POSSESSION VS.

LOCATION :COMMENT LES SYSTEMES DE VALEURS CULTURELLES

INFLUENCENT LA RESISTANCE DES CONSOMMATEURS A L’ECONOMIE DU PARTAGE

Alexandra Campbell
Schulich School of Business, York University, Toronto, Canada
acampbell@schulich.yorku.ca

Guergana Guintcheva*
EDHEC Business School, Lille, France
guergana.guintcheva@edhec.edu

* Guergana Guintcheva :
EDHEC Business School
24, av. Gustave Delory
59057 Roubaix
Tél. 03 20 15 44 88
Fax : 03 20 15 44 64

Résumé : Le but de cette recherche est de comprendre comment évolue la signification sociale
des modes de consommation et l'effet au fil du temps d'un mode de consommation (propriété)
sur la légitimité d'un autre mode émergent (location). Notre analyse longitudinale utilise le
discours de consommateurs en ligne (blogs et forums), ainsi que la couverture médiatique en
France sur la location de sacs de luxe sur une période de 8 ans (2007-2014). L'analyse est
complétée par des entretiens individuels menés en 2015. Nos résultats suggèrent que le
symbolisme de la possession d’un sac de luxe pour les femmes françaises est profondément
enraciné dans leur propre identité culturelle. Au fil du temps, la représentation des femmes
françaises de la pratique de la location de sacs de luxe a changé de sens et a dé-légitimé la
location comme une alternative à la propriété.

Mots clef : économie du partage ; possession, location, culture, sacs de luxe

OWNING VS RENTING: HOW CULTURAL VALUE SYSTEMS INFLUENCE CONSUMER

RESISTANCE TO ACCESS-BASED MODES OF CONSUMPTION

Abstract : The purpose of this research is to understand how the socially constructed meaning
of consumption modes evolves and the effect over time of one mode of consumption
(ownership) on the legitimacy of another emerging mode (rentals). Our longitudinal analysis
uses on-line consumer discourse in blogs and forums as well as press coverage in France
about luxury purse rentals over an 8 year period (2007-2014). The analysis is supplemented
by personal interviews conducted in 2015. Our research results suggest that the symbolism for
French women of owning a luxury bag is deeply rooted in their cultural self-identity. Over
time, the framing by French women about the practice of renting a luxury handbag changed
its meaning and de-legitimized renting as an acceptable alternative to ownership.

Keywords : access-based consumption ; possession ; renting ; culture ; luxury handbags

 OWNING VS RENTING: HOW CULTURAL VALUE SYSTEMS INFLUENCE CONSUMER
RESISTANCE TO ACCESS-BASED MODES OF CONSUMPTION

Introduction

The purpose of this research is to understand how the socially constructed meaning of
consumption modes evolves and the effect over time of one mode of consumption
(ownership) on the legitimacy of another emerging mode (rentals). Our longitudinal analysis
uses on-line consumer discourse in blogs and forums as well as press coverage in France
about luxury purse rentals over an 8 year period (2007-2014). The analysis is supplemented
by personal interviews conducted in 2015.

Access-based consumption is a rapidly growing business model in many countries and

has gained legitimacy amongst consumers as an alternative to ownership. France is the fourth
largest creator of sharing economy start-ups globally (Davidson, 2015) and the fourth largest
market for luxury goods in the world (Deloitte 2014). When on-line rental of luxury handbags
was introduced to France in 2007 based on its success in the US, there was an initial flurry of
interest by consumers. However, despite favourable French media coverage and the
subsequent economic downturn in France (both of which should have encouraged the
development of a luxury handbags rental industry), French women did not adopt the new
practice of renting luxury hand bags. In contrast to the US where renting luxury handbags has
become a mainstream practice with 10 websites renting luxury handbags, luxury handbag
rentals have declined sharply in France since 2010. The number of websites renting luxury
handbag in France has decreased from a peak of eight to only one in 2014.
Our research results suggest that the symbolism for French women of owning a luxury
bag is deeply rooted in their cultural self-identity. Over time, the framing by French women
about the practice of renting a luxury handbag changed its meaning and de-legitimized renting
as an acceptable alternative to ownership.

