 191. The effect of available open Helmi have reduced the scale of
space between blacks on extensions. extension activity.

Open space between blocks:

Large extensions were more frequently observed when the distance between
adjacent blocks exceeded 12 m (Figures 188&191). On the other hand, where
spaces were less than 8 m., extensions did not exceed 1.5 m. in depth (Fig. 192).

Layout of blocks
Three patterns were identified in the surveyed sample (Figures 193 to 198). In
the first case, vast open spaces, created by arranging blocks in parallellines,
represented an enormous waste of land which could have been used for
extensions. In the second, a more compact layout achieved by arranging blocks
in parallel and perpendicular rows with relatively narrow spaces between
blocks has resulted in higher densities and less available open space for
extension activity. Finally, the third pattern which consists of small groupings
of blocks c1ustered around semi-public squares, proved not only to be the most
efficient in terms of land use (with 23% of total area used for housing); but was
also found to allow relatively large extensions, to promote collective
participation, and to enhance dwellers' control over common open spaces.

145
 -=-_
• --l
, ----
....J-O---
L 1L.-.J '

:1 _ - -- -
-.,0
--J -
---
- a_ - -
- -
-
--'-a--~
-J- -
.J -.-
--
--
--
- - 0
0-
--
-
-0-
-
-

-
.J. .,_a_-
--J
-01-
- .- - r'
....., -
-0- -
-0 -
_ _ .. _
-D

-~
-
l

r- -" - - Ir---
L

Figures 193&194. Blacks arranged in paraUel rows have created vast unused
open spaces in El Zawya el Gedida (16% of total area used for housing).

J~ WLJw'!
f-.JL..J~
I!..J L
-

----c: . _
_ __ L--
r--

--0 ----C
--
-
__- Cl.__ ==r:= =)=e
:J =IIIIIII~ IInU 55 §

Figures 195&196. Blacks arranged in paraUel and perpendicular rows with

narrow spaces between blocks in El Zawya el Hamra (20% of area for housing).

Figures 197&198. Blocks c1ustered around open spaces have encouraged

extensions in El Teraa el Bulaqiya (23% of total area used for housing).

• 146
Design of blocks:
Different extension profiles developed out of different block designs (Figure
199). Blocks with accentuated facade projections (type2&3) were found to
encourage extension activity which took place by filling-in alcoves and open
corners (Fig. 200&201). While the most common design (type1) allowed equal
extension possibilities for all fIats, blocks type 2 and 3 allowed larger extensions
for corner units. In mid-block units of block type 2, narrow frontages have
resulted in new rooms to be arranged perpendicularly to the original facades so
as to increase their widths (Fig. 202). On the other hand, double-loaded blocks
with fIats arranged back to back, have lead to the development of extensions at
both sides of blocks (see fig. 157) thus resuiting in higher densities and lirniting
the possibility of future extension activity for occupants. Finally, in certain
projects (e.g. Zeinhom), blocks were raised too high above grade level which
significantly reduced the nurnber of ground fIoor extensions observed (Fig. 203).

Location of fIats within a block

The largest and most frequent extensions were found at the ground fIoor level,
followed by top fIoor units who usually extended on roofs. The remaining
fIoors were found to have lower rates of extension activity (Fig. 204). Corner
units were also found to have generally larger extensions than mid-block units.

Design of fIats
Figure 205 shows how sorne of the different pratoypical designs of fIats have
resulted in different configurations after transformations took place. Wasted
circulation space and narrow raoms have reslllted from the transformation of
fIats type lb. and 2, while widE'!' raoms but with problems of cross circulation
through existing rooms have resulted from transformations in fIats type la & 3.

147
 ~
D E BEI E!
~ ~
BElE!
:,
~,

B= Original
black
E= Extension
El = Jst stage
extension
El= 2nd stage
Type 1 Type 2 Type3 extension

Fig. 199. Different extension profiles Fig. 200. Facade projections and
develop from different block designs. alcoves encourage transformations.

Fig. 201. Extensions developing at Fig. 202. New rooms arranged

open corners of T-shaped blocks. perpendicularly to original facades.

Fig. 203. Blocks raised too high above Fig. 204. Extensions more frequent at
grade reduce grolll1d floor extensions grolll1d floor and roof top levels.

148
 ...... ,

•
, .............................

.. . . .....:., .... ,> .. . .

• •••• •••••• •••••• • 1 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . :• • • • • , <...

...... :- ..

·.· .=== .
. ~==;::~ .........

.: •• 5lc;~ •••...•••. .;... .. .. R~I'l ...

....-.
~ .:
Io:l~;;;;:...--I'-..;.,.-"""
....· ;. ..

. . . ... ~ .. .. .. . . . ..... ~ .... . . .. .. . . .. , ..... " ..... '.' '.' .

Type la. Type lb.

, : ~ ~ i· ~ . ••... i .••••• / •.••.. :..•••.. :.•..... :..••.•.:.•.....:.••

. ~ ~ .

., \ .

., . , .... .....
~

· : : ~·~n=====~
.
....... , " ' . " ' " .. iRoOl'l ..: .... · ····ô·

...;. ;. :.Lo-_--!"'--a. , .. • •••• ;. •••••• i- •••••. :..••.•• :• •.. ........... ,•.

Type 2 Type 3

Namc = Actual use of room

(Name) = Intcndcd use

Fig. 205. Different design configurations obsenJed in the surveyed sample as a

result of trmlsfonnatiOlls.

• 149
CHAPTER 8
 ChapterS
CONCLUSIONS

S.l Summary of Findings

This study has shown that transformations can vary widely according to
different housing situations. Most of the projects surveyed included a
combination of different types of transformations as described earlier.
However, two main patterns were identified based on whether transformations
were carried out on an individual or on a collective basis.

Determinant factors and outcomes relative to each pattern of transformation

were analyzed. Individual transformations, which usually required less
cooperation between neighbours and fewer financial resources, were found to
be more wide-spread in the surveyed sample; collective transformations, on
the other hand, were more limited in their occurrence, and were a function of
neighbours' agreement, contractors' ability and users' financial capability. A
given project's location in an area where local authorities maintained a firm
attitude also limited the extent of collective building activities. While
individual trar>.dformations created more variable and irregular patterns,
reflecting individual needs and aspirations, collective transformations resulted
in more uniform patterns, with more impressive effects on environments as
weil as a significant increase in total area used for housing, higher quality
structures and improved infrastructures and services.

Socio-cultural and economic factors linked to family histories have also

influenced the transformation process. The increase in household size coupled
with a lack of alternative housing accommodation have prodded families to
transform their dwellings to meet their new needs. The marriage or divorce of
one of the children, the need to improve privacy or to accommodate activities

150
which the original designs of dwellings failed to accommodate ( such as storage,
keeping animais and gardening), could ail be important incentives to
undertake transformations. The results of previous transformation
experiences as weil as the influence of neighbours or local contractors also
played an important role in the household's decision making process. Finally,
it was found that the increase in household income and the presence of skilled
builders in the family could facilitate and, hence, encourage transformations;
while differences in cultural backgrounds of households could influence their
choices in terms of type of transformation undertaken and the design
configuration of the transformed dwelling.

The study of Ain el Sira revealed that ground floor extensions were the largest
and most frequent type of transformation observed. Closing-in balconies was
also very common. Different patterns of transformation were observed in
different blocks. Contrary to previous findings, extensions were more frequent
in three-roomed flats than they were in one-roomed flats. This was most
probably due to the economic conditions of residents which also seemed to
have influenced the extent of transformation observed in two similar blocks
occupied by families with different incomes.

Two main profiles of extension patterns were identified in the surveyed

sample. The first reflected an individual pattern of extension with irregular
drops in frequency of extensions between different floors, while the second
reflected a collective pattern of extension with more regular extension profiles.

The outcome of transformations not only led to an increase in a dwelling's

area, but to a significant variety in both size and configuration of dwellings.
New plans comprised more living space, larger open spaces, and new spaces for
poultry and animal keeping, gardening, and home-based economic activities.

151
More efficient use of space was also achieved by significantly reducing the area
of circulation, using inventive "space saving" techniques for storage, and
slightly reducing the size of new rooms in order to increase their number.
After fulfilling their most urgent needs in terms of increasing living space,
families tended to extend their dwellings for other purposes such as providing
more open space (which could be used for further future extensions) or
accommodating a shop or a storage room.

By analyzing transformations, it was found that different factors related to both

housing and household characteristics have affected transformations in the
surveyed sample in the following ways:

- At the level of housing environments, the most extensive transformations

were concentrated in vast projects with relatively larger populations, whereas
smaller projects were less affected by transformations. Lower densities and less
built-up area, on the other hand, were found to encourage transformation
activities.

Dlder projects were usually more affected by transformations than more recent
ones, and the further a project was located from the city center the more likely
large-scale collective transformations would occur.

The level of finishing of streets and open spaces within the projects also played
an important roIe: unfinished but demarcated spaces between blocks seemed to
have encouraged large multi-storey extensions in many of the surveyed
projects, while totally paved streets and sidewalks were found to have
discouraged extension activities in other projects. The lack of commercial
services has also encouraged the emergence of shops, small businesses and
home-based economic activities in several of the surveyed projects.

152
The socio-economic conditions of public housing populations have also
affected transformations. The most extensive collective transformations were
carried out in projects which combined different income groups (see page 144).
On the other hand, collective activities were found to decrease in projects in
which residents mainly belonged to only one group (Le. the middle income or
low income group).

- At the level of housing units, transformations were found to increase in

blocks facing relatively large open spaces and located towards the inside of
projects. F1ats grouped in srnall c1usters around common open spaces were
found to be the ultimate setting for the development of collective
transformation activities such au multi-storey extensions and public gardens.
Accentuatcd facade projections were found to encourage extensions, and
ground floor extensions were much more limited in blocks where ground floor
f1ats were raised too high above grade level.

In general, extensions were larger and occurred more frequently at ground floor
and roof top levels than on other f1oors, and f1ats located at corners of blocks
allowed larger extensions than those in the middle. Finally, it was found that
layouts of transformed f1ats largely depended on their original designs which
determined the size, direction and arrangement of new rooms.

8.2 Conclusions and Recommendations

User transformation of public housing projects is likely to continue in Egypt as
long as its benefits ouh\'eigh its costs. Regular visits to the surveyed areas
during a three month period revealed that transformations were increasing on
a rapid scale in many projects. All of the projects showed signs of ongoing
building activities regardless of the variable stages of development observed in
each project.

153
Overall, transformations have created more housing accommodation better
suited to household needs and provided families with opportunities for
income generating activity. They have also produced more personalized and
lively neighbourhoods with a mix of overlapping activities, with more efficient
use of spaces, and in many cases with rehabilitated buildings and improved
infrastructures.

The fact that transformations have generally resulted in producing better

quality dwellings and environments demonstrates that users are capable of
successfully achieving what governments often fail to accomplish: sustainable
and economic housing accommodation. Moreover, users were found to be
capable of managing and financing building activities through informaI local
networks without any intervention or assistance on the part of governmental
or non-governmental organizations.

