Les civilisations mésopotamiennes

Les civilisations mésopotamiennes_______________________________________________1

Géographie et climat__________________________________________________________6
Géographie_______________________________________________________________6
Climat___________________________________________________________________9
Sols_____________________________________________________________________11
Le paysage_______________________________________________________________11
Les origines________________________________________________________________13
La Préhistoire____________________________________________________________13
Le Paléolithique_________________________________________________________13
Le Néolithique__________________________________________________________13
Le processus de sédentarisation_____________________________________________13
Les chasseurs-cueilleurs___________________________________________________13
La domestication des plantes et des animaux__________________________________14
L'origine des Sumériens___________________________________________________14
Les habitants des Monts Zagros_____________________________________________14
Premiers habitants de la Mésopotamie_______________________________________16
Les premiers Sumériens___________________________________________________16
La langue des Sumériens__________________________________________________18
Les Akkadiens___________________________________________________________18
Urbanisation_____________________________________________________________19
Communautés villageoises_________________________________________________19
Création des premières villes_______________________________________________19
Division du travail________________________________________________________20
Chronologie des civilisations mésopotamiennes___________________________________21
5000 BC – 3800 BC Les débuts______________________________________________21
5000 BC_______________________________________________________________21
~4700 BC Période Hassunah______________________________________________21
~4400 BC Période Halaf__________________________________________________21
~3900 BC Période Ubaid__________________________________________________21
3800 BC – 3200 BC Période d'Uruk__________________________________________21
3200 BC – 2900 BC Période de Jemdat Nasr__________________________________22
2900 BC – 2370 BC Première période dynastique______________________________22
Généralités_____________________________________________________________22
Vue d'ensemble des guerres civiles__________________________________________23
La dynastie de Kish______________________________________________________25
La première dynastie d'Erech (Uruk)_________________________________________25
 La dynastie d'Ur_________________________________________________________26
La dynastie de Lagash____________________________________________________26
La dynastie d'Umma_____________________________________________________28
La seconde dynastie d'Uruk (Erech)_________________________________________29
2340 BC – 2125 BC Période d'Agade (ou Akkad)_______________________________29
Les Akkadiens__________________________________________________________29
Sargon________________________________________________________________29
Les conquêtes___________________________________________________________30
Les successeurs de Sargon_________________________________________________33
La chute d'Agade________________________________________________________35
2100 BC – 1800 BC Période d'Ur III_________________________________________37
L'accession au trône de Ur-Nammu__________________________________________37
Les successeurs de Ur-Nammu_____________________________________________39
Invasion des Elamites____________________________________________________40
1990 BC – 1800 BC Cités-états sémitiques____________________________________41
1800 BC – 1170 BC Babylone_______________________________________________43
1728 BC - 1685 BC Hammurabi____________________________________________44
Les successeurs d'Hammurabi______________________________________________46
Causes de la chute d'une dynastie___________________________________________46
1720BC – 1300 BC Crise, Hittites, Kassites, Hourrites__________________________48
1200 BC – 612 BC Domination Assyrienne____________________________________53
1200-714 BC Les débuts__________________________________________________53
714-681 BC Règne de Sennacherib__________________________________________53
668-626 BC Règne d'Ashurbanipal__________________________________________53
612 BC Chute de Ninive__________________________________________________54
612 BC – 539 BC Période Néo-Babylonienne__________________________________54
605-565 BC Règne de Nebuchadnezzar______________________________________54
539 BC Chute de Babylone________________________________________________54
539 BC - 330 BC Domination Perse__________________________________________55
546 BC Règne de Cyrus___________________________________________________55
521-486 BC Règne de Darius I_____________________________________________55
486 BC – Règne de Xerxes________________________________________________55
334-330 BC Conquète d'Alexandre le Grand__________________________________55
330 BC – Période Hellénistique_____________________________________________55
La religion_________________________________________________________________56
La cosmologie____________________________________________________________56
L'après-vie_____________________________________________________________57
Le panthéon_____________________________________________________________57
Pouvoirs et personnalité des dieux___________________________________________57
Divination_____________________________________________________________62
Hiérarchie et assemblée des dieux___________________________________________63
The Primary Deities______________________________________________________64
The Seven Who Decreed Fate______________________________________________68
The Annuna (Anunnaki) and others__________________________________________71
Demigods, mortal Heroes, and Monsters______________________________________73
 Les décrets divins________________________________________________________75
Architecture religieuse_____________________________________________________75
Temples_______________________________________________________________75
Ziggourats_____________________________________________________________76
Pratiques religieuses______________________________________________________78
Pratiques religieuses privées_______________________________________________78
Pratiques funéraires privées________________________________________________79
Les tombes royales_______________________________________________________79
Rôle des prêtres_________________________________________________________80
Influence politique du clergé_______________________________________________81
Parallèles bibliques_______________________________________________________81
Nippur, the sacred city____________________________________________________82
History________________________________________________________________82
Position géographique____________________________________________________83
Economie______________________________________________________________84
Organisation sociale______________________________________________________84
Organisation politique____________________________________________________85
Architecture____________________________________________________________85
Economie__________________________________________________________________86
Agriculture______________________________________________________________86
Généralités_____________________________________________________________86
Précédents_____________________________________________________________86
Irrigation______________________________________________________________87
L'araire________________________________________________________________87
Propriété des terres_______________________________________________________88
Artisans_________________________________________________________________88
Métallurgie_____________________________________________________________88
Marchands et commerce___________________________________________________90
Rôle économique du clergé_________________________________________________92
Ecriture et sciences__________________________________________________________93
La nécessité d'une écriture_________________________________________________93
Les débuts de l'écriture____________________________________________________93
Evolution de l'écriture_____________________________________________________94
Evolution vers l'abstraction des symboles_____________________________________94
Evolution vers une écriture syllabique________________________________________95
Evolution vers l'alphabet__________________________________________________96
Techniques d'écriture_____________________________________________________97
Expansion de l'écriture____________________________________________________97
Littérature sumérienne____________________________________________________97
Généralités_____________________________________________________________97
Les listes des Rois_______________________________________________________98
L'histoire du Déluge______________________________________________________99
L'épopée de Gilgamesh__________________________________________________100
 Littérature babylonienne_________________________________________________105
Mythe de création______________________________________________________107
Ecrits profanes__________________________________________________________108
Apprentissage de l'écriture________________________________________________108
Les mathématiques______________________________________________________109
Le calendrier____________________________________________________________111
L'astronomie____________________________________________________________112
Inventions______________________________________________________________112
Arts et architecture_________________________________________________________113
Arts___________________________________________________________________113
Généralités____________________________________________________________113
Sculpture_____________________________________________________________113
Architecture____________________________________________________________119
Généralités____________________________________________________________119
Maisons d'habitation____________________________________________________120
Les villes_____________________________________________________________120
Palais________________________________________________________________121
Organisation politique______________________________________________________123
Evolution vers la monarchie_______________________________________________123
Gouvernement monarchique______________________________________________124
Choix du monarque_____________________________________________________124
Couronnement_________________________________________________________124
Approbation___________________________________________________________124
Rôles du roi___________________________________________________________124
Interdépendance entre religion et politique__________________________________125
Administration_____________________________________________________________126
Bureaucratie____________________________________________________________126
Les scribes______________________________________________________________126
Recrutement____________________________________________________________126
Législation______________________________________________________________127
L'invention de la législation_______________________________________________127
Les premières lois______________________________________________________127
Le code d'Hammurabi___________________________________________________128
Les caractéristiques de la loi______________________________________________129
Lois commerciales______________________________________________________130
Mode de fonctionnement de la justice_______________________________________130
Lois régissant le mariage_________________________________________________130
Organisation sociale________________________________________________________132
Urbanisation____________________________________________________________132
Classes sociales__________________________________________________________132
Génératliés____________________________________________________________132
 L'aristocratie___________________________________________________________132
Les artisans____________________________________________________________132
Les esclaves___________________________________________________________133
Conflits sociaux_________________________________________________________133
Rôle social du clergé______________________________________________________133
Dignités héréditaires_____________________________________________________134
Clientélisme____________________________________________________________134
Vie courante______________________________________________________________135
Les valeurs_____________________________________________________________135
Costume_______________________________________________________________135
La vie familiale__________________________________________________________135
Le mariage____________________________________________________________135
Les droits et devoirs des femmes___________________________________________135
La nourriture___________________________________________________________137
La santé________________________________________________________________138
La guerre_________________________________________________________________140
Les causes______________________________________________________________140
Les soldats______________________________________________________________142
Histoire militaire________________________________________________________144
Les techniques__________________________________________________________144
Fortifications__________________________________________________________144
Tactiques_____________________________________________________________144
Les chariots___________________________________________________________144
Composition des armées_________________________________________________145
Organisation politico-militaire_____________________________________________146
Après la bataille__________________________________________________________147
Géographie et climat
Géographie