Conceptual background

Previous literature has studied both ownership and access-based modes of

consumption separately. But our theoretical understanding is limited about how these two
norms of consumption interact over time. Prior studies have found that when consumers
access products for short periods of time their object-self relationship is based more on the
experience value and less on the identity value of objects (Bardhi and Eckhardt, 2012; Chen,
2009). It is their weaker identity value with the object that prompts consumers to access
products on a temporary basis rather than to purchase them. This weaker object-self
relationship may be due to the characteristics of access (Bardhi and Eckhardt, 2012) or the
way in which the mode of consumption shapes the desires, preferences and values of
consumers themselves (Chen, 2009). However, this may not be true for the consumption of
products associated with both high hedonic and high personal identity such as luxury goods.
Research on the consumption of luxury goods has focused exclusively on the
relationship consumers have with the luxury brands they own. Luxury products are consumed
to boost self-esteem, express one’s identity, signal status and for the luxury experience or
feeling (Belk, 1985; Han et al., 2010; Richins, 1994; Danziger, 2005). To date, the
relationship consumers have with high hedonic and high identity luxury goods they have
accessed temporarily is limited to Karkkainen’s (2013) empirical study on Finnish women’s
use of renting luxury handbags as an identity project and Catulli et al’s (2013) pilot study of

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the attitudes of British women about renting high-end luxury baby strollers from a fictious
firm. Karkkainen’s (2013) study identified six luxury purse renter identity themes: Non-
materialistic; Need variety and novelty in their lives; Rational; Independent and desire
Uniqueness; and Convenience-oriented. While different in focus, the Catulli et al (2013) study
found that women would be willing to rent a high-end baby stroller to leverage their lifestyle
as long as their social group was unaware that they were renting. Taken together, these two
studies suggest that, like owners, renters may also use the access of luxury goods to construct
a self-identity. Various empirical studies have examined consumer attitudes about the concept
of luxury both within and between different countries. The empirical research by Hennigs et
al (2012) about cross cultural perceptions of luxury found that four values associated with
luxury (financial, individual, functional and social) were generalizable across consumers in
different countries. However, there were significant country-specific differences in the
importance of different luxury dimensions. Relevant to our research is that the authors found
significant differences between French and US consumers in the importance of Financial
Value (the monetary aspects and prestige pricing as a signal for exclusivity and uniqueness)
and Individual Value (a customer’s personal orientation toward luxury consumption with
aspects of self-identity as well as materialistic and hedonistic buying motives). French
consumers had the highest mean score on perceptions of the Financial Value of luxury of all
the countries studied. In contrast, American consumers had the lowest score. US consumers
had the highest score on the Individual hedonic, affective and materialistic aspects of luxury
consumption whereas French consumers were below the mean score on the Individual Value
of luxury. Hennigs et al (2013) suggest that in addition to country-specific differences on the
value dimensions of luxury, there are also industry-specific differences. Luxury handbags in
particular may have a stronger self-identity value for French consumers than other luxury
products they consume. One reason for this is that luxury handbags are dominated by global
French brands with strong brand communities which allow the consumer to extend the “self”
to the object (Belk, 1985).
The creation of new markets as a political and social process suggests that the process
of market creation is affected by the environment that exists outside the firm or industry. For
a new market to be created, producers and consumers must come to certain shared
understandings of what is being exchanged and why. This is largely a process of
institutionalizing shared understanding and practices of exchange that legitimize or de-
legitimize consumption practices (Humphreys, 2010). Legitimation is the process of making a
practice or institution socially, culturally, and politically acceptable within a particular context
(Johnson et al., 2006). One aspect of this is the new practice’s normative legitimacy which
refers to the degree to which an industry is viewed as being socially acceptable according to
dominant norms and values (Ruef and Scott, 1998). Humphreys and Latour (2013) found that
the way a practice is framed as it becomes known can have a crucial impact on its legitimacy,
especially for those unfamiliar with the practice. They found that media frames affect
consumer judgments of legitimacy by changing consumers’ implicit associations.