It is therefore recommended that users remain in total control of the process of

transformation of their housing environments. The attitude of local
authorities has, in many instances affected transformation activity. While strict
attitudes adopted by local authorities did not stop the spread of transformations,
it has affected the scale and pattern of transformation activity as described
earlier. Hence, governments should play a more positive role as "enablers", by
legalizing existing transformations and allowing - if not encouraging - future
transformers to undertake building activities, as long as they are carried out
within acceptable standards and do not represent a hazard to other residents.

5ince it is the author's belief that governments in many countries will proceed
with the production of public housing, it is therefore recommended that new
projects should take into consideration the possibility of future transformation
activity from the early planning and design stages:

154
- Allowing different income groups to co-habit in small groupings within
relatively large developments could promote the development of socio-
economic ties, strengthen local feeling and facilitate collective building
activities.

- An efficient distribution of open spaces, which would reduce the percentage of

public spaceand increase the size of private space between blocks without
necessarily increasing density and built-up area, could encourage
transformations and reduce its negative effects such as poor lighting and
ventilation.

- Demarcating spaces between blocks, while leaving sufficient "unpaved" space

for private use, could promote extensions and help avoid conflicts between
neighbours.

- Locating infrastructure networks in suitable vertical and horizontal positions

could prevent hindering future extensions and ensure easy access for
maintenance.

- Choosing c1ustered layouts of blocks could enhance dwellers' control over

common open spaces and encourage collective transformation activity.

- Using appropriate designs for both blocks and flats could facilita te future
expansion and rearrangement of internai spaces.

-Avoiding the use of minimum standards for internai spaces could allow
more flexibility in terms of accommodating different activities and furniture
layouts.

155
More important than these proposed "design guidelines" is the change in the
attitude of professionals resulting from the experience of user transformation.
Existing housing policies and codes of practice should be reviewed in the light
of actual transformations in different projects through empirical in-depth
studies.

Finally, housing should be seen as a process of constant transformation and

endless variation. Professionals should learn from such experiences to
understand people's interventions as they ref1ect their needs, values and
aspirations. There is certainly a lot to be learned by looking at user
transformation as it unfolds in a continuing open-ended process of unexpected
developments.

156
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Ahmed, MA, (1990) "Housing Flexibility Synthesis and Application", PhD

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Alexander, C. et al., (1985) The Production of Houses. Oxford University

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Bahgat, H. A., (1984) "Housing Generation in the Informai Sector in Egypt",

Phd dissertation, The School of Architecture, University of California,
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Bayad. M. A., (1979) "Housing and Urban Development in Egypt", Phd

Dissertation, School of Architecture, The Royal Danish Academy of Art.

Casault, A., (1988) "Understanding the Changes and Constants of the

Courtyard House Neighborhoods in Beijing", Master thesis, Department of
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Chiri, T., (1985) "Housing in Egypt: a Preliminary Over-view", Open House

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Dasgupta, A.S., (1990) "Negotiating for Growth and Change: a Study of User
lnitiated Transformation of Formai Housing", Open House International,15,
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Dayaratne, R, (1991) "Supporting People's Place Making: the Role of the

Architect in Housing - Experience from Sri Lanka", Open House
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DIuhosch, E., (1993) "Strategy for the Design and Delivery of Staged Housing",
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El Fortea, S. (1989) "The Courtyard House Versus Progress and Development

in Libya: a Case for Compromise",Open House International, 14,2, pp.13-17.

El Saity, M., (1981) "Use and Organization of Domestic Space in the Arab
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157
_-" M., (1984) "Low-cost Housing: Public versus Private Action",
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Farahat, N.A., (1985) "Towards Successful Housing Strategies in Egypt",

Master thesis, Faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State
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Farid, M., (1993) ''Cost Assessment of the Government's Low Cost Housing in
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Fouad, M., (1983) "Planning for Development in Egypt", Habitat

International., 7,3/4, pp. 185-197.

Freedman, J., (1975) Crowding and Behavior. The Viking Press. New York.

Friedman, A. and Papamarkaki, K., (1989) "Design for Users' Interventions in

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Ghanem, H., (1993) "InformaI Settlements in Cairo" Al Ahram March 11,

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Goethert, R., (1978) "Sites and Services as a Prerequisite for Orderly Housing
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Approaches to Housing Poticy and Production in Egypt, TAP Report 78-4,
Cairo.

Greger, a.and F. Steinberg (1988) "Transformations of FormaI Housing :

Unintended Evolutionary Developments as Inspiration for Innovative
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Habraken, N.J., (1972) Supports: An Alternative to Mass Housing ,

Architectural Press, London.

=-_=" N.J., (1976) Variations: The Systematic Design of Supports, MIT

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.,......._-:-'. N.J. (1980) "Design for Adaptability, Change and User

Participation", Proceedings of Seminar Three, Architectural
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158
Habraken, N.J., (1985) Transformation of the site, Atwater Press,
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Hamdi, N., (1990) Housing without Houses, Van Nostrand Reinhold, New
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Hassan, F., (1969) Architecture for the Poor, University of Chicago Press,
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Kellett, P., Toro, A. and Haromoto, E., (1993) "Dweller-initiated Changes and
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Kardash, H. and Wilkinson, N., (1991) "Development within Development:

User Extensions of 4-storey Walk-up Housing in Cairo - the Case of Helwan",
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Oxman, R. and Carmon, N., (1989) "The Open Form", Open House
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Papamarkaki, K., (1989) "Growth in Above Ground Apartments with Special

Reference to the Greek Apartment House", Master thesis, Mc Gill University.

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___--.".-::-., (1983) "Development, Culture Change and Supportive

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159
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Tipple, A.G., (1991) Self help Transformations of Low Cost Housing: an

Introductory Study , Urban International Press, Newcastle upon Tyne.

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Housing Supply Mechanism: A Preliminary Study", Working paper,
University of Newcastle upon Tyne.

Tipple, A.G., Wilkinson, N. and Nour, M., (1985) "The Transformation of the
Workers City, Helwan: Multi-Storey Extensions Observed", Open House
International 10,3, pp.25-38.
Turner, J. F. c., (1976) Housing by People: Towards Autonomy in Building
Environments, Pantheon, New York.

-::-:----,._~'
(1979) "Housing:!ts Part in Another Development" in
Housing Process and Physical fOl'ln, From Proceedings of Seminar Three in
the Series: Architectural Transformations in the Islamie World, held in
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160
APPENDIX 1
 Appendix 1
DESCRIPTION OF SURVEYED PROJECTS

I. Alexandria

1. El Azaritah

100 0 100m
,..
III!!!!''''
,..
!

Settings:
The project is located near the city center at about 500 meters from the sea
coast and lies on the corner of Abdel Rahman Rushdy and Riyad Pasha streets
(Fig. 206). It was built on the site of a squatter seUlement (Ezbat el Megariya)
in the 1960's and consists of 6 six-storey blocks covering an area of
approximately 11,400 sq.m. Blocks are arranged in six parallel rows forming a
45° angle with Abdel Rahman Rushdy street, and contain a total of
approximately 192 flats of which one third are four-roomed while the

161
remainder are three-roomed. Flats were allocated to middle class employees
working in the public sector. The project is surrounded by commercial
facilities, schools, hospitals and the city's main university. lts proximity to
public transportation services such as a tramway line and bus services, allows
easy access to other areas in the city.

Transformations:
Unlike many public housing areas, this project seemed to be in a remarkably
good condition. Whereas most blocks did not undergo much transformation,
they appeared well-maintained (repair works on a public staircase were being
carried out at the time of the survey). The only forms of transformations
observed were enclosed balconies and new windows made in flank walls of
blocks. Streets and sidewalks were paved and open spaces in the northem
part of the project were fenced and planted with greenery. There were no
extensions observed in the project, which could partly be due its central
location within the city and govemment's strong control over the area.

2. Lombrozo - El Hadara
Settings:
Located at the entrance of Alexandria, east of the Cairo-Alexandria highway,
the project was built in the 1960's next to an industrial zone and covers an
area of approximately 78,500 sq.m. surrounding one of Alexandria's main
hospitals (Fig. 207). lt c:onsists of a total of 42 blocks containing approximately
2,350 ilats less than half of which are one-roomed while the remainder are
two and three-roomed. The blocks, as built, were either four or five stories
high, but on almost ail of them an additional storey was subsequently built by
local authorities. Hence, more than half have become six-storied while the
rest are five storied. Streets, open spaces and sidewalks are paved and well-
maintained. The central area is occupied by a mosque and a school, and

162
 surrounded by green areas. The ground floors in four of the blocks - located

• near the (~enter - are used to accommodate commercial facilities as ,,,'eU as a

food cooperative. A public bakery and a social affairs center are also provided
within the project; and a police station as weU as several schools and hospitals
are located in the area. Transportation services such as a tramway line, buses
and taxis are available on main streets and a railway station is located north of
the project.

lao 100 lOO

:
311
!

Fig. 207. Location of Lombrozo

Transformations:
The only major transformation activities were carried out by the government
and consisted of adding one floor to almost aIl blocks in the project.
Residents' building activities were more restrained and were limited to
making openings in flank walls or closing-in balconies. A few wooden stalls
used for commercial activities were observed at the sides of blocks (one was a

• 163
food cooperative built by the governrnent). The fact that ail streets and
sidewalks were paved could have been a factor which prevented residents
from extending on public land (it also has limited the amount of greenery
observed in the area), other factol"s may include the location of the project at
the entrance of the city which has led auihorities to maintain strong control
over the area

3. Ghobrial

Fig. 208. Locatioll of Gilobriai \ .. \ ..

S.~ttin&s:

The site lies between a tramway line and Mustapha Kamel street in the
eastern sector of Alexandria (Fig. 208). The project was built during the late
1960's and covers an area of approximately 36,000 sq.m. It consists of a total of
20 blocks containing about 1,140 flats of which less than half are one-roomed
and the remainder are two and three-roomed. Flats are arranged in parallel
rows with less than 10 meters of space between each row. Blocks were

164
originally five stories high but one additional floor was later added by the
government to all of them, and contrary to the original flats, the ones added
had no balconies. A school, a mosque, a children's public library are provided
within the area. While a market place and other commercial facilities are
located on Mustapha Kamel street and several factories lie south of the
project. Transportation services such as a tramway line, buses, taxis are
available on main streets and a train station is located east of the project.

Transformations:
Blocks as wel! as open spaces appeared to be in a moderate condition, and a
few leakages were obser"ed on facades. Streets and walkways were paved and
garbage collection service was provided. Transformations were limited to
making windows in flank waUs of blocks, closing-in balconies and building
ground floor additions made of wood or lightweight materials. Those
additions were mainly used for commercial activities. Except for a very few
trees, there was almost no vegetation observed in the area. The limited
extension activity could be due to several factors such as the streets and
sidewalks being completely paved, government's strong control over the
area, and finally the limited open spaces between blocks.

