Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Robert
Table of Contents
Ch. 1 Operations and Supply Chain Management
Ch. 2 Strategy and Sustainability
Ch. 3 Forecasting
Ch. 4 Strategic Capacity Management
Ch. 4a Learning Curves
Ch. 5 Projects
Ch. 6 Manufacturing Processes
Ch. 6a Break-Even Analysis
Ch. 7 Service Processes
Ch. 8 Sales and Operations Planning
Ch. 9 Material Requirements Planning
Ch. 10 Quality Management and Six Sigma
Ch. 11 Inventory Management
Ch. 12 Lean Supply Chains
Ch. 13 Global Sourcing and Procurement
Ch. 14 Location, Logistics, and Distribution
Appendix A: Linear Programming Using the Excel Solver
Appendix B: Answers to Selected Objective Questions
Appendix C: Present Value Table
Appendix D: Negative Exponential
Appendix E: Areas of the Cumulative Standard Normal Distribution
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sûr qu’ils ne soient rien ? Le petit souffle qui enflait leurs narines de
vivants se dissout-il dans l’air où ils ont expiré ? De leur conscience,
subtile vibration d’atomes, quelque chose d’impondérable
n’échappe-t-il pas au néant ?
Ainsi raisonnait Pauline, perdue dans les cavernes de son
ignorance métaphysique. Elle avait interrogé quelquefois M. Ardel
sur ce mystère, et il s’était contenté de répondre : « Nous ne savons
pas. » Cependant, elle gardait, comme lui, de ses ancêtres italiens,
deux rudiments de l’instinct religieux : le culte des Mânes et
l’appréhension de l’Inconnu.
— Au cimetière de Roanne, pensa-t-elle, ma mère est seule ;
personne n’ira plus la voir. Je vais écrire qu’on mette des bruyères
du Cap et des roses de Noël…
Mais elle ajouta intérieurement, avec plus de curiosité que
d’angoisse :
— Que se passera-t-il pour moi dans cette maison et dans cette
ville ?
Elle sauta hors du lit, prompte à se lever, les jours où le
professeur faisait sa classe le matin ; elle-même, en effet, lui
préparait son bol de chocolat. Pieds nus, elle ouvrit les volets de ses
deux fenêtres. L’aube grelottait sur le toit d’en face, gris de givre ; le
ciel, d’acier pâle, d’un rose diaphane à l’orient, présageait un lundi
splendide. L’air aigu, des ablutions froides et l’espoir du soleil
montant la remirent en gaieté. Le soleil était son idole ; lorsqu’il se
montrait, les vitres de sa chambre flambaient comme des vitraux ; il
se prélassait, jusqu’à trois heures après midi, contre la maison ; le
mur le buvait par toutes ses pierres et la vigne par tous ses
sarments :
— Que vivre est beau ! se disait Pauline, enfilant les manches
d’un peignoir douillet. Qui donc a fait la mort ?
Elle descendit en hâte, à un bruyant coup de sonnette ; la laitière
venait de poser ses berthes sur le trottoir. L’ample Mme Naudot
entra comme un tourbillon et proféra d’un gosier criard, avec son
accent de l’Ile-de-France :
— Je vous amène le beau temps ; c’te nuit, à une heure, quand je
me suis levée, le ciel n’était qu’une étoile.
Pauline s’amusait de son babil et admirait en elle une race qu’elle
croyait disparue, la bonne femme de jadis, simple et carrée, diligente
au labeur, toujours joviale. Elle paraissait jeune, bien qu’elle eût
quatre filles et deux fils dont l’aîné « avait fini son temps ». Un
mouchoir noué autour du chignon, une « marmotte » telle qu’en ont
les paysannes de la Brie, serrait son front court, entaillé d’une ride
horizontale ; sa rude mâchoire soutenait des joues rougeaudes, si
rebondies qu’elles renfonçaient ses yeux pétillants. Elle savait
Pauline sans cuisinière et lui en offrit une de sa connaissance, « une
fille honnête et forte, travailleuse, propre, mais aussi propre qu’un
oignon » ! Pauline la remercia : elle en attendait une autre qu’on
devait tout à l’heure lui présenter.
Aussitôt que le déjeuner fut prêt, elle agita une cloche afin
d’avertir « ses deux hommes ». L’oncle Hippolyte arriva le premier,
ponctuel à la manière d’une horloge « dont le mouvement, disait-il
lui-même, restait bon ».
Ce petit vieillard chauve, droit dans sa robe de chambre, affirmait
une solidité de charpente faite pour éprouver la patience de ses
héritiers. Son crâne bossué, pointu, semblait dur comme du silex ;
ses bajoues, fraîchement rasées, s’avivaient de colorations fermes.