Le soleil du Moyen-Orient embrasait un ciel sans nuages, cuisait la terre et flétrissait les
rares plantes qui avaient poussé après les maigres pluies de printemps. Un vent brûlant
soufflait du désert, engendrait des tourbillons de poussière sur la plaine monotone. Deux
collines s'élevaient à l'horizon ; aucun arbre ou presque n'offrait de refuge contre cette
incandescence. Seuls, deux fleuves paresseux, coulant vers le sud, brisaient la monotonie
du paysage, pareils à deux rubans bruns dans un néant de même couleur. Géographie de
la Mésopotamie
L'eau attirait un peu de vie. Des oiseaux volaient à tire-d'aile au-dessus des marais où les
fleuves étaient sortis de leur lit ; des bancs de poissons agitaient les hauts-fonds.
Telle était la vallée formée par le Tigre et l'Euphrate il y a 9 000 ans - datation basée sur
notre calendrier. Située au coeur du Moyen-Orient, à plus de 900 km à l'est de la
Méditerranée, cette région semblait condamnée à n'être qu'un éternel désert. Pourtant,
3000 ans après, un paysage étonnamment différent s'offrait au regard. Tout au long de la
vallée, de superbes cités s'étendaient le long des rives et autour d'elles, des champs de
céréales ressemblaient à une mer d'abondance à la place de ce qui avait été jadis des
plaines désolées. Des bosquets de palmiers dattiers ondoyant dans le vent offraient leurs
fruits et leur ombre. A l'intérieur des remparts massifs qui formaient l'enceinte des villes,
des temples dominaient de toute leur hauteur l'entrelacs des rues et la plaine. Au milieu
des palais et des riches résidences, dans le lacis des rues bordées de confortables
demeures, les habitants se pressaient en foule le long des avenues et sur les places des
marchés; dans des centaines d'échopes, les artisans fabriquaient des objets de toutes
sortes, depuis les poteries jusqu'aux bijoux étincelants, et, les jours de fêtes religieuses,
des processions de fidèles se dirigeaient vers les temples.
Man have been attracted to both rivers since prehistoric times. As water ways they make
inland navigation possible. The rivers yearly flood its banks, producing fertile land. The
character of Euphrates and Tigris are different. The Tigris is rough and fast flowing.
`Tigris' is the Greek pronunciation of the Akkadian name idiqlat. Sumerian idigna
meaning `fast as an arrow'. The upper course in particular is difficult to pass. The river
cuts deep in the surrounding land and the water flow can hardly be used for irrigation.
The Euphrates is a lifeline. It can more easily be used by ships. The banks are lower,
suitable for irrigation, with less violent floods.
A thousand centuries ago, families of palaeolithic-age man gathered in and around the
fertile Mesopotamian plain. Abundant fresh water flowing from the uplands of Armenia
and Anatolia via the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers drew game and provided vegetation and
fish for these nomadic hunter-fisher gatherers.
The annual springtime flooding and subsequent summertime drying, and the ever-
changing courses of the Great Rivers and their tributaries made living in the Plain
difficult. Most lived in the mountains and foothills surrounding the Delta.
Mesopotamia is a late, Greek word for the country we now call Iraq (though some parts
of Mesopotamia are in Iran). It means "the land between the rivers." From all accounts, it
is rather unimpressive to the eye, because it is simply a great plain of mud between two
muddy rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates. It retains few visible signs of its ancient
greatness.  Like Çatal Hüyük, the cities of Mesopotamia were built of nothing but mud. A
city that is abandoned for any length of time has its buildings collapse and become filled
with blowing sand. If another group does not claim the site and add another layer of
occupation, the place quickly turns into something scarcely distinguishable from a natural
hill.
For its very survival, Sumeria had to draw on the resources of other regions. Its soil and
waters were rich in food, and there was all the mud and reeds you would ever need for
building materials. But there was not even timber in Sumeria, and there were no mineral
deposits. The great age of Sumerian urbanism coincided with the introduction of bronze,
but there was no way that Sumer could ever produce its own bronze from native
resources.
The word `Mesopotamia' is in origin a Greek name (mesos `middle' and potamos `river',
so `land between the rivers'). The name is used for the area watered by the Euphrates and
Tigris and its tributaries, roughly comprising modern Irak and part of Syria. South of
modern Bagdad, the alluvial plains of the rivers was called the land of Sumer and Akkad
in the third millennium. Sumer is the most southern part, while the land of Akkad is the
area around modern Bagdad, where the Euphrates and Tigris are close to each other. In
the second millennium both regions together are called Babylonia, a mostly flat country.
The territory in the north is called Assyria, with the city Assur as center. It borders to the
mountains.
In the last few hundred kilometer in the lower course, the river drops only of order 10
meter. Consequently the river flow has changed significantly in the course of time. The
ruins of many famous ancient cities, like Eridu, Ur, Nippur and Kish are now far from the
river, but were in the past situated at the river banks. The location of the sea shore is
determined by the extend of silk deposition in the Persian Gulf and the rising of the sea
level. The river delta has probably gained territory over the Persian gulf. The coastal line
has moved further south or at least lagoons and estuaries in the past have now become
silted up. The city of Eridu, home of the water god (in Sumerian Enki, Akkadian Ea, one
of the top three deities in the pantheon) was in the past situated at a lagoon near the sea
and had a famous port.