4. El Gabbari
Settings:
This project is located near Alexandria's western harbour north of El Mex
road (Fig. 209). It is one of four small public housing projects that surround El
Gabbari neighborhood. The project was built during the early 1960's, it covers
an area of 14,000 sq.m., and consists of a total of 12 five-storey blocks
containing approximately 446 flats of which 70% are one-roomed "nd the
remaining are two-roomed. Blocks are laid out in parallel rows surrounded
by large open spaces. Two-roomed flats are located at the eastem side of the

165
project, while one-roomed flats occupy the rest of the estate. All units are
arranged back to back with common staircases for every four flats. Ground
floors in two of the blocks are entirely used to accommoda te commercial
facilities. Many residents work in the nearby harbour or in shipping and
industrial activities around the project. Othe!.' than two mosques, there were
no community services observed in the area. Bus services é.\nd taxis, on El
Mex street, connect the area with the city center.

Fig. 209. Location of El Gabbari

Transformations:
Blocks were found to be in a moderate condition and had undergone lirnited
transformations. The most common types of transformations observed were
closed-in balconies and new ""indows made in flank walls. A few ground
floor extensions were also observed, these \Vere generally used to
accommodate commercial activities. Open spaces between blocks were
unused and poorly maintained.

166
5. El Werdeyan· El Mafruza

. '
'DO
1-
lO.
,
,- ,.'DO
...,.
Fig. 210. Location of El Werdeyan

Settings:
Located in the western part of Alexandria, the project was built during the
early 1960's for resettled populations from El Gomrok district (Fig. 210)., The
site lies adjacent to the Gabbari Quarantine and close to an industrial zone.
The project covers an area of approximately 80,000 sq.m. and consists of a total
of 42 five-storey blocks containing approximately 2,560 flats of which more
than half are two·roomed while the remainder are one and three-roomed.
Schools, mosques are provided within the project; and a market place as weIl
as a hospital are located in proximity. The Alexandria-Matrouh railway line

167
 passes south of the project. In addition, a tramway line, located on El Aman

• street, as weIl as bus services and taxis, on El Mex street, connect the area ,vith
the city center.

Transformations:
The physical condition of blocks in the area seemed somewhat deteriorated
because of continuous leakages of pipework on facades. The blocks had also
undergone limited transformations, mainly consisting of windows made in
flank walls, closed-in balconies, sorne enclosed gardens, and a few ground
floor extensions. Open spaces behveen blacks were neglected and often used
for garbage disposaI.

6. Kom el 5huqafa - Karmus

.~

\ DO 0

Fig. 2 ~ 1. Location of Kom el Shuqaja \ ..

IIiiiiit!!'

Settings:
The project is adjacent to the archeological site of Pompey's Column next to

• 168
the Catacombs of Kom el Shuqafa south-west of the city center (Fig. 211). It
covers an area 25,500 sq.m. and consists of a total of 13 five-storey blocks
containing approximately 900 flats which are one and two-roomed. The first
two blocks were built as early as in 1928, but the remaining blocks were only
completed in the early 1960's. Flats were allocated to resettled populations
from sIum clearance projects within the city. Paradoxically, the project is now
surrounded from its eastern side by a squatter settlement which developed
along the walls of the archeological park. The designs of blocks are
particularly different from any other types encountered during the survey.
Most of them are gallery types with rows of flats connected by public galleries.
Each two blocks are joined and share common staircases. Flats are provided
with tiny balconies which hardly allow one person and were probably
intended for drying clotho Blocks are provided with public toilets located at
the middle and ends of each block. Schools, mosques and shops are located
around the area, and transportation services such as buses taxis as weIl as a
tr:unway line are available on Amud el Sawari street.

Transformations:
The overall aspect of the project was quite depressing: blocks appeared in poor
condition as the lack of maintenance resulted in serious deterioration of
waIls, the clogging of drainage pipes caused leakages on almost all blocks'
facades, and open spaces were often waterlogged or filled with trash. Like in
other projects in Alexandria, a new storey was added by the government on
one of the blocks. At a first look, residents seemed to have only made limited
transformations to blocks such as: openings made in flank walls and
appropriated spaces at the ends of public galleries. However, more
transformation activity took place at the ground floor level, behind the walls
of the archeological site, where many residents had build small additions to
their flats. Extensions located on main streets were generally used for

169
 commercial activities and constituted part of the project's market place.

• II.CAIRO

7. El Zawya el Hamra el Gedida

IDD IDD lDD JGD IDD 5DD..." ..

\ ..
m'P%
\~
!

Fig. 212. Location of El Zawya el Hamm el Gedida

Settings:
Located in the northern part of Cairo, the project was only completed in 1980.

• 170
It was built during the 1970'5 on an open land surrounded by two residential
areas (Hay Abo-Leila and Medinat el Nour) and bordered from its north side
by the North-Cairo Power Station' (Fig. 212). The project covers an area of
approximately 340,000 sq.m. and consists of a total of nearly 4,000 units located .
in 136 five-storey blocks of variable lengths (ranging from 25 to 100 m.)
arranged in parallel rows forming large clusters around wide open spaces.
More than half of the flats are two-roomed while the remainder are one and
three-roomed; the units were mainly allocated to resettled populations from
sium clearance areas in Cairo such as Eshash El Torgoman and Arab el
Mohammadi. A main street (El Wayli el Kebir), passing along the south edge,
links the project to El Khalig el Masri street where bus and tramway services
are located. The project is provided with a hospital, five schools, a religious
institute, a youth center, three mosques, a bakery, and a food cooperative.

Transformations:
The blocks which were relatively new, were found to be in good condition
and sorne open spaces were planted with greenery. The only types of
transformations found in this area were a few ground floor extensions,
enclosed gardens, closed-in ba1conies, and interior alterations such as
subdividing rooms and moving kitchens ante ba1conies.

8. El Kossayirin
Settings:
Located north east of the city center in proximity of El Zawya el Harnra
project, the site lies between two parallel streets: El Khalig el Masri from the
west-side and El Khalig el Arabi from the east-side (Fig. 213). The project was
built in the early 1960'5 and covers an area of approximately 14,500 sq.m. It

, According 10" map of Cairo drawn in 1%2, Ihis whole area was originally
agricultural land.
171
consists of 10 five-storey blocks containing a total of 310 flats, all of them are
two-roomed. Blocks are arranged perpendicular to the streets' axis and a large
open space separates them from the main street. Bus and taxi services as weil
as a tramway line (Ataba-Matariya) are located on El Khalig el Masri street,
and several schools and mosques surround the project.

100 0 1DO..
Fig. 213. Location of El Kossayirin ,~b.i:::Ii=i iCIi=
Ci ~,••

Transformations:
The blocks seemed to be in good condition and appeared only to be slightly
affected by transformations. Most activities consisted of windows made in
flank walls, closed-in balconies, new cantilevered balconies, poultry cages
hanging on facades, enclosed gardens, and a few ground floor extensions.
Wooden stalls built at the sides of blocks were used for different commercial
activities, while large open spaces in front of the project were demarcated and
planted with trees and greenery (this was apparently done by the governrnent
in an attempt to prevent encroachments). Finally, no roof top extensions
were observed except for a pigeon house fixed on top of one of the blocks.

172
9. Bulaq

Fig. 214. Location of BlIlaq

Settin!:s:
The site is located near the city center (not far from Cairo's main railway
station), south east of the Imbaba bridge which crosses the Nile (Fig. 214). It
lies adjacent to the railway warehouses on the corner of two main streets,
covers an area of approxirnately 36,500 sq.m. The project consists of 32 five-
storey blocks containing approxirnately 940 flats of which 64% are h\'o-
roomed and 36% are three-roomed. The flats were allocated to public sector
ernployees. The area is surrounded by industrial warehouses and sorne
workshops, and lies in proxirnity of a main public market (Rod El Farag). In

173
addition to bus and taxi services available on the two main streets that
surround the area, a tramway line is located on Abou el Farag street. A
hospital, a youth club, several mosques, churches and schools are also located
in the neighbouring district (lf Shubra.

Transformations:
The blocks seem to be in good condition and open spaces are apparently better
maintained than in other public housing areas. It was noted that the site had
also a higher quality services such as: garbage collection, public lighting and a
telephone network connected to most of the flats. The blocks did not undergo
much transformations and most of the types observed consisted of windows
made in flank walls, closed-in balconies, new cantilevered balconies, poultry
cages hanging on facades, roof top extensions and enclosed gardens. Only one
small multistorey extension was observed, it consisted of a stack of one by two
meters large and was four stories high. The stack was plastered in thE: same
colour of the block which made it look as if it were part of the original
building.

10. Zeinhom
Settings:
This project is located in the southern part of Cairo - southwest of Cairo's
Citadel - on a hilly site called "Tillai Zeinhom" (Fig. 215), and was built
between 1957 and 1958. The Southern part of the project, wh.ich contains
twelve blocks, was built during the early 1960's. The site is traversed by a
main street (Birm el Tounsy) that connects the area to the city center in the
north and to Magra el Eyoun street in the south. It covers an area of
approximately 100,000 sq.m., and contains 46 four-storey and 12 five-storey
blocks arranged in parallel rows forming four distinctive areas separated by
large streets which intersect in a central open space.

174
 l~~ l~~ 2~0 300 400 500""1111
.E',:,,==~-~\_:====;,~_--o;:,_:==="i',~_ ---;:~- 0_

Fig. 215. Location of Zeinhom

Fiats were mairùy allocated to government employees and according to a

study by Sakr in 1983 the total number of flats was estimated at 1,112
including two, three and four-roomed units. However, this number does not
take into account the tvvelve blocks added la ter and which contain a total of
460 two-roomed flats. These hvo-roomed flats have similar designs to the
ones found in most of the surveyed projects (see chapter 2, page 23), while the
remainder of the project's units follow a different design that allows a mix of
two, three and four flats within the same floor of each block (Sakr, 1983).
Several schools are grouped in an area north of the project, and a bus
terminal (Birm el Tounsi line), a hospital, a police station, a mosque and a
food-cooperative are located within the area. Other bus and taxi services can
also be found on Magra el Eyoun strep.t which borders the project from the
south.

Transformations:

175
Unlike many newer projects, the blocks in Zeinhom, in spite of their age,
appear in a good condition. There were surprisingly no leakages of pipework
on facades and the physical appearance of buildings looked generally healthy.
The most common transformations observed were closed-in balconies. Other
types - such as windows made in flank walls, new balconies and poultry cages -
were also frequently observed. Finally, there were several cases of enclosed
gardens, roof top and ground floor extensions. However, it was noted that
ground floor extensions did not occur very often due to the fact that ground
floor flats were usually between 1.5 and 2 m. above grade level. The few
extensions observed were raised on concrete columns and access from street
was gained by using stairs. Several ground floor apartments and extensions
located on main streets were partly used to accommodate shops and other
services (clinics, pharmacies, lawyers' offices, etc.); one apartment was used to
accommodate a police station, and the space in front of it was fenced and used
as a private entrance to the station.