Si ses pupilles de myope et de bureaucrate nageaient dans le vague
sous ses lunettes, un sourire de santé bénévole montait de ses
lèvres lippues aux ailes voluptueuses de son nez. Il élevait entre ses
doigts, d’une façon gauche et comique, un habit à queue râpé, fripé,
avec des parements crasseux et une doublure en loques :
— Tiens, fit-il à sa nièce qui riait, un cadeau que je t’apporte.
J’aurais bien pu le mettre encore un an ou deux.
— Voilà les cadeaux de mon oncle, remarqua in petto Pauline.
Il rangea dans un coin une chaise de cuir qu’il jugeait mal alignée
— car l’ordre était une de ses manies les plus despotiques — et, en
silence, il s’attabla.
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surroundings and opposition, soon won popularity, and this
popularity was subsequently taken as the groundwork for the
establishment of
The Greenback Party.
This party, with a view to ease the rigors of the monetary panic of
1873, advocated an unlimited issue of greenbacks, or an “issue based
upon the resources of the country.” So vigorously did discontented
leaders of both parties press this idea, that they soon succeeded in
demoralizing the Democratic minority—which was by this time such
a plain minority, and so greatly in need of new issues to make the
people forget the war, that it is not surprising they yielded, at least
partially, to new theories and alliances. The present one took them
away from the principles of Jackson, from the hard-money theories
of the early days, and would land them they knew not where, nor did
many of them care, if they could once more get upon their feet. Some
resisted, and comparatively few of the Democrats in the Middle
States yielded, but in part of New England, the great West, and
nearly all of the South, it was for several years quite difficult to draw
a line between Greenbackers and Democrats. Some Republicans, too,
who had tired of the “old war issues,” or discontented with the
management and leadership of their party, aided in the construction
of the Greenback bridge, and kept upon it as long as it was safe to do
so. In State elections up to as late as 1880 this Greenback element
was a most important factor. Ohio was carried by an alliance of
Greenbackers and Democrats, Allen being elected Governor, only to
be supplanted by Hayes (afterwards President) after a most
remarkable contest, the alliance favoring the Greenback, the
Republicans not quite the hard-money, but a redeemable-in-gold
theory. Indiana, always doubtful, passed over to the Democratic
column, while in the Southern States the Democratic leaders made
open alliances until the Greenbackers became over-confident and
sought to win Congressional and State elections on their own merits.
They fancied that the desire to repudiate ante-war debts would
greatly aid them, and they openly advocated the idea of repudiation
there, but they had experienced and wise leaders to cope with. They
were not allowed to monopolize this issue by the Democrats, and
their arrogance, if such it may be called, was punished by a more
complete assertion of Democratic power in the South than was ever
known before. The theory in the South was welcomed where it would
suit the Democracy, crushed where it would not, as shown in the
Presidential election of 1880, when Garfield, Hancock and Weaver
(Greenbacker) were the candidates. The latter, in his stumping tour
of the South, proclaimed that he and his friends were as much
maltreated in Alabama and other States, as the Republicans, and for
some cause thereafter (the Democrats alleged “a bargain and sale”)
he practically threw his aid to the Republicans—this when it became
apparent that the Greenbackers, in the event of the election going to
the House, could have no chance even there.
Gen’l Weaver went from the South to Maine, the scene of what was
regarded at that moment as a pivotal struggle for the Presidency.
Blaine had twice been the most prominent candidate for the
Presidency—1876 and 1880—and had both times been defeated by
compromise candidates. He was still, as he had been for many years,
Chairman of the Republican State Committee of Maine, and now as
ever before swallowed the mortification of defeat with true political
grace. The Greenbackers had the year before formed a close alliance
with the Democrats, and in the State election made the result so
close that for many weeks it remained a matter of doubt who was
elected Governor, the Democratic Greenbacker or the Republican. A
struggle followed in the Legislature and before the Returning Board
composed of State officers, who were Democrats, (headed by Gov.
Garcelon) and sought to throw out returns on slight technicalities.
Finally the Republicans won, but not without a struggle which
excited attention all over the Union and commanded the presence of
the State militia. Following Garfield’s nomination another struggle,
as we have stated, was inaugurated, with Davis as the Republican
nominee for Governor, Plaisted the Democratic-Greenback, (the
latter a former Republican). All eyes now turned to Maine, which
voted in September. Gen’l Weaver was on the stump then, as the
Greenback candidate for President, and all of his efforts were bent to
breaking the alliance between the Greenbackers and Democrats.
He advocated a straight-out policy for his Greenback friends,
described his treatment in the South, and denounced the Democracy
with such plainness that it displayed his purpose and defeated his
object. Plaisted was elected by a close vote, and the Republicans
yielded after some threats to invoke the “Garcelon precedents.” This
was the second Democratic-Greenback victory in Maine, the first
occurring two years before, when through an alliance in the
Legislature (no candidate having received a majority of all the
popular vote) Garland was returned.