The change in course of many arms of the river has had great consequences in the past. A
breakthrough somewhat more north in the plains of Mesopotamia could drain several
river arms and render a network of irrigation channels useless. It has been a question of
constant debate, struggle and war between early Sumerian cities.
The Euphrates reaches its highest water levels at the end of March to the beginning of
May, the Tigris a few weeks earlier. In both cases the crops are already growing on the
field. The river flood can only be used for agriculture when the fields are shielded by a
system of dams, dikes and canals. This contrasts with the Nile in Egypt. High water in the
Nile are a result of the summer monsoon in Central Africa and has is highest water levels
in September-October. The Nile fertilizes the land in the autumn and the crops can grow
in (early) spring when no floods occur. Moreover the Nile, fed by rivers in a large area,
has a more constant flow and carries the soluble salts and lime into the sea. The Euphrates
is more easily prone to salination.
Mesopotamia has no natural boundaries and is difficult to defend. The influence of
neighboring countries is large. Throughout the history of Mesopotamia trade contacts,
slow diffusion of foreign tribes and military confrontations have been of great influence.
Mesopotamian region was (and still today is) very diverse: undulating plains in the North,
where wheat growing and cattle rearing could be practised; further South, the rivers were
rich in marine life and the river banks jungles of vegetation where lions prowled and wild
boar could be hunted. The rich wildlife was probably what first attracted humans to the
Mesopotamian plain. The Southern plain, outside the area of rain, fed agriculture, but,
over the millennia, the rivers have laid down thick deposits of very fertile silt and, once
water is brought to this soil in ditches and canals, it proves a very attractive area to
farmers. For materials such as wood, stone and metals, however, people have to look
North and East, to the mountains where the first settlers had originated.
The country lies diagonally from northwest to southeast, between 30° and 33° N. lat., and
44° and 48° E. long., or from the present city of Bagdad to the Persian Gulf, from the
slopes of Khuzistan on the east to the Arabian Desert on the west, and is substantially
contained between the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, though, to the west a narrow strip of
cultivation on the right bank of the Euphrates must be added. Its total length is some 300
miles, its greatest width about 125 miles; about 23,000 square miles in all, or the size of
Holland and Belgium together. Like those two countries, its soil is largely formed by the
alluvial deposits of two great rivers. A most remarkable feature of Babylonian geography
is that the land to the south encroaches on the sea and that the Persian Gulf recedes at
present at the rate of a mile in seventy years, while in the past, though still in historic
times, it receded as much as a mile in thirty years. In the early period of Babylonian
history the gulf must have extended some hundred and twenty miles further inland.
According to historical records both the towns Ur and Eridu were once close to the gulf,
from which they are now about a hundred miles distant; and from the reports of
Sennacherib's campaign against Bît Yakin we gather that as late as 695 B.C., the four
rivers Kerkha, Karun, Euphrates, and Tigris entered the gulf by separate mouths, which
proves that the sea even then extended a considerable distance north of where the
Euphrates and Tigris now join to form the Shat-el-arab. Geological observations show
that a secondary formation of limestone abruptly begins at a line drawn from Hit on the
Euphrates to Samarra on the Tigris, i.e. some four hundred miles from their present
mouth; this must once have formed the coast line, and all the country south was only
gradually gained from the sea by river deposit. In how far man was witness of this
gradual formation of the Babylonian soil we cannot determine at present; as far south as
Larsa and Lagash man had built cities 4,000 years before Christ. It has been suggested
that the story of the Flood may be connected with man's recollection of the waters
extending far north of Babylon, or of some great natural event relating to the formation of
the soil; but with our present imperfect knowledge it can only be the merest suggestion. It
may, however, well be observed that the astounding system of canals which existed in
ancient Babylonia even from the remotest historical times, though largely due to man's
careful industry and patient toil, was not entirely the work of the spade, but of nature once
leading the waters of Euphrates and Tigris in a hundred rivulets to the sea, forming a delta
like that of the Nile.
The fertility of this rich alluvial plain was in ancient times proverbial; it produced a
wealth of wheat, barley, sesame, dates, and other fruits and cereals. The cornfields of
Babylonia were mostly in the south, where Larsa, Lagash, Erech, and Calneh were the
centres of an opulent agricultural population. The palm tree was cultivated with assiduous
care and besides furnishing all sorts of food and beverage, was used for a thousand
domestic needs. Birds and waterfowls, herds and flocks, and rivers teeming with fish
supplied the inhabitants with a rural plenty which surprises the modern reader of the
cadastral surveys and tithe-accounts of the ancient temples. The country is completely
destitute of mineral wealth, and possesses no stone or metal, although stone was already
being imported from the Lebanon and the Ammanus as early as 3000 B.C.; and much
earlier, about 4500 B.C., Ur-Nina, King of Shirpurla sent to Magan, i.e. the Sinaitic
Peninsula, for hard stone and hard wood; while the copper mines of Sinai were probably
being worked by Babylonians shortly after 3750, when Snefru, first king of the Fourth
Egyptian dynasty, drove them away. It is remarkable that Babylonia possesses no bronze
period, but passed from copper to iron; though in later ages it learnt the use of bronze
from Assyria.
The towns of ancient Babylonia were the following: southernmost,
● Eridu, Semitic corruption of the old name of Eri-dugga, "good city", at present the
mounds of Abu-Sharain; and
● Ur, Abraham's birthplace, about twenty-five miles northeast of Eridu, at present
Mughair.
● Both of the above towns lay west of the Euphrates. East of the Euphrates, the
southernmost town was Larsa, the Biblical Ellasar (Gen., xiv; in Vulg. and D.V.
unfortunately rendered Pontus), at present Senkere;
● Erech, the Biblical Arach (Gen., x, 10), fifteen miles northwest of Larsa, is at present
Warka;
● eight miles northeast from the modern Shatra was Shirpurla, or Lagash, now Tello.
Shirpurla was one of Babylon's most ancient cities, though not mentioned in the
Bible; probably "Raventown" (shirpur-raven), from the sacred emblem of its
goddess and sanctuary, Nin-Girsu, or Nin-Sungir, which for a score of centuries was
an important political centre, and probably gave its name to Southern Babylonia --
Sungir, Shumer, or, in Gen., x, 10, Sennaar.
● Gishban (read also Gish-ukh), a small city a little north of Shirpurla, at present the
mounds of Iskha, is of importance only in the very earliest history of Babylonia.
● The site of the important city of Isin (read also Nisin) has not yet been determined,
but it was probably situated a little north of Erech.
● Calneh, or Nippur (in D.V., Gen., x, 10, Calanne), at present Nuffar, was a great
religious centre, with its Bel Temple, unrivaled in antiquity and sanctity, a sort of
Mecca for the Semitic Babylonians. Recent American excavations have made its
name as famous as French excavations made that of Tello or Shirpurla.
● In North Babylonia we have again, southernmost, the city of Kish, probably the
Biblical Cush (Gen., x, 8); its ruins are under the present mound El-Ohemir, eight
miles east of Hilla.
 ● A little distance to the northwest lay Kutha, the present Telli Ibrahim, the city
whence the Babylonian colonists of Samaria were taken (IV Kings, xvii, 30), and
which played a great role in Northern Babylonia before the Amorite dynasty.
● The site of Agade, i.e. Akkad (Gen., x, 10), the name of whose kings was dreaded in
Cyprus and in Sinai in 3800 B.C., is unfortunately unknown, but it must have been
not far from
● Sippara; it has even been suggested that this was one of the quarters of that city,
which was scarcely thirty miles north of Babylon and which, as early as 1881, was
identified, through British excavations, with the present Abu-Habba.
● Lastly, Babylon, with its twin-city Borsippa, though probably founded as early as
3800 B.C., played an insignificant role in the country's history until, under
Hammurabi, about 2300 B.C., it entered on that career of empire which it maintained
for almost 2000 years, so that its name now stands for a country and a civilization
which was of hoary antiquity before Babylon rose to power and even before a brick
of Babylon was laid.