11. Ezbet Bilai - Shubra

Settings:
The site is located north of the city center and lies along the east side of the
Cairo-Alexandria railway line (Fig. 216). The project was built after 1962 and
consists of a total of 70 five-storey blocks arranged on strip of land measuring
approximately 1,500 m long with an area of approximately 1:':8,000 sq.m.
Blocks are arranged in rows which lie parallel and perpendicular to th~

railway line. The total estimated number of flats is approximately 2,900, of

which about 43% are one-roomed units whlle an equal percentage are two-
roomed and the remainder are three-roomed.

The project is linked to a major street (Ahmed Helmi) at three different

points via passages under the railway line. The southern passage allows both

176
pedestrian and vehicular traffic and links the area to the El Terâa el Bulaqiya
project which lies on the west side of the railway. Buses, taxis and a tramway
service are located on Ahmed Helmi street. Several schools and mosques
serve the area in addition to various commercial activities that have
developed along the railway's bordering walls (It was noted that these walls
were only l'ecently completed).

Transformations:
In general, the blocks did not undergo major transformations. The most
common types of transformations observed in one and two-roomed units
were windows made in Hank walls, closed-in balconies as weil as new
cantilevered ba1conies and poultry cages hanging on facades. While at the
ground floor, enclosed gardens and one-storey extensions filled the open
spaces jn front of blocks, roof top extensions were less frequent and were
generally made of lightweight materials. One particular type of additions
were the huge pigeon houses erected on stilts on top of blocks (similar to
those found in traditional housing areas). Transformations were less
frequent in three-roomed units and were limited to closed-in balconies and
private gardens in front of blocks.

12. Ahmed Helmi - Shubra

Settin&s:
The site is located near Cairo's main railway station (Ramses Station) and lies
along a major street (Ahmed Helmi) which runs parallel to the Cairo-
Alexandria railway line (Fig. 217). The project was completed in 1964, and
consists of Il five-storey blocks arranged in a row of parallel blocks on a strip
of land of approximately 10,000 sq.m. owned by the Egyptian Railway
Authority. Open spaces between blocks measure approximately 7.0 m. which

178
 represents almost half the usual width between blocks in other surveyed

• projects. Ali the total 440 fIats are two-roomed and were allocated to workers
in the Railway Authority. Buses taxis and a tramway service are available on

schools are located within the area.

J

Ahrned Helmi street; whereas a food cooperative a mosque and se veral

J

Fig. 217.

Transformations:
Transformations consisted of windows made in fIank ,valls J dosed-in
balconies, new cantilevered ba1conies and poultry cages hanging on facades,
and a few roof top extensions most of which were built from lighh\'eight
materials. Ground floor residents tended to avoid encroaching on public land -
from fear of government retaliation2 - and limited themselves to closing-in
balconies. On the other hand, the only form of extension observed '\'ere

2 Two incidents have been reported in this area involving police intervening wilh
bulldozers in an attempt to demolish ground floor extensions as they were being built. Although
residents had stopped their building activities after both incidents, it did not take long before

• the extension activities were resumed .

179
multistorey cantilevered extensions which did not exceed two meters in
depth and were mainly used as balconies or small room extensions. Stacks
were finished with bright colours, thus improving the original rather duB
facades. Parts of fiats at the ground floor level were used as small shops and
the only grou..,d floor extension built on public land was used as a mosque
("Mesjid"). Since mosques are considered to be sacred places, they are
consequently impossible to be demolished by the government. Finally, there
were no signs of greenery observed in the narrow open spaces between blocks.

13. El Zawya el Hamra

Settings:
This project is located north-east of Cairo, close to El Kossayirin and El Zawya
el Hamra el Gedida projects (Fig. 218). It was built in the early 1960's and lies
on the corner of El Wayli el Kebir and Sharikat el Petrol streets. It is separated
from El Khalig el Masri street by an industrial zone situated at its eastem
side. The three other sides are surrounded by two informaI areas: Hay Abou
Leila to the n"rth and Medinat el Nour to both west and south.

The project covers an area of approximately 125,000 sq.m., and consists of a

total of 60 five-storey blocks containing 2,710 flats of which 58% are one-
roomed, 30% are two-roomed and 50% are three-roomed. Flats were
generally allocated to resettled populations from sIum clearance areas in
Cairo such as Bulaq el Daqrur, Eshash El Torgoman and Arab el Mohammadi.
Both east and west sides of the project are occupied by blocks of one-roomed
flats arranged perpendicularly to main streets while blocl:s of two-roomed
flats occupy the northem and southem parts. Three-roomed flats are located
at the center of the project surrounding a large public open space where

180
mosques and schools are located. Transportation services such as buses, taxis
and the Ataba-Mataria tramway line are available on El Khalig street.

,GO
'",. ,. ,.
Fig. 218. Location of El Zawya el Hamra

Transformations:
The overall conditions in this area are rather poor compared to other projects.
Open spaces are full of dirt and many blocks are in a very deteriorated state.
The project was largely affected by transformation activities, this is probably
due to the large number of one-roomed flats and the high levels of
overcrowding experienced in these flats (see chap. 2 page 26).
Transformations ranged From interior modifications, to multi-storey
extensions. The most common types were : closed-in balconies, new
cantilevered balconies, poultry cages, enclosed gardens, ground floor and roof
top extensions. The extent of transformation activities was such that nearly
every block was affected. Another particularity of this project was the wide
variety of forms and building materials used for transformations which made

181
each transformed unit different from the other. Although most ground level
encroachments consisted of enclosed gardens or one-storey extensions, a few
cases of multistorey extensions were observed in disparate areas. Most of
them were either recently built or under construction, which could be a sign
of a possible beginning of a widespread deployment of multistorey extensions
in the area. Other types of collective activities observed were: public gardens
planted in open spaces between blocks (ail of them were fenced to keep out
inb:uders) and a market place built and organized by residents in the area.
Many commercial activities were accommodated in ground floor extensions
located on main streets; and services such as medical clinics, pharmacies,
lawyers offices, and workshops were also observed. Govemment control
over the area has increased after violent clashes erupted between muslim and
christian residents during the early 1980's, this could partly explain the
limited number of multistorey extensions observed. Another important
factor may be the low level of income of the majority of households.

14. El Sharabeya
Settings:
The project was built during the early 1960's on an open land adjacent to the
Alexandria-Cairo railway line and surrounded from the eastern and southern
sides by Wormal housing built next to an industrial zone on El Khalig el
Masri street (Fig. 219). The site has an irregular shape and measures
approximately 200,000 sq.m. It contains a total of 107 five-storey blocks of one,
two and three-roomed flats. The total number of flats is approximately 4,100
hall of which are two-roomed, one third are one-roomed while the
remainder are three-roomed. Block designs were similar to those found in
most projects (see chapter 2 page 23) with the exception of the southern part of
the project, where a number of blocks had open corners and accentuated
facade projections (see fig.200 page 148).

182
Fig. 219. l.ocation of El Sizarabeya

The project is divided into h\'o areas which lie north and south of central
community services. The southem area, which was built in an earlier stage,
contains approximately 46 blocks; it has a higher density with spaces between
blocks ranging from 10 to 12 m.; while the northem area has a lower density
with spaces ranging from 15 to 20 m. The project is provided with services
such as a hospital, schools (both at the center and the southem edge), and
mosques. The closest public transportation services are located on Gharnra

183
and El Khalig el Masri streets (about 0.8 to 1 km. from the project's center); but
taxi services a!'e available within the area.

Transformations:
Due to the variety of housing units' designs there was much variation in
terms of observed transformations. The most common were: new windows
in flank waIls, c1osed-in balconies, new balconies, poultry cages, enc10sed
gardens, and finaIly, ground floor, roof top and underground extensions.
However, different designs of flats, particularity those in the southern area
has influenced the way sorne transformations have developed. The setbacks
in the original facades made way to creative extension activity which basically
consisted in filling-in alcoves and open corners as weIl as extending the
original facade projections. Other types of activities observed were: a public
market installed in a large open area between blocks, public gardens, and new
drainage networks installed by residents to overcome problems of continuous
leakages in existing systems. FinaIly, a number of ground floor extensions
located on main sh<!ets were used to accommodate small shops and
commercial activities.

15. El Terâa El Bulaqiya - Shubra

Settings:
This project is located north of the city center along the west side of the Cairo-
A1exandria railway line, opposite to the Ezbat Bilal project (Fig. 216). It was
built during the late 1950'5, and consists of 63 four-storey blocks covering an
area of approximately 82,500 sq.m and containing a total of approximately
1,300 flats. Blocks are arranged following a rectilinear grid which forms a 45°
angle with the railway north-south axis. This arrangement has created small
c1usters of blocks surrounding squared open spilces and is particularity

184
different from the patterns of parallel rows used in other surveyed projects.

The blocks' designs are similar to those found in Zeinhom, since each block
contains a mix of two, three and four-roomed flats. On the basis of these
designs, the ratio between the percentages of two, three and four units is 1:2:1
respectively. Flats were allocated to public sector workers and employees.
The project lies between two main streets (Ahmed Helmi and El Terâa el
Bulaqiya) on which bus services, taxis and a tramway line are located; it is also
linked to areas east of the railway line through an underground passage. In
addition to a community center, a dispensary and a food cooperative located
within the projects, several schools and masques surround the area.

Transformations:
The general condition of blocks was particularly good, but more surprising
were the well-maintained open spaces and the amount of green areas
observed in the project: almost every open space was fenced and planted with
trees and greenery by groups of residents from surrounding blocks. In
addition to the typical transformation activities such as: new windows made
in flank walls, closing-in balconies, ground floor and up?er floor extensions;
multi-storey extensions wt::re also wide-spread. The extensions were similar
to those observed in the Ahmed Helmi project in terms of their limited
depths - not exceeding 2 m. - but their particularity consisted in the uniform
patterns and colors of finishing used in almost ail the extensions throughout
the project. Other particularities of this project was the absence of roof top
extensions (in spite of the fact that ail blocks were only four stories high),
there was also a very limited number of new balconies observed, most
probably because of the fact that each flat was originally provided with two
balconies.

185
16. El Wayli
Settin&s:
The site is located north east of the city center and lies along the east side of El .
Khalig el !\'Iasri street (Fig. 220). The project was built during the early 1960's,
and covers an area of approximatel.y 25,000 sq.m. It consists of 18 five-storey
blocks containing a total of approximately 680 flats more than half of which
are two-roomed while the remainder are one-roomed. Blocks are arranged
following a symmetrical pattern with rows standing parallel and
perpendicular to the main street. In addition to bus and taxi services, a
tramway line (Ataba-Matariya) are located on El Khalig street. A school and a
mosque are located at the north and south eIlds of the project respectively,
and a market place borders the area From the east side.

l , " li
Fig. 220. Location of El Wayli

Transformations:

186
From the main street the blocks appeared to have undergone only sorne
small-scale transformations such as windows made in flank walls, closed-in
balconies, new balconies and poultry cages hanging among the fresh laundry
covering the facades. Ground floor and roof top extensions were less
apparent from the street and tended to increase in size and number towards
the inside of the project. Behind the trees planted between buildings, which
stand perpendicular to the main street, a few multistorey stacks could also be
observed. But one is really struck when looking at the backsides of blocks
which stand parallel to the street, to find large multistorey extensions
covering almost whole facades, with signs of ongoing construction works.
Finally, another important observation was the amount of greenery and trees
planted by the residents in open spaces between blocks, in addition to a large
garden at the center of the project which was fenced and planted with trees
and flowers.