Research Methodology and Design

Three different research methods were used to understand the cultural framing of
renting luxury handbags in France. Longitudinal netnographic data was collected from
comments and conversations amongst French women from various blogs, forums and online
communities related to luxury hand bag rentals over a span of 8 years, from 2007 to 2014. In
total, 500 posts (19,649 words) were analyzed by SemantiWeb (an online software of
discourse analysis). The social meaning of a consumption practice is actively constructed and
changed by social actors. When consumers share opinions and stories about consumption

3
experiences, they are not only expressing their subjective opinions. They are also articulating
a culturally shared system of meanings and beliefs (Thompson 1997).
To understand whether the on-line consumer discourse was being shaped by the
media, a content analysis was conducted through Factiva of all French press coverage of
renting luxury handbags over the same time period.
Finally, to understand why the rental luxury handbag business model failed in France,
we conducted eleven qualitative semi-structured interviews in 2015 with participants who
were interested in or had experience with luxury handbags, and luxury brands. To be
consistent with the netnographic data, interviews were conducted with French females
between 15-34 years of age.

Results and Discussion

Eighty two percent of the women who talked about renting luxury handbags were
between 15-35 years of age with an over-representation of 15-24 year olds. Consumer
discourse on renting luxury handbags was analyzed by year using content analysis software
(ALCESTE). Due to insufficient online discussion, data could only be analyzed by year for
2007, 2008, 2009 and 2011. To enrich the interpretation of the quantitative results, a
qualitative content analysis of participant comments was also conducted for the total time
period and also by year.
A recurring theme amongst all consumers during this eight year period was the
importance of luxury handbags to their personal self-identity. Handbags were considered
highly personal since they had their whole life within the handbag. Both women who owned
luxury handbags and those that did not used words like “essential” “huge sentimental value”,
“realizing my dreams” to describe luxury handbags. An interesting pattern emerged over time
about the reference point against which the practice of renting luxury handbags was
compared. In 2007, the reference point for the new practice of renting luxury bags was
ownership and was framed in terms of pretending to be someone you were not. This quickly
changed to comparing rentals to counterfeits which further strengthened associations of being
“fake” with rentals. Over time, this negative cultural framing de-legitimized renting and
ultimately resulted in a rejection for most French women of using an access-based mode of
consumption for luxury handbags.
The largest number of on line discussions about luxury bag rentals was in 2007 when
this concept was first introduced in France (84 conversations). Not surprisingly, the largest
group of discussions was related to information seeking about the new practice: (price,
service, choice, offer etc.), how it worked and whether anyone had tried it.
The initial reference point for handbag rentals was ownership for both critics (“I’d
much prefer to buy a handbag that belonged to me than to rent one. I find handbags very
much too personal”) and enthusiasts (“I really like the concept of renting. It’s not very
personal but for those like me who like change, it’s an interesting alternative”). There were
also strong feelings about the advantages and disadvantages of renting: Many consumers were
enthusiastic to try renting (“I am completely seduced by this concept. After seeing a television
program about it this morning, I spent some time looking at different rental websites. I
thought the best was Feelchic.fr. They rent their bags by the week and only for 14 euros. I
think I’m going to try this site”). For others though, there was considerable resistance to the
concept ( “About renting handbags… . Sorry girls, what’s the interest to “rent” a handbag. I
find that bizarre”. There were also strong debates about the pros and cons of renting vs