Climat
De plus, le sol s'enrichissait souvent d'une nouvelle couche de limon que les crues de
printemps laissaient derrière elles et qui pourrait être exploitée d'année en année, de
génération en génération, à condition que les jeunes pousses survivent aux étés torrides et
secs de la Mésopotamie.
Les premiers colons ne tardèrent pas à découvrir que les pluies d'hiver faisaient du désert
environnant une terre luxuriante, qui serait de nouveau brûlée par le soleil d'été.
Precipitation in the mountains to the north is large and rainfall-agriculture is possible. In
the Babylonian low lands precipitation is low and moreover rain is concentrated in shortly
lasting showers in the winter period December-February. Intensive sunshine after a short
spring parch the soil in the summer. Without irrigation agriculture is not possible.
Climate in the Pleistocene. The motor of the general atmospheric circulation is the
heating of the tropics and the evaporation of the tropical seas. The pleistocene is the
geological period of cold climates (glaciers in the mountains and at high latitudes) that
coincides with the cultural period, the paleolithic (Old Stone Age). Atmospheric
circulation and the evaporation of the tropical seas, is `in low gear'. The monsoonal rains
now watering the southernmost margins of the Near East, are retracted to lower latitudes
and mid-latitude westerly storms carry little moisture. The ice-age at the latitude of the
Near East is characterized by low evaporation and thus little precipitation. The large
quantities of water held in the form of ice lowered the sea level to typical ~100 meter
below present sea level.

The Würm ice-age made its last attack around 8000 BCE. The geological epoch starting
then is called Holocene. Within a fairly short time (of order 1000 year) the world climate
is basically the same as nowadays, with fluctuations on a large time scale. Recovery to
normal temperature after an ice age is generally fast. It was even warmer and wetter than
it ever has been since. The optimum of the warm and wet period (called Atlanticum, one
of the subdivisions of the Holocene) is around 5000 BCE. It is the era in which England
becomes an island again and northern Europe changes in marshland by the heavy rainfall.
Modern shorelines are approximately reestablished. Coastal settlements earlier than 5000
BCE are now under water. During the Atlanticum westerly rainstorms stray deep into the
desert zones of North Africa and the Near East. The present-day steppe areas were turned
into green land. Many lakes are seen, in particular in Africa, that are now always dry. The
distribution of the precipitation is the same as nowadays, only the absolute values change.
 The fertile crescent. Because of the shape of this distribution in the Near East (almost
absent precipitation in the central desert regions and high rainfall in the mountains around
it), the area is called the fertile crescent. The total precipitation is indirectly known from
the deposit of organic material in the sediments on the sea floor in the Gulf of Persia,
from radiocarbon dates in lake sediments. The ratio of the Oxygen-18 isotope in lake
sediments is an indicator of the total lake volume of water. There is no systematical trend
(e.g. it is not getting dryer and dryer) in the last 5000 years (historical times), but there
are three large scale dry periods effecting the entire Near East: 3200-2900, 2350-2000
and around 1300 BCE.
After 8000 BCE Near Eastern environments become substantially more attractive for
human settlements. The Atlanticum is the period in which agriculture developed in the
Near East, around the Nile in Egypt and in the Indus valley in India. The use of
agriculture is expanding gradually further to the north and west. The Atlanticum is
followed by a climate of lower temperature and precipitation. One of the relative cold and
dry periods (4000-3000 BCE) coincides with the expansion of cities in Mesopotamia and
the foundation of the first Egyption dynasty.