17. Imbaba
Settings:
The site is located on the west-bank of the Nile river, adjacent to the Cairo-
Assuan railway line, at its intersection with El Nadi el Riadi street (Fig. 221).
The project was built during the early 1960'5 for public sector workers next to
the Medinat el Omal project which was built during the 1950'5 for the same
purpose. It covers an area of 26,000 sq.m. and consists of 14 four-storey blocks
containing a total of 472 flats of which about 30% are one-roomed, 54%, are
two-roomed and 16% are three-roomed. Most blocks are parallel to the
railway line and spaces between blocks are generally narrow, not exceeding 10
meters. The project lies on El Amel el Awal and El Nadi el Riadi streets, and
is connected to areas south of the railway line through an underground
passage facing El Nadi el Riadi street. A train station and a bus terminal are
located near the east side of the project, while a sport club as well as several

187
schools and mosques surround the area.

100
l " " i
Fig. 221. Location of Imbaba 1"

Transformations:
Extensive transformation activity was observed in this project, almost every
flat had been altered or extended. The most common transformations were:
closed-in balconies, new balconies, animal cages hanging on facades, and
finally, ground floor, roof top and multi-storey extensions. Several ground
floor dwellers had fenced off spaces and made private gardens while others
made small extensions to accommodate shops. Multi-storey extensions were
widespread in the area with stacks covering large parts of blocks reflecting
both horizontal and vertical cooperation between residents. However,
extensions were limited in size with depths not exceeding 2.5m. (most
probably because of the limited space between blocks).

188
e 18. El Amiriya

ID'm 3aa 400 500"lIn

\- \- ,... ~.. ,r.p

Fig. 222. Location of El Amiriya

Settings:
Located in the North-Eastern part of Cairo, East of the intersection between El
Khalig El Massri Street and the Ismailia Canal, the site lies on a major street
(Abdel Kader el Guilani) and is served by a tramway line (Ataba- Matariya)
(Fig. 222). It covers an area of approximately 445,000 sq.m., and consists of

189
about 190 blocks containing a total of approximately 5,600 flats including one,
two, three and four-roomed units. The project's construction started during
the late 1950's, it was built on three stages of which the last was completed
during the mid 1960's.

The first part was completed before 1962, it covers an area of 185,000 sq.m and
is located at the southern edge on Abdel Kader el Guilani street. It includes 94
four-storey blocks containing a total of approximately 2,260 flats. The designs
of these blocks are similar to those found Zeinhom since they allow a mix of
two, three and four roomed flats within the same floor of each block. The
second part, north of the first one, covers an area of about 70,000 sq.m. It
consists of 36 five-storey blocks containing a total of approximately 1140 one,
two and three-roomed flats. In this part, designs are similar to those found
most of the surveyed projects (see chapter 2, page 23). The third part covers
the remaining 190,000 sq.m. located at the north side of the project. It consists
of 60 five-storey blocks containing approximately 2,200 one and two-roomed
flats. The project is provided with schools, mosques, a youth club, shops, a
bus terminal and a taxi station, in addition to a tramway line that borders the
site from the south.

Transformations:
There were signs of dramatic transformations observed during the survey,
these included both individual and collective types of transformations. Sorne
blocks contained a combination of both patterns. The most common types
observed were closed-in balconies, enclosed gardens, ground floor, upper
floor and roof top extensions; in addition to a large number of multistorey
extensions. At the time of the survey, a1most every block had undergone
sorne kind of transformation, however extensions were usually more limited
on facades located on main streets and one had to move to the backsides of

190
blocks to discover the more impressive extensions. Many cases were found
where cantilevered steel balconies and room extensions were hanging on one
side of the block, while the other was totally covered with a large multistorey
extension reflecting both vertical and horizontal cooperation between the
occupants. The oldest part of the project, which lies c10sest to the main street
to the south, was in a better condition than the other areas, it had much
greenery, but the scale of transformations, up to this moment, was also more
limited3. However, a number of ongoing extension activities were observed
in the area, so it might not be too long before residents will catch up with
their northern neighbours. Due to the particular designs of flats, extensions
have developed following uncommon patterns such as filling-in open
corners of blocks and stacks erected with their sides adjacent to facades of
blocks in order to increase widths of new rooms (see figures 201 & 202 page
148). A large number of commercial activities were observed throughout the
project in addition to services such as a daycare center, car mechanics,
carpenters, steel workers, etc.

19. Ain El 5ira

Settin&s:
This project is located at the southern edge of Cairo, south of the Zeinhom
project and lies between Magra el Eyoun and Salah Salem streets (Fig. 223). lt
was built during the late 1950's and consists a of a total of 144 blocks covering
an area of approximately 340,000 sq.m. and containing about 5000 f!ats of
which 17% are one-roomed, 67% are two-roomed and 16% are three-roomed.
Only 66 blocks located in the south-western part of the project are five-storied
and the remainder are four-storied. Spaces between blocks range from 10 to

3 Il should be mentioned that in this area there was a reported incident that involved
police intervention aimed at demolishing a shop built at the side of one block. According to
residents, the shop was in fact dismantled but was later rebuilt at the same spot after the
owner c1aimed he had paid bribes 10 certain government employees.
191
 15 rn. and most blocks are arranged in parallel rows facing north-south with a
• small number facing east-west. A social affairs center, a police station, a food
cooperative, a public bakery, a club, and several schools and mosques are
located within the project. In proxirnity to the area lies a hospital as weIl as
Cairo's main slaughter house and tanneries. A bus terminal and taxi services
are located inside the project, and a railway line, connected to the quarries in
the south, traverses the site at its north-eastem corner.

Fig. 223. Location of Ain el Sira

Transformations:
A full description of transformation activities in Ain el 5ira is given in
chapter six. Among the most common transformations observed were the
following: interior alterations, closed-in balconies and more particularly

• 192
underground, ground fIoor, upper fIoor, roof-top, and multi-storey
extensions. Activities were carried out on both individual and collective bases
and in some cases, large extensions refIected both vertical and horizontal
cooperation between neighbours. Extensions were usually found at one side
of blocks but in many cases, they covered up to three sides of blocks. A large
number of ground fIoor extensions were used to accommodate commercial
activities and services such as : medical c1inics, pharmacies, lawyers offices,
hairdressing shops, in addition to a variety of workshops. Finally, a market
place as weil as a main commercial street are located in the northern part of
the project.

20. Helwan (Workers' City)

Settin&s:
The project is located at the western edge of the city of Helwan near Cairo
(Fig.224l. It was built during the 1960's for public sector workers close to an
important industrial zone south of the capital. The project covers an area of
approximately 420,000 sq.m. and consists a total of 240 blocks containing
approximately 6,800 fIats of which an estimated 55% are two-roomed, while
25% are three roomed and 20% are one-roomed. Blocks are arranged in rows
surrounding large open areas and spaces between blocks measure
approximately 10 meters. However, in the southern part, which was built in
the early stages of the project, spaces between blocks measure approximately
15 meters.

The project is provided with several schools, mosques, a social affairs center, a
food cooperative, a public bakery, and a commercial center. A hospital, a
youth center and agas depot, which also serve the city of Helwan, are located
east of the project. Buses and taxis are available on the main street at the
southern edge and a metro terminal which connects Helwan to Cairo is

193
 located at about 1.5 km. east of the project.

1DD
m
\,. .. JDD
!
~DD ~DD"","
!

Fig. 224. Location of Helwan

Transformations:

• 194
Transformations in the Helwan project were described in a study by Tipple,
Wilkinson and Nour in 1985. Today the transformation of Helwan can be
considered as being in a phase of consolidation (even though the process
actually never ends), since multistorey extensions have completely covered
three sides of a large number of blocks. This has made the original block
structures, in many cases, hardly recognizable. However, multistorey
extensions are not the orny type of transformation activity observed, other
forms include: closed-in balconies, enclosed gardens, and finally
underground, ground floor, upper floor, and roof top extensions.

The uniform patterns of extensions and relatively high quality of finishing

compared to other projects, reflect both a higher level of cooperation between
neighbours and better financial capabilities of residents. It was found that in
many cases, extensions exceeded the actual household's need for additional
space and were consequently being used for income generating activities such
as shops and private businesses. There were other examples of collective
activities observed such as gardens planted in open spaces and a public
market held in a street at the center of the project. In addition, four major
streets were also transformed into commercial avenues as a result of ground
floor extensions being used to accommodate shops and other services (e.g.
medical clinics, pharmacies, hairdresser shops, lawyers' offices, travel
agencies, construction enterprises, workshops, furniture shops and car
dealers).

195
APPENDIX 2
 Appendix 2
CASES SURVEYED IN AIN EL SIRA

Location of the Selected Sample

Fi~. 225. Locatioll of the six sclected blacks ÎII Aill cl SÎra.

196
• •
BLOCK 1:
(Cases 1 to 6) Nb. of stories: 4
Type of units: one-rooMed Nb. of units 48

1-
W
,-
Id
W
CY-
l-
W V)

'"
1-

'"

-
e
~
~ ONE-STDREY EXTENSIONS (GRDUND FLOOR> FOUR-STOREY EXTENSIONS
~
~ Tvo-srDREY EXTENSIONS F"lVE -STDREY EXTENSIONS
a la ëOm

~ THREE-STDREY EXTENSIONS t)s}\j ROOF TOP EXTENSIONS 5 15

197
• Block 1:
One·roomed dwellings
4 staries
12 dw.l lIoor

Number of % of lotal Area of extensions so.m.l Total area of % increllse in

Tvoe of transformation dw. unlts nb. of un ils < 10 10><20 20><30 30><40 40><50 >50 ex!. (so.m.\ 1I00r area

Closlng parapals 7 14.58% 0 0.00%

Enclosed balconles 23 47.92% 0 0.00%
Animai cages 5 10.42% 5 1.25 0.09%
Gardens 1 terraces 4 8.33% 1 1 60 4.17%
Appr. of public slalrcase 3 6.25% 3 15 1.04%
Extensions 18 37.50% 1 9 8 0 520 36.11%
Exterior transformations 43 89.58% 8 1 10 9 0 0 596 41.39%
No ext. transformations 5 10.42% 0 0.00%

Table .9. Frequency distribution ofdifferent types of trcmsformatiol1s,

area ofextensions and percentage of increase in flaor nrea.

Exlensions 37.50%

Appr. of public staircase 6.25%

Gardens J terraces 8.33%

Animal cages 10.42%

Enclosed balcanles 47.92%

Closing parapets 14.58%

0.00% 5.00% 10.00% 15.00% 20.00% 25.00% 30.00% ~5,OO% '40.00% 45.00% 50.00%
% of talai nb. of unilS

Fig. 226. Frequency distribution ofdiffere1lt types of transformations i1l Black 1.