4
owning. As evidenced by the following quote, renting a luxury hand bag was portrayed as an
attempt to portray yourself in a way that was not authentic “For or against renting handbags?
I don’t see the point of it. Why rent a handbag for a week? To try and pretend you are the type
of girl who can afford a LV bag? Personally I think it’s stupid. That’s my opinion”.
By 2008 the number of conversations had dropped to 43. The largest group of
discussion was talking about renting luxury bags in terms of possible benefits such as novelty,
fashion, and trends: (”I like to look chic and pretty”) and there was interest in the idea that
by renting, women could have a “total look” by accessorizing with different luxury handbags.
At the same time, however, there was more discussion about the risks of renting even amongst
enthusiasts. Consumers talked about the risks of damaging the handbag or what would happen
if the handbag was stolen. Rather than comparing renting to owning, a new reference point
emerged: consumers started to talk about renting vs counterfeit This theme emerged in two
ways – as part of the risk associated with renting – whether or not the handbag was
“authentic” and the implicit association of “fake” with the concept of renting: “For me,
renting handbags is like counterfeit – you want to look rich without having the means to
afford it”.
In 2009 the number of conversations had dropped to 30 and in 2011 there were only
18 conversations. The discourse had changed from a polarized debate about renting to a
dismissal of the concept (”What does renting give you? Knowing you have to return the bag –
I don’t see the purpose”). The largest group of discussion in both years was from people who
did rent and while they used more affective words to describe the practice (dream, pleasure)
they were also putting limits on when they would rent – only for weddings or special
occasions. Even amongst enthusiasts, renting was perceived to be a short term but inferior
solution to the desire to experience owning a luxury handbag. Owning a luxury handbag was
still the ultimate goal. A new theme emerged amongst renters. Women who did rent now felt
they had to justify their decision. ( “I find renting bags for a special occasion allows me play
the game to the limits. That’s why I rent handbags. But I hope one day to be able to own the
handbag of my dreams. But I understand your lack of understanding. For now I rent since the
choice is to buy a luxury handbag or to go away on vacation for a week to I’illl Maurice”).”
The qualitative content analysis for the years 2010-12-13-14 indicates that over time,
the resistance towards renting turned into indifference and ultimately to a complete lack of
interest. This is corroborated by the sharp decline in the number of on-line postings about the
topic from 15 in 2010 to 9 in 2012 and only 1 in 2014. The final posting in 2014 sums up how
the rental concept had been de-legitimized and ultimately rejected by French women: (“I
wouldn’t rent a handbag just to have the brand. I’d prefer to buy a used luxury handbag”).
Contrary to our expectations, the press coverage of luxury handbag rentals from 2007-
2014 did not appear to shape consumer discourse about this practice. Our content analysis
revealed that the press coverage was positive about this new consumption practice as a way to
cope with the economic downturn in the French economy in 2008. The recurring theme of
press coverage throughout 2007-2014 was to provide information about how the rental
process worked and how consumers could find rental websites. However, there was
surprisingly little press coverage: in eight years there were only 27 articles. The lack of press
coverage reflected the lack of consumer interest in this concept: over time renting luxury
handbags became a footnote in articles focusing on the sharing economy in France.
The eleven consumer interviews conducted in the beginning of 2015 provide further
insight into why luxury handbag rentals were not a success in France. Unlike renting a car or
a house, luxury handbags were a strong part of the interviewees self-identity because they are
5
so personal (ie. on their person all the time) and have to be earned. For this reason, there was
unanimous consensus amongst the interviewees that they would never rent a luxury handbag.
Renting would mean they were “pretending to be someone” or “faking it” because they
couldn’t really afford this lifestyle, but wanted to act the part regardless. Only three
respondents said that they knew someone who had rented a luxury handbag. Of these, there
were only two individuals that appeared to rent regularly (because their items were always
changing) and they acted in a way that demonstrated that they did not want other people to
find out.
Approximately half the respondents said that they would think differently about a
person if they found out that they had rented a luxury handbag. This sentiment was especially
strong if it was related to someone young who did not have a lot of money because it would
be obvious that they had not actually paid for the luxury handbag. This even extended to
actually owning handbags because what they owned did not actually match with their (lack
of) personal and professional achievements.
In summary, our research results suggest that previous research may have over-
generalized the inevitable shift to access-based modes of consumption. While in aggregate,
markets are shifting from an ownership based to an access based economy, this shift can lead
to very different outcomes in different industries in accordance with existing value systems.
The French preference of owning a luxury handbag can be traced back to French cultural
value systems and a particular way of thinking about the self.

Research Implications
From an academic perspective, this research extends our understanding of whether and
how new emerging consumption practices are adopted (or not) by consumers to create new
markets. Our research contributes to the growing body of literature on the ways in which the
social meaning of a consumption practice is actively constructed and changed by social
actors. The research results highlight the role of cultural value systems in framing a new
consumption practice. This cultural framing can serve to legitimate or de-legitimate the
practice over time.
From a managerial perspective, our research results suggest that new business models
based on access-based consumption need to take into account culturally inspired resistance
and develop ways to deal with it. One way could be offering a mixture of both ownership and
rental/sharing modes of consumption. This approach has already been implemented for luxury
handbags in Germany. The e-tailer “Luxusbabe” (luxusbabe.de) in Germany offers both new
designer handbags for sale and designer handbags for rent; moreover, the firm offers renters
the option of buying their rented goods at the end of the rental period.

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