Many attempts have been made (particularly in the early parts of this century) to explain
the course of history as a result of large scale climatic change. These theories are called
climate determinism. The modern equivalent of this is an explanation from an ecological
perspective, in which still external influences (change in natural environment, now
including e.g. deforestation etc) are the driving factor. Another school emphasizes the
interhuman relations and sociological changes as the dominant process. It is now clear
that a combination of these and additional factors play a significant role (cultural changes,
technological innovations, new tools). However, a new hot and dry period, starting
around 500 BCE, which hastens environmental changes (overgrazing and deforestation)
probably did contribute to weaken the Mesopotamian civilization and caused the ``center
of civilization'' to move to northern latitudes.
Sols
Le long des rives des fleuves, le sol était l'un des plus fertiles du monde, profond et riche
en minéraux dévalant des montagnes où le Tigre et l'Euphrate prenaient leur source.
Dans ces dépôts alluviaux, heureusement exempts des pierres et des souches d'arbres qui
ailleurs faisaient le malheur des paysans, l'orge, le blé et les légumes poussaient
facilement. De plus, le sol s'enrichissait souvent d'une nouvelle couche de limon que les
crues de printemps laissaient derrière elles et qui pourrait être exploitée d'année en année,
de génération en génération, à condition que les jeunes pousses survivent aux étés torrides
et secs de la Mésopotamie.
Le paysage
The terrain in Sumeria was dry and arid. Flat and long expanses of desert colored terrain
should be used. The canal systems were quite well done and should be represented by
long, straight bodies of water. Canals on 15mm tables should be ½ -2 inches wide, and
perhaps double this for 25mm scale. Remember that the canals were for irrigation
purposes so tilled and well cultivated fields were common. The typical farm was capable
of growing many crops that included barley, wheat, millet, emmer, and a number of
vegetables and spices. Barley however was one of the most profitable crops as it was used
in the making of beer, which the Sumerians consumed in great quantities. A belt of trees
that were used to shelter the crops from the withering sun and the harsh winds protected
the fields of farms. The most common tree in Sumeria was the date palm. Not only could
this tree be used for protecting the fields, but it also had an economic value as well.
Raising animals was also common on Sumerian farms. The most common livestock
raised were oxen, sheep, goats, and pigs.
Les origines
Ce qui s'était passé dans cette région que les Grecs appelèrent plus tard la Mésopotamie
(« entre les fleuves ») constitue l'événement crucial de l'histoire humaine : la naissance de
la civilisation. Les descendants de ces paysans de l'âge de pierre, auxquels on a donné le
nom de Sumériens, ont transformé leur terre apparemment ingrate en une immense corne
d'abondance qui a changé la face du monde.
La Préhistoire
Le Paléolithique
The Paleolithic (Old Stone Age) is a well defined cultural epoch, that coincides with a
geological period, the Pleistocene. It covers the era of glacial periods lasting about
500000 year until 8500 BCE. It is divided into several subperiods with less well defined
boundaries, called Early Paleolithic (until ~75000 BCE), Middle Paleolithic (until ~40000
BCE), Late Paleolithic (until ~15000 BCE), so far with human habitat in camps and caves
and with an economy based an forage, wild species and tracking wild heards. The last
part is called Epi-Paleolithic (until ~8500 BCE) in which early settlements (round huts)
are found together with first signs of selection of species and some control over wild
heards is attested. The artifacts now include pestles and mortars to grind grasses, acorns
and red ocre.
Le Néolithique
The Neolithic (New Stone Age) is a cultural epoch. It doesn't coincide with a geological
era. It starts and ends at different times from place to place. This remark also applies to
other cultural periods such as Bronze Age and Iron Age. These era are defined by the use
of certain tools and materials, but even for a given place there is no sharp beginning or
ending.
The ill defined transition between the Paleolithic and the Neolithic is sometimes called
the Mesolithic (Middle Stone Age).
During the Neolithic a 'revolution' takes place, called the Neolithic revolution (the term
was first used by V.G. Childe in 1936). Despite its name it is a very slow and gradual
change from food collection to food production, that takes several millennia. Methods of
collecting food by hunting, fishing and gathering plants/fruits were gradually replaced by
animal husbandry and agriculture. It goes hand in hand with a change from a nomadic
way of life to a sedentary lifestyle, initially half-sedentary: using regular campsites
repeatedly every year, but only during certain seasons.
The Neolithic is seen as a relatively peaceful era, inferred from the absence of
fortifications around villages.
The Neolithic in Mesopotamia is characterized by the change in location, distribution and
size of human settlements: from scattered campsites in areas where game is present
(mountains slopes, in general very differentiated terrain), via repeatedly occupied
campsites near valleys to larger but still isolated settlements, never located in the middle
of the alluvial plains.
The first proofs for domestication of plants and animals come from such temporary
campsites and are sporadically already seen from 9000 BCE. E.g. the distribution in the
bones over male and female animals could not be explained by hunting alone.
Le processus de sédentarisation
Les chasseurs-cueilleurs
A l'époque où la civilisation sumérienne commençait à fleurir, la plupart des habitants de
la planète étaient des nomades ; ils se déplaçaient en petits groupes et vivaient de la
chasse et de la cueillette. Dans les savanes d'Afrique, les étendues boisées d'Europe, en
 Australie et dans les Amériques, les hommes s'habillaient de peaux de bêtes et
cherchaient refuge dans des grottes ou des abris rudimentaires. Leurs migrations
saisonnières les maintenaient à proximité immédiate des troupeaux d'animaux sauvages et
ils consacraient toutes leurs heures de veille à assurer leur survie. Chasseurs-cueilleurs
A thousand centuries ago, families of palaeolithic-age man gathered in and around the
fertile Mesopotamian plain. Abundant fresh water flowing from the uplands of Armenia
and Anatolia via the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers drew game and provided vegetation and
fish for these nomadic hunter-fisher gatherers.
The annual springtime flooding and subsequent summertime drying, and the ever-
changing courses of the Great Rivers and their tributaries made living in the Plain
difficult. Most lived in the mountains and foothills surrounding the Delta.
For ninety thousand years, these early tribes moved their camps seasonally to hunt wild
animals and to collect seeds, fruit, nuts, wild wheat, barley, and rye when they were ripe.
Remains from their encampments show the slow development of the culture of man.
Mesopotamian man left artifacts in Shanidar Cave about 50,000 B.C. showing elements
of their life. They left flowers on the graves of their dead, a touching tribute to these early
predecessors of modern man.
Over these millennia the bands began trading raw materials such as obsidian and bitumen
for making spears.