• 198
• Btock1

Number 01 % 01 unlts Araa of extensions so.m.l Total area 01 % increase ln

Level of extension dw. unlts oer Iloor < 10 t 0><2C 20><30 30><4C 40><SC >51) ex!. (sn.m.l Iloor area

- Ground Iloor Bxtenslons B 66.67% 5 3 230 63.89%

- Second 1I00r extensions 3 25.00% 2 1 85 23.61%
- Third Iloor extensions 1 8.33% 1 25 6.94%
- Fourth 1Ioor extensions 0 0.00% 0 0.00%
- Roof top extensions 6 50.00% 1 1 4 180 50.00%

Table .10. Frequency distribution ofextensions nccording to floor level,

nren ofextensions nnd percentnge of increase in floor nren.

~---~--_._~-- _ _ - "----'--_ .. _- ..•. ~_ _. . --_ .._.. _ .

- Roof top extensions 50.00%

- Fourth lIoor extensions 0.00%

.:
o
'jjj
jj
Il
AI
'0
- ThI~ '00' ••"o'k." 118.3,%
~
...1

- Second flocr extensions 25.00%

... ,y~~~~~,"~'~~~Yl~" ,fO

, ~ , . ".
- Ground lIoor extensions • •
. , ,R ~ J. ~ . ~._.,,< ,; ... 66.67%
~
, •, , -. y:> > 'v ~

1~~-----,----! I~--~-+'-----'!--"'''''''-''''''
0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%
% of total nb. of unlta per floor
!_------~-~~----------- .._---
Fig. 227. Frequency distribution ofextensions perfloor in Black 1.

• 199
• •
BLDCK 2:

<CasE's 7 ta 12) Nb. of sto ....ies' 4

Type of units: twO- .... OOME'cJ Nb. of units ; 32

o Stail
Black 2

~
~H
....
t':'1"

.... 0 5lre(? l
:.~ Sho , vpndor

® n
~-w

STREEl

J1 - a'l
.IJI~0 itfj
: 1 Slntl
0 r-~
:
L J
lQDl III
Il
=_
,-,.1 S~(1p ~~
;::::::::
-- '.J
<Y -1

-
1 J'

""
L
~}iWJ ONE-SIO~(Y eXTENSIONS (GRDUND FLUOR) rOUR-sTOREY EXTENSIONS
r::::.~~
t;~~;:;;:~ TIJO-STDREY EXTENSIONS FIVE-STDREY EXTENSIONS
o ID 20m
!M1 THREE-STDREY EXTENSIONS 1<;::;]] ROOF lOP [X1ENSIONS 5 15

200
• Block2:
2 room dwellings
4 storles
6 dw.J Iloor

Number of % of lotal Area of extensions so.m.l Total area of % Increase ln

Tvoe of transformation dw. unlts nb. of unlts < 10 10><20 20><30 30><40 40><50 >50 ex!. (so.m.l floor area

Closlng parapets 6 16.75% 0 0.00%

Enclosed balconles 9 28.13% 0 0,00%
animal cages 5 15.63% 5 4 0.31%
Gardens / lerraces 8 25.00% 1 3 2 2 170 13.28%
Appr. of public slalrcase 1 3.13% 1 5 0.39%
Extensions 16 50.00% 1 11 2 1 1 460 35.94%
Exterlor IransformatioM 29 90.63% 7 4 13 4 1 1 639 49.92%
No ext. transformations 3 9,38% 0 0.00%

Table .11. Frequency distribution ofdifferent types of transformations,

area ofextensions and percentage of increase in floor area.

- _.- .. __ .--_ --.--,-' ~--_._ - ]

Extensions 50.00

'PP'· " p"'Ii' "",,,,,13.,3%

!

+ 1

Gardens /lerraces 25.00%

1

animai cages

Enclosed balconles 29.13%

T
<, "
-:- ~ 1 > '
Closlng parapets ""'~ \ ,' 18.75%
'-.' ,; ',' G

----!----+----iI-~·-+______··--""1---
_·-t·_··_·_-_··-t-·_·_-,-~- "1'-.''''''~- ••.•••• __ .• _--

0.00% 5.00% 10.00% 15.00% 20.00% 25.00% 30.00% 35.00% 40.00% 45.00% 50.00%
% of total nb. of unltll
L- ._ - ... -.. ,---- --

Fig. 228. Frequency distribution of different types of transformations in Block 2.

• 201
• Black 2

Number of % of unlts Area of extensions so.m.l Total area of % Increase ln

Level of extension dw. unIls per floor < 10 10><2C 20><30 30><40 40><50 >50 ex!. Iso.m.) f100r area

Ground 1I00r extensions 7 87.50% 5 1 1 225 70.31%

Second floor extensions 2 25.00% 2 50 15.63%
Thlrd noor extensions 3 37.50% 3 75 23.44%
Fourlh floor extensions 1 12.50% 1 25 7.81%
Roof lop extensions 3 37.50% 1 2 85 26.56%

Table .12. Frequency distribution of extensions according ta eac1l floor [evel,

area ofextensions and the percentage of increase in floor area.

Roof top extensions 37.50%

Fourth 1I00r extensions 12.50%

c
.~
c
.S!
~ Third Haar exlensions 37.50%
'0
..
~
-J

Second lIoor exlensions 25.00%

Ground floor extensions 87.50%'

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00% 90.00%
% of lolal nb. of unils per 1I00r

Fig. 229. Freqllcncy distributiOll ofextensiolls per floor hl Black 2.

• 202
• •
BLOCK 3:

<Ca.Sl?S 13 ta 18) Nb. of staries: 5

Type of units' two-rool'led Nb. oF units ,40

POLICE STATION

....:0:0·. o
STRfTT

o 00 0 0
J;d
-~
- -

:.:.

ONE-STOREY [XTENS10NS <GROUND 'LODR) g fJUR-STOR[Y EXTENSIONS

TVO-SHlREY EXTENSIONS . . r[VE-STOR[Y EXTENS!DNS

o 10 20m
THREE-STDREY EXTENSIONS !:,??td ROOF TOP EXTENSIONS 5 15

203
• Block3:
2 room dwelllngs
5 staries
8 dw./ f100r

Number of % of lolal Area of extensions sO.m.) Talai area of % Increase in

Tvpe of transformation dw. unlts nb. of units < 10 10><20 20><30 30><40 40><5C >50 ex!. (so.m.l floor araa

Closing parapals 3 7.50% 0 0.00%

Enclosed balconles 3 7.50% 0 0.00%
animai cages 8 20.00% 8 6 0.40%
Gardens / ta rraces 7 17,50% 3 2 1 1 175 10.94%
Appr. of public stalrcase 0 0.00% 0 0,00%
Exlensions 26 65.00% 1 16 6 2 1 770 48.13%
Exlerlor translormallons 37 92.50% 8 4 18 7 :3 1 985 61.56%
No ext. Iransformatlons :3 7.50% 0 0.00%

Table .13. Frequency distribution of different types of transformations,

nrea ofextensions and percentnge of incrense in floor aren.

Extensions 65.00%

Appr. of public slaircase 1 0.00%

~Ç~~K~~;» ~;;~~ ~;~._; I~~ :~\.:..-

Gardens / lerraces ''':>~ /,
• Jj~ , 'fi
v{"'~
~
~, ~ 17.50%
,""'.,0-,
1

~ ~

/'~ ... -'~ ',:~"

animal cages 20.00%

Enclosed balconies 7.50%

Closing parapels . 7 . 5 0 %

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

% of lolal nb. of unils

Fig. 230. Freqllency distribution ofdifferent types of transformations in Black 3.

• 204
• Block 3

Number of % of unlls Area 01 extensions sa.m.l Tolal area 01 % Increase ln

Level 01 extension dw. units oer lIoor < 10 10><2C 20><3C 30><4C 40><50 >50 ex!. ISIl.m.1 Iloor area

Ground floor extensions 6 75.00% 4 1 1 190 59.38%

Second lIoor extensions
Thlrd IJoor extensions
Fourth Iloor extensions
Flfth Iloor extensions
Roof top extensions
6 75.00% 4 2 170 53.13%
5 62.50% 4 1 135 42.19%
4 50.00% 1 2 1 100 31.25%
3 37.50% 2 1 85 26.56%
2 25.00% 2 90 28.13%

Table .14. Frequency distribution ofextensions according to floor Levet,

area ofextensions and percentage of increase in floor area.

Roof top extensions 25.00%

A
,
~ • 1
. l'