The victory of Plaisted alarmed the Republicans and enthused the
Democrats, who now denounced Weaver, but still sought alliance
with his followers. General B. F. Butler, long a brilliant Republican
member of Congress from Massachusetts, for several years
advocated Greenback ideas without breaking from his Republican
Congressional colleagues. Because of this fact he lost whatever of
chance he had for a Republican nomination for Governor, “his only
remaining political ambition,” and thereupon headed the
Greenbackers in Massachusetts, and in spite of the protests of the
hard-money Democrats in that State, captured the Democratic
organization, and after these tactics twice ran for Governor, and was
defeated both times by the Republicans, though he succeeded, upon
State and “anti-blue blood” theories, in greatly reducing their
majority. In the winter of 1882 he still held control of the Democratic
State Committee, after the Greenback organization had passed from
view, and “what will he do next?” is one of the political questions of
the hour.
The Greenback labor party ceased all Congressional alliance with
the Democrats after their quarrel with General Weaver, and as late as
the 47th session—1881–82—refused all alliance, and abstained from
exercising what some still believe a “balance of power” in the House,
though nearly half of their number were elected more as Republicans
than Greenbackers.
As a party, the Greenbackers, standing alone, never carried either
a State or a Congressional district. Their local successes were due to
alliances with one or other of the great parties, and with the passage
of the panic they dissolved in many sections, and where they still
obtain it is in alliance with labor unions, or in strong mining or
workingmen’s districts. In the Middle States they won few local
successes, but were strong in the coal regions of Pennsylvania.
Advocates of similar theories have not been wanting in all the
countries of Western Europe following great wars or panics, but it
was reserved to the genius of Americans to establish an aggressive
political party on the basis of theories which all great political
economists have from the beginning antagonized as unsafe and
unsound.
The Prohibitory Party.
During this year the long disputed Alabama Claims of the United
States against Great Britain, arising from the depredations of the
Anglo-rebel privateers, built and fitted out in British waters, were
referred by the Treaty of Washington, dated May 8th, 1871, to
arbitrators, and this was the first and most signal triumph of the plan
of arbitration, so far as the Government of the United States was
concerned. The arbitrators were appointed, at the invitation of the
governments of Great Britain and the United States, from these
powers, and from Brazil, Italy, and Switzerland. On September 14th,
1872, they gave to the United States gross damages to the amount of
$15,500,000, an amount which has subsequently proved to be really
in excess of the demands of merchants and others claiming the loss
of property through the depredations of the rebel ram Alabama and
other rebel privateers. We append a list of the representatives of the
several governments:
Arbitrator on the part of the United States—Charles Francis
Adams.
Arbitrator on the part of Great Britain—The Right Honorable Sir
Alexander Cockburn, Baronet, Lord Chief Justice of England.
Arbitrator on the part of Italy—His Excellency Senator Count
Sclopis.
Arbitrator on the part of Switzerland—Mr. Jacob Stampfli.
Arbitrator on the part of Brazil—Baron D’Itajuba.
Agent on the part of the United States—J. C. Bancroft Davis.
Agent on the part of Great Britain—Right Honorable Lord
Tenterden.
Counsel for the United States—Caleb Cushing, William M.
Evarts, Morrison R. Waite.
Counsel for Great Britain—Sir Roundell Palmer.
Solicitor for the United States—Charles C. Beaman, Jr.
The Force Bill.
The first regular session of the 42d Congress met Dec. 4th, 1871.
The Democrats consumed much of the time in efforts to pass bills to
remove the political disabilities of former Southern rebels, and they
were materially aided by the editorials of Horace Greeley, in the New
York Tribune, which had long contended for universal amnesty. At
this session all such efforts were defeated by the Republicans, who
invariably amended such propositions by adding Sumner’s
Supplementary Civil Rights Bill, which was intended to prevent any
discrimination against colored persons by common carriers, hotels,
or other chartered or licensed servants. The Amnesty Bill, however
was passed May 22d, 1872, after an agreement to exclude from its
provisions all who held the higher military and civic positions under
the Confederacy—in all about 350 persons. The following is a copy:
Be it enacted, etc., (two-thirds of each House concurring therein,)
That all legal and political disabilities imposed by the third section of
the fourteenth article of the amendments of the Constitution of the
United States are hereby removed from all persons whomsoever,
except Senators and Representatives of the Thirty-sixth and Thirty-
seventh Congress, officers in the judicial, military, and naval service
of the United States, heads of Departments, and foreign ministers of
the United States.
Subsequently many acts removing the disabilities of all excepted
(save Jefferson Davis) from the provisions of the above, were passed.
The Liberal Republicans.