La domestication des plantes et des animaux

Certains peuples avaient toutefois largement dépassé ce stade et les premiers à rompre
avec ce mode de vie primitif ont été des peuples du Moyen-Orient. Au cours des
millénaires, ils ont appris à domestiquer le mouton et la chèvre, à cultiver le blé et l'orge.
Les débuts de l'agriculture
Quelques êtres humains vivaient aussi dans des huttes de boue au bord des marais où le
sol était humide. Grattant la terre, ils cultivaient de maigres parcelles et élevaient
quelques porcs et quelques vaches qui paissaient dans les marécages. Mais la majeure
partie de la plaine somnolait dans cette clarté éblouissante.
C'est ainsi qu'ils ont pu mettre fin à leur errance et se sédentariser. Ces hommes, qui
furent les premiers paysans, établirent leurs villages dès 8500 avant J.-C. au nord et à l'est
de la Mésopotamie où les précipitations étaient abondantes. Les débuts de la
sédentarisation
By 10,000 B.C., groups at Shanidar and Karim Shahir had developed herds of sheep
which they took to the mountains in spring and fall to graze on the sweet grass there.
Various millstones, small stone hoes, and other implements excavated at these sites show
that cultivation of grains including bread wheat also occurred at this time.
The cultivation of gardens and fields and the domestication of livestock brought a change
in living habits, as people could now remain in one place instead of wandering about
The domesticated date palm was (and is) a very useful tree.  Around 3000 the ancient
Iraqis learned to trim side-growth of the date palm to produce taller trees that could be
grown in an orchard, and began to artificially pollinate the trees to assure better crops.
Other crops were used, too, wheat, flax, apples, plums and grapes, and cattle and sheep
were both kept on the unirrigated lands that were near every settlement. according to the
migratory habits of animals or the availability of stands of wheat, barley, and rye.
L'origine des Sumériens
Les habitants des Monts Zagros
For the past three generations archaeologist have been excavating from Kurdistan the
evidence for the invention and development of some of the most crucial technologies that
transferred man-the-hunter into man-the-farmer and eventually man-the-civilized. As if
the Kurdish mountains and its inhabitants not being suitable place and people to have
been the original developers of those technologies despite the clear archaeological
evidence, almost instinctively the archaeologists have been uneasy to contribute any thing
original found in there to its native people. They have instead looked for an outside
source of influence, at times desperately, and when not found, they have tended to list the
originating culture as unknown. The same evidence found in any one of the other loci of
civilization like Mesopotamia, Egypt, or Greece are automatically attributed to those
cultures until proven otherwise.
Let us thus briefly take a closer look at the archaeological evidence as well as the
relationship that existed between Zagros mountain societies and the Sumerians to see
where the direction of influence must have been, and how.
The mound of Godin (or Gawdin) is in fact located in one of the world’s richest
archaeological regions, stretching for one hundred miles from Shahabad to Hamadan,
where the task for any archaeologist is not where to excavate, but which one of the
hundreds of mounds, temples, palace complexes and cave habitats to choose. Here one
finds some of the earliest evidence of mankind’s domestication of cereals (e.g., barley
and wheat) and live stock (e.g., goats and sheep) and development of some of the other
basic technologies dating to 11,000 years ago (Braidwood et al, 1960). Additionally,
within this very same region is found the remains of the world oldest glazed pottery at
Seh Gabi (Levine, 1974; Vandiver, 1990), earliest experiments with writing and
accounting at Godin and Ganj Dara (Schmandt-Besserat, 1986; Nissen, 1986; Green,
1981) and now wine and beer. Godin itself turns out to have been a major city with well
planned and solidly built buildings and a contemporary of the oldest cities of Sumeria and
Akkadia, and at a time when most of the rest of the world lived in caves. Godin today can
be seen as a great mound on the eastern horizon if one stands on the imposing remains of
the 2300 years old grand staircases and the vast colonnaded temple platform of the
goddess Anahita at Kangawar.
This entire archaeological region straddles the old Silk Road which was predated for
thousands of years by other crucial commercial arteries of the ancient world that
connected the East to the West over the Iranian plateau, lowland Mesopotamia, and the
Levant. As such, the region boasted a commerce oriented civilization that exported many
of its technological developments and discoveries and now contains the remains of many
imported artifact and raw material from far away sources and cultures of the time. About
4,500 years ago this region served as the heartland for the native empire of the Qutils (or
Gutis) who were among the Hurrian ancestors of the modern Kurds before their
Aryanization in the hands of the immigrating Indo- European tribes such as the Medes,
Sagarthians, and the Scytho-Alans.
Conversely, there has never been any evidence for the Sumerian power to have expanded,
let alone engaging in large-scale settlment in any part of the rugged Kurdish highlands. It
is absolutely extraordinary that the tablets recording the correspondence between the
Qutil ruler in Aratta and the rebellious Merkar (who was commonly known as Enmerkar,
after he took up the Sumerian royal title of En) has survived to this day. These now
constitute some of most valuable written records for the history of the Kurdish highlands
of circa 4500 years ago. Samuel N. Kramer, arguably the foremost Sumerologist has
fortunately translated these correspondence (Kramer, 1987), which established for a good
deal of close commercial, artisitic and political contact between Aratta and Uruk, and in
none of them is there a hint that the society at Aratta (Godin?) was any less sophisticated
or looked down upon by the now all-famous Uruk of Sumeria. In fact, Kramer shows that
it was Sumeria which needed the help from the Arattan architects, decorators as well as
raw material to build its temple of Innana in 4500 BC! Since Kurdish mountains are the
natural habitats of wild barley, wheat and many other cereals, and the evidence points at
their earliest domestication there and not to Sumerian marsh lands and deserts where
domesticated cereals were introduced much later from the highland, it is only logical to
believe that the fermented product of barley, that is beer, to have been also introduced
there from the highlands.
In fact the Sumerian tablets also record another introduction into Sumeria by Enmerkar
the Qutil: worship of the bird-god Anzu, which surprisingly is still worshipped by the
Yezidi Kurds as the bird-icon, Anzul (or Anzal).
In the Zagros mountains people living at Ali Kosh hunted gazelles, wild asses, and pigs,
fished in the Mehmeh River, and caught wild fowl about 7500 BC. Soon they were
growing two-rowed barley and emmer wheat.
Premiers habitants de la Mésopotamie
The Sumerians were simply one element in a very complex ethnic situation. They
themselves predominated in Sumeria; but a little farther north, around Kish and Sippar, or
later Babylon and much later Baghdad, were a group who spoke a Semitic language, the
Akkadians, whose country was called Akkad. But in the third millenium B.C., between
3000 and 2000 B.C., Sumer and Akkad really had a single urban culture, a culture
apparently invented by the Sumerians.
The Sumerians and the Akkadians were not the only people in the world, or even in Iraq.
This rich country was constantly attracting foreigners, especially nomads from the
surrounding desert. Indeed, as in Egypt, the desert was right next door all the time --
anyplace that was not irrigated was either desert or marsh, and so nomadic herdsmen
were always within a few miles, in constant contact with urban civilization. Since the
Iraqi desert is not so fierce as those surrounding Egypt, it was more of a highway than a
barrier. The whole history of ancient Iraq is dominated by the interaction between
nomads and cities.
The origin of the Sumerians is unknown. The intriguing question keeps returning into the
literature but has so far unsatisfactory answers. The Sumerians were not the first people in
Mesopotamia. They were not present before 4000 BCE, while before that time village
communities existed with a high degree of organization. The ``principle of agriculture''
was not discovered by the Sumerians. This is evident from words the Sumerians use for
items in relation to the domestication of plants and animals.