Filth lIoor extensions l" ~ .:;t 37.50%

~~~:"4-'";\' .. A. " . ~~ ;

-1
c
.~ Fourlh lloor extensions 50.00%
.,c
li
ô
~ Thlrd lIoor extensions 62.50%
..J

. • Y' ~ 1 \ ~
.
-.... ~

Second Iloor extensions • v. • . • ~ ,1 ~ ~ '''. p. ~ x~ . ~ ij':::c; 75.00%

. . -
1
1
! Ground lloor exlenslons 75.00%

i
30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00%
% of total nb. of unlts per lIoor
1
l_.__ ~_~ -~~ ~ .__ ------.-.-----~----- --- -------- ___ • i
1

Fig. 231. Frequency distribution ofextensions pel' floor in Block 3.

• 205
• •
BLOCK 4:
(Coses 19 to 24) Nb. Dt stories:5

Typ~ of units' two-rOOME'c/ Nb. Dt units : 40

ShOp

Shop

BLOCK 4

f-
Ld
Ld
(Y
1-
V1

o
ONE-SIDREY EXIENSIU~S

TVll-S TnR[Y rx I(NSIlINS

HlREE-STDREY EXTENSIONS
(GRDUND rLODR)

-
lm

ŒEJ
206
rOUR-STOREY EXTENSIONS

rIVE-STDREY EXTENSIONS

RDor TOP EXTENSIONS

a
5
JO

15
20m
• BJock4:
2 room dwelllngs
5 storles
a dw.l floor

Number of % of total Area of extensions sa.m.l Total area of % lncrease ln

Tvpe of transformation dw. unlls nb. of unlts < 10 10><20 20><30 30><40 40><50 >50 ex!. Isa.m.) !Joar area

Closlng parapets 7 17.50% 0 0.00%

Enclosed balconles 21 52.50% 0 0.00%
animai cages a 20.00% B 6.4 0.40%
Gardens 1 lerraces 5 12.50% 2 3 105 6.56%
Appr. of public stalrcase 4 10.00% 4 20 1.25%
Extensions 14 35.00% 6 4 4 370 23.13%
Exle rlor transformallons 39 97.50% 12 B 7 0 4 0 535 33.44%
No ex!. transformations 1 2.50% 0 0.00%

Table .15. Frequency distribution ofdifferent types of transformations,

area ofextensions and percentage of increase in floor area.

I~-------------------------------------------"-"-"----""-_.

Extensions

Appr. of public stalrease

Gardens 1 terraces

animai cages

Enclosed balconles 52.50%

Closlng parapets

+-----+------+-----------------1-----t----------I--------1
0.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00%
% of total nb. of unlts
'------------~-----------------------------------

Fig. 232. Frequency distribution ofdifferent types of transformations in Black 4.

• 207
• Block 4

Number of % of units Area 01 extensions sCl.m.\ Total area of % lncrease ln

level of extension dw. unlts per floor < 10 10><20 20><30 30><4C 40><50 >50 ex!. (so.m.l floor area

Ground f100r extensions 5 62.50% 5 75 23.44%

Second f100r extensions 3 37.50% 1 2 65 20.31%
Thlrd f100r extensions 1 12.50% 1 25 7.81%
Fourth f100r extensIons 1 12.50% 1 25 7.81%
Fiflh rloor extensions 0 0.00% 0 0.00%
Roof top extensions 4 50.00% 4 180 56.25%

Table .16. Frequency distribution ofextensions according to floor level,

area ofextensions and percentage of increase in floor area.

1
l,
Roof top extensions 50.00%

Fiflh floor extensions ; 0.00%

c
.~ Fourth 1I00r extensions ' - 1 2 . 5 0 %
..
c

li
'0
i
~ Thlrd 1I00r extensions " 1 2 . 5 0 %
~

Second Iloor extensions 37.50%

Ground 110er extensions :;2.50%

--~ .••• _ - ~ - - - - - ~ - - . - - - - .... - •• - ---, c·,_ •• -t

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

% of 10tal nb. of un its per f100r

Fig. 233. Frequency distribution ofextensions pel' floor in Block 4.

• 208
• •
BLOCK 5:

(Casr?s 25 to 30) Nb. oF staries: 4

Type oF u~t9 two-rooned Nb. oF units 32

IJAREHOUSE

BLOCK 5

w
U
<r
Q.
v.I

U
...J
ŒI
=:l
n.. STREET

S op

1-
W
W
Cl<:
l-
V>

-
lm
[ill] ONE-STOREY EXTENSIONS (GROUND FLOOR) FOUR-STOREY EXTENSIONS
~ TIJO-STOREY ExTENSIONS F!VE-STOREY EXTENSIONS
~
o 10 201T\

lBJ THREE~STOREY EXTENSIONS ŒillJ ROOF TOP EXTENSIONS 5 15

209
• Block 5:
2 room dwellings
5 slorles
8 dw.l f100r

Number of % of lotal Area or extensions so.m.l Tolal area of % Increase ln

Tvoe of lransrormallon dw. unl15 nb. of units < 10 10><2C 20><30 30><40 40><50 >50 ext. r5o.m.) f100r area

Cl051ng parapets 1 3.13% 0 0.00%

Enclosed balconlas 16 50.00% 0 0.00%
animai cages 3 9.36% 3 2 0.19%
Gardens Ilerraees 12 37.50% 10 1 285 22.27%
Appr. of public slalrease 0 0.00% 0 0.00%
Extensions 14 43.75% 1 11 1 1 370 28.91%
Extarlor transformations 32 100.00% 3 1 21 2 1 0 657 51.36%
No exl. transformations 0 0.00% 0 0.00%

Table .17. Frequency distribution ofdifferent types of transformations,

area ofextensions and percentage of increase in floor area.

Extensions 43.75%

,
1
Appr. of public staircase ; 0.00%
i
j
1

. 1 ,
) .
~ ~
.... ,., ~.. ~

Gardens 1 tetraees 37.50%

. ' t • • • "~ :; .. '. ',' ~ .. , ~~~ r

animai cages _ 9.38%

EncJosed balconies 50.0

Closing parapets .3.13%

0.00% 5.00% 10.00% 15.00% 20.00% 25.00% 30.00% 35.00% 40.00% 45.00% 50.00%
% of lotal nh. of unils

Fig. 234. Freqllency distribution ofdifferent types of transformations in Block 5.

• 210
• Black 5

Number of % of units Area of extensions sO.m.l Total area of % lncrease ln

Level of extension dw. unlts oer floor < 10 10><2c 20><3( 30><4c 40><50 :>50 ext. [sQ.m.) lloor area

Ground lloor extensions 5 62.50% 4 1 145 45.31%

Second floor extensions 3 37.50% 3 75 23.44%
Thlrd lIoor extensions 3 37.50% 1 2 65 20.31%
Fourth Iloor extensions 2 25.00% 2 50 15.63%
Rool top extensions 1 12.50% 1 45 14.06%

Table .18. Frequency distribution ofextensions according ta floor level,

area ofextensions and percentage of increase in floor area.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - _ . _ - - - - - - - _ .. ---"-"'--~ ._ ... _--~--_._._----- ~-~-------

R~l top ...." . " .".50%

t
Fourth lloor exlenslons

c
o
';;;
c
CI

-§li
o
Third lIoor extensions

Second 1100r extensions

Ground lIoor extensions 62.50% 1

1
;

0.00% 10.00% 20.00%

1
30.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 1
% of total nb. of unlls per floor
__ ~ ~ _... ..__ ._... __...J

Fig. 235. Frequency distribution ofextensions per floor in Black 5.

• .~ ..
211
• •
BLOCK 6'

<Co.SE'S 31 ta 36) Nb. of sto.... iE'S: 4

Type of units: three rooMed Nb. oF l-lnits 16

I~
SHOP

SHOf>

-------=------~---~------~---

STREET

-;r-o..,,-----Owr--------------
IlLDCK (,
SHDP 00
OC

mI]
~ill
~
ONE-STDREY EXTENSIIJNS (GROUND FLOOR)

TVO-STDREY EXTENSIONS

THREE-STOREY EXTENSIONS
..
mE
Œill]
FOUR-STOREY EXTENSIONS

FIVE-STOREY EXTENSIONS

ROOF TOP EXTENSIONS

o
5
10

IS
20m

212
• Black 6:
3 room dwelllngs
4 slorles
4 dw.l Iloor

Number of % of total Area 01 extensions sn.m-:l Total area al % lncrease ln

Tvpe 01 transformation dw. unl1s nb. of units < 10 10><2C 20><3( 30><40 40><5Q >50 ext. (so.m.l lIoor area

Closlng parapets 2 12.50% 0 0.00%

Enclosed batconles 2 12.50% 0 0.00%
animai cages 4 25.00% 4 3.2 0.40%
Gardens / terraces 4 25.00% 2 1 1 90 Il.25%
Appr. 01 public stalrcase 0 0.00% 0 0.00%
Extensions 11 68.75% 4 4 2 1 385 48.13%
Exterlor transformations 15 93.75% 4 2 5 5 2 1 495 61.88%
No ext. transformations 1 6.25% 0 0.00%

Table .19. Frequency distribution of differel1t types of transformations,

area ofextensions and percentage of increase in floor nrea.

Extensions 68.75

Appr. 01 public slatrease 0.00%

. l' .
Gardens 1 terraees .... " . .. ~ .. :!5.00%
(- , .. ,,~

animai cages 25.0Q%

Eocl,~db"'oo" .".5.'
l

-~

Cloclo, "'''P'' . ''.5.'

1 ~--~-~._.- •. - ----- ------ --+------------ .•• - - ----~-_._ ..
30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%
% of total nb. of units

Fig. 236. Frequency distribution ofdifjere1lt types of transformations in Black 6.

• 213
• Black 6

Number of % of unlls Area of extensions sa.m.l Total area of % increase in

Level of extension dw. un'Ils oer Iloor < 10 10><2C 20><30 30><40 40><50 :.50 ex!. (sQ.m.1 /loor area

Ground lIoor extensions 3 75.00% 1 1 1 135 67.50%

Second lIoor extensions 3 75.00% 2 1 85 42.50%
Thlrd lIoor extensions 2 50.00% 1 1 60 30.00%
Fourth Iloor extensions 2 50.00% 1 1 60 30.00%
Roof top extensions 1 25.00% 1 45 22.50%

Table .20. Freqllel1cy distribution ofextensions accordil1g to eac!1 floor level,

area ofextensions and tlze percentage of increase in floor area

Roof top extensions 25.00%

Fourth lIoor extensions 50.00%

.
E:
.2
E:
~
~ Th'lrd IIoor extensions 50.00%
'0
~
!l
Second lIoor extensions 75.00%

Ground floor extensions 75.00%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00%

% of total nb. of units par /Iocr

Fig. 237. Freque1/cy distribution ofextensio1/s per floor hl Black 6.

• 214
Case Belore After Percentaoe 01 increase
Arearsa.m) Nb. 01 rooms Area(sa.m) Nb. 01 rooms Area Nb. 01 rooms

1 29.03 1 58.98 4 103% 300%

2 28.51 1 61.04 4 114% 300%
3 29.03 1 59.65 4 105% 300%
4 28.51 1 76.00 4 167% 300%
5 29.03 1 29.73 2 2% 100%
6 28.51 1 59.97 3 110% 200%
7 38.14 2 64.12 4 68% 100%
8 38.14 2 85.23 4 123% 100%
9 38.14 2 59.17 4 55% 100%
10 38.14 2 63.22 4 66% 100%
11 38.14 2 58.60 3 54% 50%
12 38.14 2 61.44 4 61% 100%
13 38.14 2 77.51 5 103% 150%
14 38.14 2 56.80 4 49% 100%
15 38.14 2 64.63 4 69% 100%
16 38.14 2 60.68 2 59% 0%
17 38.14 2 82.64 4 117% 100%
18 38.14 2 38.86 2 2% 0%
19 38.14 2 49.49 3 30% 50%
20 38.14 2 38.81 3 2% 50%
21 38.14 2 68.68 5 80% 150%
22 38.14 2 64.73 4 70% 100%