substrate languages. A language (in particular as it appears in proper names and

geographical names) may show signs of so called substrate languages (like the influence
of Celtic on ancient Gaul; compare some Indian geographical names in the US attesting
the original inhabitants). Some professional names and agricultural implements in
Sumerian show that agriculture and the economic use of metals existed before the arrival
of the Sumerians. Sumerian words with a pre-Sumerian origin are:

Professional names: such as simug `blacksmith' and tibira `copper smith'

Agricultural terms: like engar `farmer', apin `plow' and absin `furrow'
Craftsman: like nangar `carpenter', agab `leather worker'
Religious terms: like sanga `priest'

These words must have been loan words from a substrate language. The words show how
far the division in labor had progressed even before the Sumerians arrived.
Les premiers Sumériens
On ignore toujours qui furent les premiers Sumériens, d'où ils vinrent et à quelle époque
ils arrivèrent dans la vallée du Tigre et de l'Euphrate. Peuplade aux cheveux noirs et à la
peau claire, ils étaient probablement originaires d'une région située à l'est ou au nord-est
de la Mésopotamie; leur langue s'apparentait à l'une de celles que l'on parlait près de la
mer Caspienne. Il est probable qu'ils arrivèrent dans la vallée vers 8500 avant J.-C.,
époque où furent construits dans cette région les premiers villages où l'on pratiquait une
agriculture primitive. On sait toutefois que les anciens Sumériens se regroupèrent dans
l'extrême sud de la vallée, aux confins des marais envahis par les roseaux qui couvraient
une grande partie du delta où le Tigre et l'Euphrate se jetaient dans le golfe Persique. Qui
étaient les Sumériens (D'où venaient-ils, qui étaient leurs ancêtres, pourquoi ont-ils migré,
pourquoi ici, quelle était leur langue)
As late as two hundred years ago, the existence of Sumer was unknown. Scholars
searching the Middle East for traces of the ancient civilizations of Babylon and Assyria‹
known to them from Greek classics and biblical references began discovering evidence of
the seminal Sumerian civilization from which much of ancient and even modern
civilization has evolved.
We now know the Sumerians first appeared about 4800 B.C. at a place called Al-Ubaid.
During the next few centuries they established other cities primarily along the southern
half of the Mesopotamian river system.
They were not indigenous: from where they originated is debated by scholars. What is
known is that they were a tremendously gifted and imaginative people. Their language,
linguistically related to no other, ancient or modern, is preserved for us through the
thousands of clay tablets on which they inscribed and developed the first writing as yet
known to man.
Linguistically,  the Sumerians are oddballs. The modern and ancient languages of Iran
and Iraq are either Semitic (in the same family as Hebrew and Arabic) or Indo- European
(in the same family with English or Sanskrit). The Sumerians had what is called an
agglutinative language, similar in structure to Finnish or Caucasian and central Asian
languages like Turkish or Hungarian, but with no close resemblances to any known
tongue.
We have very few clues as to the origin of the Sumerians.
The name 'Sumer' is derived from the Babylonian name for southern Babylonia: mät
umeri `the land of Sumer'. (construct state of mätum `country' followed by genitive of
Sumer; unknown meaning in Akkadian) The Sumerians called their country ken.gi(r)
`civilized land', their language eme.gir and themselves sag.gi6.ga `the black-headed ones'.
According to archaeologists, they came from the mountains of Elam or the Armenian
plains, and settled (circa 5000 BC) in the swampy lands where the Tigris and Euphrates
rivers formed a delta at the head of the Persian Gulf circa 5000 BC.
The people dwelling in this valley were certainly not all of one race; they differed in type
and language. The primitive inhabitants were probably of Mongolian ancestry, they are
styled Sumerians, or inhabitants of Sumer, Sungir, Sennaar. They invented the cuneiform
script, built the oldest cities, and brought the country to a great height of peaceful
prosperity. They were gradually overcome, dispossessed, and absorbed by a new race that
entered the plain between the two rivers, the Semites, who pressed on them from the
north from the kingdom of Akkad. The Semitic invaders, however, eagerly adopted,
improved, and widely spread the civilization of the race they had conquered. Although a
number of arguments converge into an irrefragable proof that the Sumerians were the
aboriginal inhabitants of Babylonia, we have no historical records of the time when they
were the sole occupants of the Euphrates Valley; at the dawn of history we find both
races in possession of the land and to a certain extent mixed, though the Semite was
predominant in the North while the Sumerian maintained himself for centuries in the
South. Whence these Sumerians came, cannot be decided, and probably all that will ever
be known is that, after a nomadic existence in mountainous districts in the East, they
found a plain in the lands of Sennaar and dwelt in it (Gen., xi,2). Their first settlement
was Eridu, then a seaport on the Persian Gulf, where their earliest myths represent the
first man, Adapu, or Adamu (Adam?), spending his time in fishing, and where the sea-
god taught them the elements of civilization. It is certain, however, that they possessed a
considerable amount of culture even before entering the Babylonian plain; for, coeval
 with th first foundations of their oldest temples, they possessed the cuneiform script,
which can be described as a cursive hand developed out of picture-signs by centuries of
primeval culture. From whence the Semitic race invaded Babylonia, and what was its
origin, we know not, but it must be noted that the language they spoke, though clearly and
thoroughly Semitic, is yet so strikingly different from all other Semitic languages that it
stands in a category apart, and the time when it formed one speech with the other Semitic
tongues lies immeasurably far back beyond our calculations.
La langue des Sumériens
The Sumerian language is not Semitic. It is a so called agglutinating language, like
Finnish and Japanese (and in fact like the majority of languages in the world). This is a
term in the typology of languages that contrasts with inflecting languages, like the Indo-
European and Semitic languages. In an agglutinating (or agglutinative) language words
are composed by stringing forms together, often into quite lengthy sequences. In
inflecting languages the basic element (the root) of the word may change (like `foot',
`feet' and sing, sang, sung, called internal inflection).