23 38.14 2 65.75 4 72% 100%
24 38.14 2 61.57 4 61% 100%
25 38.14 2 100.56 6 164% 200%
26 38.14 2 66.44 4 74% 100%
27 38.14 2 115.76 4 204% 100%
28 38.14 2 52.77 2 38% 0%
29 38.14 2 38.53 3 1% 50%
30 38.14 2 39.76 3 4% 50%
31 48.17 3 49.50 4 3% 33%
32 48.17 3 78.58 5 63% 67%
33 48.17 3 121.99 5 153% 67%
34 48.17 3 79.14 3 64% 0%
35 48.17 3 77.41 5 61% 67%
36 48.17 3 110.03 7 128% 133%

Table. 21. Change in floor area and number of rooms of the 36 surveyed cases

215
 Case Floor Location Betore Transformation Total
Entrance Hall Total Kitchen W.C. Total Balconv Room 1 Room2 Room3 Total
"0

<Il 1 4th (top) end 4.75 4.75 3.08 1.69 4.77 3.85 15.66 15.66 29.03
E 2 4th (top) end 7.14 7.14 2.52 1.69 4.21 2.31 14.85 14.85 28.51
0 3 Gmd end 4.75 4.75 3.08 1.69 4.77 3.85 15.66 15.66 29.03
0 4 Gmd end 7.14 7.14 2.52 1.69 4.21 2.31 14.85 14.85 28.51
~
5 2nd mid 4.75 4.75 3.08 1.69 4.77 3.85 15.66 15.66 29.03
~
6 2nd mid 7.14 7.14 2.52 1.69 4.21 2.31 14.85 14.85 28.51
7 3rd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
8 4th(top) mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
"0 9 Grnd mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
la 3rd rnid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
11 3rd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
<Il 12 2nd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
13 5th(top) end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
14 4th mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
E 15 2nd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
16 3rd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
17 Gmd mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
0 18 4th rnid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
19 Gmd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
20 3rd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
0 21 4th rnid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
22 2nd mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
23 2nd mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
~
24 Grnd mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
25 Grnd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
26 3rd mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
27 Grnd mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
'" 28 3rd mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
29 4th (top) end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
30 3rd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 14.4 11.7 26.1 38.14
"0 31 3rd rnid 3.36 3.57 6.93 2.55 1.69 4.24 2.8 9.3 13.2 11.7 34.2 48.17
<Il 32 2nd end 3.36 3.57 6.93 2.55 1.69 4.24 2.8 9.3 13.2 11.7 34.2 48.17
E 33 Grnd end 3.36 3.57 6.93 2.55 1.69 4.24 2.8 9.3 13.2 11.7 34.2 48.17
0 34 3rd end 3.36 3.57 6.93 2.55 1.69 4.24 2.8 9.3 13.2 11.7 34.2 48.17
0 35 4th (top) end 3.36 3.57 6.93 2.55 1.69 4.24 2.8 9.3 13.2 11.7 34.2 48.17
~
36 Gmd end 3.36 3.57 6.93 2.55 1.69 4.24 2.8 9.3 13.2 11.7 34.2 48.17

'" 22. Areas ofspaces III tlle sltrveyed cases before traltsformatlO/ls.
Table.
216
Case Floor Location After Transformation
Entrance Hall Lobbv Total Kilchen Knchen 2 W.C. W.C. 2 Bath. Total A.Cane Storaoe Total

1 4th (top) end 3.08 2.86 1.69 1.69 9.32

2 4th (top) end 2.52 4.8 1.69 1.54 10.55
3 Gmd end 2.86 1.69 4.55
4 Gmd end 9.45 9.45 2.52 1.69 4.21
5 2nd mid 2.86 1.69 4.55
6 2nd mid 11.34 11.34 2.52 1.69 4.21
7 3rd end 1.8 5.4 7.2 3.15 1.69 4.84
8 4th(top) mid 3.6 3.6 2.73 1.69 4.42
9 Gmd mld 1.95 1.95 4.35 1.69 6.04
10 3rd mid 1.8 5.25 7.05 2.73 1.69 4.42
11 3rd end 5.1 5.1 3.15 1.69 4.84 0.3 0.3
12 2nd end 1.8 3.15 4.95 2.73 1.69 4.42
13 5th (top) end 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 3.15 1.69 1.69 9.68
14 4th mid 2.73 1.69 4.42 0.35 0.35
15 2nd end 1.08 1.08 4.8 1.96 6.76
16 3rd end 4.8 4.8 3.15 1.69 4.84
17 Gmd mid 6.9 6.9 2.73 1.69 4.42
18 4th mid 1.8 3.15 4.95 3.15 1.69 4.84 0.72 0.72
19 Gmd end 5.1 5.1 3.15 1.69 4.84 3 3
20 3rd end 5.1 5.1 3.15 1.69 4.84
21 4th mid 1.8 2.34 4.14 1.95 2.34 4.29
22 2nd mid 1.8 2.79 4.59 4.05 2.25 6.3
23 2nd mid 1.8 0.96 2.76 5.72 2.38 8.1 0.45 0.45
24 Gmd mid 5.1 5.1 2.73 1.69 4.42
25 Gmd end 7.2 7.2 3.15 1.69 4.84 2.25 2.25
26 3rd mid 7.2 7.2 3.15 1.69 4.84
27 Gmd mid 6.75 6.75 3.15. 1.69 4.84
28 3rd mid 7.2 7.2 3.15 1.69 4.84
29 4th (top) end 3.6 3.6 2.94 1.69 4.63
30 3rd end 1.8 1.8 2.25 1.69 3.94 0.78 0.78
31 3rd mid 3.36 3.36 2.55 1.69 4.24
32 2nd end 3.36 3.36 2.55 1.69 4.24
33 Gmd end 6.16 2.6 8.76 2.55 4.2 1.69 1.2 9.64 26 26
34 3rd end 3.36 3.36 2.55 1.69 4.24
35 4th (top) end 12.6 12.6 2.55 1.69 4.24
36 Gmd end 6.16 2.16 8.32 2.55 5.95 1.69 4.08 14.27

Table. 23. Areas ofspaces III the sllrveyed cases after transformatIOns.

217
case Floor Location Alter Transformation Icont.
Aoom 1 Aoom2 Aoom3 Room4 Aoom5 Aoom6 Total Balconv Terrace Garden1 Garden2 Total

1 4th (top) end 11.88 13.3 12.6 11.88 49.66

2 4th (top) end 14.85 9.66 9.24 12.6 46.35 4.14 4.14
3 Gmd end 11.88 13.3 14.52 39.7
4 Gmd end 11.55 15.18 9.1 35.83 11.55 11.55
5 2nd mid 11.88 13.3 25.18
6 2nd mid 14.85 15.51 9.36 39.72 4.7 4.7
7 3rd end 14.4 11.7 8.88 13.05 48.03 4.05 4.05
8 4th (top) mid 14.4 9.96 6.5 10.5 41.36 35.85 35.85
9 Gmd mid 14.4 11.7 8.58 12 46.68 4.5 4.5
10 3rd mid 14.4 11.7 8.84 11.61 46.55 5.2 5.2
11 3rd end 14.4 11.7 18.66 44.76 3.6 3.6
12 2nd end 14.4 11.7 5.7 18.92 50.72 1.35 1.35
13 5th (top) end 14.4 11.7 14.4 11.7 7 59.2 2.25 1.43 3.68
14 4th mid 14.4 11.7 5.1 9 40.2 11.83 11.83
15 2nd end 14.4 11.7 13.53 13.26 52.89 3.9 3.9
16 3rd end 14.4 11.7 26.1 24.94 24.94
17 Gmd mid 14.4 11.7 5.98 12.3 44.38 2.3 24.64 26.94
18 4th mid 14.4 11.7 26.1 2.25 2.25
19 Gmd end 14.4 11.7 26.1 2.25 6.4 8.65
20 3rd end 14.4 11.7 2.77 28.87
21 4th mid 14.4 11.7 6.93 11.48 12.54 57.05 3.2 3.2
22 2nd rnid 14.4 11.7 12.24 11.7 50.04 3.8 3.8
23 2nd mid 14.4 11.7 12.24 12.6 50.94 3.5 3.5
24 Gmd rnid 14.4 11.7 7.25 13.2 46.55 5.5 5.5
25 Gmd end 14.4 11.7 7.29 13.3 46.69 6.1 22.5 28.6
26 3rd mid 14.4 11.7 9.9 15.5 51.5 2.9 2.9
27 Gmd mid 14.4 11.7 11.02 13.05 50.17 31.5 22.5 54
28 3rd mid 14.4 11.7 26.1 14.625 14.625
29 4th (top) end 14.4 11.7 4.2 30.3
30 3rd end 14.4 11.7 7.14 33.24
31 3rd mid 9.3 13.2 9.6 9.8 41.9
32 2nd end 9.3 13.2 9.6 9.24 10.92 11.7 63.96 3.51 3.51 7.02

33 Gmd end 9.3 13.2 9.6 6.44 3.6 11.7 53.84 3.51 12.4 15.91
34 3rd end 9.3 13.2 9.6 9.8 41.9 29.64 29.64
35 4th (top) end 9.3 13.2 9.6 13.65 11.7 57.45 3.12 3.12
36 Gmd end 9.3 13.2 9.6 6.44 10.5 9.9 58.94 4.5 4.5

Table. 23 (contllll/ed). Areas ofspaces III tlle sl/rveyed cases after transformatIOns.
218
Case F100r Location Alter Translormations (cont.) Total area
5hop 1 5hop2 5hop3 Total of unit

1 4th(top) end 58.98

2 4th(top) end 61.04
3 Grnd end 15.4 15.4 59.65
4 Grnd end 14.96 14.96 76
5 2nd mid 29.73
6 2nd mid 59.97
7 3rd end 64.12
8 4th(top) mid 85.23
9 Grnd mid 59.17
10 3rd mid 63.22
11 3rd end 58.6
12 2nd end 61.44
13 5th(top) end 77.51
14 4th mid 56.8
15 2nd end 64.63
16 3rd end 60.68
17 Grnd mid 82.64
18 4th mid 38.86
19 Grnd end 1.8 1.8 49.49
20 3rd end 38.81
21 4th mid 68.68
22 2nd mid 64.73
23 2nd mid 65.75
24 Grnd mid 61.57
25 Grnd end 2.34 4.32 4.32 10.98 100.56
26 3rd mid 66.44
27 Grnd mid 115.76
28 3rd mid 52.765
29 4th(top) end 38.53
30 3rd end 39.76
31 3rd mid 49.5
32 2nd end 78.58
33 Grnd end 7.84 7.84 121.99
34 3rd end 79.14
35 4th(top) end 77.41
36 Grnd end 9 15 24 110.03

Ta/lle. 23 (collt/fllled). Areas ofspace,- /fi tile SlmJc~/ed cases after trallsformatiolls.
219
 Averaae areas (sq.m.)
Unit type l-roomed 2-roomed 3-roomed
Before After Before After Before After
Entrance 1.80 0.68 3.36 1.68
Hall 5.95 3.47 3.15 3.66 3.57 4.15
Lobby 0.38 0.79
Kitchen 2.80 2.73 3.15 3.21 2.55 2.55
Kitchen 2 1.28 0.13 1.69
W.C. 1.69 1.69 1.69 1.59 1.69 1.69
W.C. 2 0.54 0.07 0.20
Bath. 0.19 0.68
A. Cage 0.11
Storage 0.22
Basement 4.33
Room 1 15.26 12.82 14.4 14.40 9.30 9.30
Room2 13.38 11.7 11.63 13.20 13.20
Room3 9.14 7.38 11.70 9.60
Room4 4.08 8.47 9.23
Room5 0.81 6.12
Room6 5.55
Balcony 3.08 3.40 2.25 2.13 2.80 2.44
Terrace 3.96 7.59
Garden 1 3.51
Garden 2 0.94
Shop 1 5.06 0.17 2.81
Shop2 0.18 2.50
Shop3 0.18
Total 28.77 57.56 38.14 63.99 48.17 86.11

Table. 24. COII/parisol/ betweel/ chal/ges il/ average areas ofspaces il/ the t/Iree types offlats sll/ïJeyed.

220
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~ Shop 4 : Shop 4 ! Shop4 l
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~?-
Case Studies:

Block 1:
- Case 1 to 6 (one-roomed units)

Block 2:
- Case 7 to 12 (two-roomed units)

Block 3:
- Case 13 to 18 (two-roomed units)

Block 4:
- Case 19 to 24 (two-roomed units)

Block 5:
- Case 25 to 3D (two-roomed units)

Block 6:
- Case 31 to 36 (three-roomed units)

Key to Floor Plans of Surveyed Cases

= Existing wall
~~;a1ZiaZliW = New wall
c ==::. ~ = Demolished wall

222
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