Sumerian has no known relation to any other language. There seems to be a remote
relationship with Dravidian languages (like spoken by the Tamils, now in the south of
India). There is evidence that the Dravidian languages were spoken in the north of India,
being displaced by the arrival of the Indo-European invaders around 1500 BCE. Because
of the term `the black-headed ones', it is possible (but far from proven) that the Sumerians
are an early branch of one of the people now living in southern India.
Les Akkadiens
Semi-)nomads in the Near East. Even at the time that a large part of the population in
Mesopotamia had a sedentary (non-migratory) life in settlements, large groups of people
(nomads) at the same time are migrating. Nomads roam from place to place in search for
pasture and moving with the season. Semi-nomads graze their small live stock near the
fields of the settlements, often trading for goods obtained elsewhere and having all kinds
of other interactions. This characteristic is still present in the Near East today. Nomads
leave little archeological trace and are illiterate, so not much is known about them by
direct means. However, some description does appear in written form: recorded by the
Sumerians and later by the Akkadians. Some of the (semi-)nomads, either as individuals
or as groups, mix with the sedentary population and become sedentary themselves. In
times of political or economical crisis they may do so by force, but they adapt quickly to
the current civilization and even to the dominant language. Their increased influence on
the society is manifested by a change in type of personal names. Sometimes the names
are the only remains of their original language. In their new positions, they often
stimulate further cultural development.

Akkadians, speaking a Semitic language, may have been present in Mesopotamia since
the time the Sumerians arrived, or they may have diffused into the region later. Their
culture intermingled and they must have been living peacefully together. On Sumerian
clay tablets dated around 2900-2800 BCE found in Fara, Semitic (Akkadian) names are
attested for the first time. It concerns the names of kings in the city Kish. Kish is in the
north of Babylonia where according to the Sumerian King Lists `kingship descended
again from heaven' after the great Flood. The proper names often contain animal names
like zuqiqïpum `scorpion' and kalbum `dog'. Kings with Semitic names are the first
postdiluvial kings to rule Kish. They started the first historical period called the Early
Dynastic Period.

A few centuries later the first Akkadian king Sargon of Akkad ruled over an empire that
included a large part of Mesopotamia. Apparently Semitic speaking people have lived for
centuries amidst the Sumerians and gradually became an integral part of the Sumerian
 culture. We don't hear much about them in the first part of the 3rd millennium, because
the (scholarly) language used in writing is Sumerian.
Urbanisation
Communautés villageoises
By 6,000 B.C. in the Neolithic Age, permanent villages were formed where man learned
farming, animal husbandry, house building, weaving, pottery, and even the creation of art
objects by painting and sculpture. Sites at Jarmo, Hassouna, Um al Dabbaghlya, Matara,
and Tel al Suwan are among these earliest villages of man.
Using the previously described raw dating by potsherds on a large number of Tells in the
Near East it is possible to get a global distribution of village communities. It appears that
the character changes significantly, first gradually starting 6000 BCE, but specially to the
end of the 4th millennium. Early isolated settlements are mainly found in the valleys of
smaller rivers in the Zagros mountains and in the smaller plains of valleys. New
settlements are more like village communities, closer to each other and on locations
where rivers stream into large valleys and where water streams may be easier to control.
The dryer climate (starting from 3500 BCE) makes it plausible that irrigation starts
playing a role in the agricultural methods.
Création des premières villes
Because of larger control over the harvest and animal husbandry, smaller and more
intensively used agricultural fields cause an increased food production. These can supply
the larger communities. The proximity of villages makes communication and interaction
easier. It stimulates the cultural and economic exchange on the one hand, but enlarges the
possibility of conflicts on the other hand. Making rules and agreements to avoid and solve
conflicts is seen as an important factor in the process of civilization and considered as
more important than the administrative necessity for cooperation in the irrigation works.
The latter process is well known from later times.
The lush valley of the Fertile Crescent with its ample water proved able to sustain larger
populations as man learned to harness and to control the natural irrigation formed by the
levees and rivulets resulting from the ever-changing seasonal flooding of the Tigris and
Euphrates.
Au cours de sa progression, la civilisation sumérienne subit de profondes mutations. Vers
l'an 3000 avant J.-C., on dénombrait seulement une dizaine d'agglomérations de plusieurs
milliers d'habitants. Cinq siècles plus tard, la population de Sumer comptait au total plus
de soc ooo âmes et l'on estime que les quatre cinquièmes se pressaient en foule vers les
villes pour profiter des facilités et des agréments offerts par la vie citadi ne et pour
échapper aux pi1lards étrangers et aux envahisseurs.
Peu à peu, les villes se transformèrent en des entités juridiques de plus en plus
importantes: les cités-États, qui englobaient les villages d'agriculteurs situés à leur
périphérie. La première de ces cités-États, Uruk, servit de modèle à d'autres cités de
l'Antiquité. En l'an 2700 avant J.-C., Uruk réunissait soixante-seize villages et la ville
proprement dite s'étendait sur plus de quatre cents hectares et comptait près de soooo
habitants.
In the centuries before 3000, successful agriculture and the technology associated with it
made possible and necessary the city. Scholars are unanimous in saying that the problems
of building and maintaining an irrigation system forced Mesopotamians to cooperate on a
large scale. When they did so successfully, the agricultural pay-off allowed their
settlements to grow to great size, thus giving the more cooperative groups an advantage
over their less-organized neighbors.
By 3000 B.C., cities were big: Uruk, known in the Bible as Erech, held 50,000 people.
And Uruk was simply one of several cities of the time. The phenomenally fertility of
 irrigated Iraqi mud made it possible for major centers to exist even in sight of each other,
as Ur and Eridu were. From the period just after 3000 B.C., we know of 14 major cities in
an area smaller than Belgium.

Division du travail
Avant Sumer, la famille ou le clan était l'unité de travail traditionnelle des éleveurs
nomades et des premiers agriculteurs. Mais les familles ou les clans ne pouvaient par
leurs propres moyens creuser et entretenir des réseaux complexes d'irrigation. Les
paysans durent se grouper et accepter que leur allégeance s'étendît au village, à la ville et
finalement à la cité. L'émergence de communautés de plus en plus larges produisit à
Sumer - comme ce fut le cas plus tard dans d'autres sociétés - cette interaction et cette
innovation qui donnèrent naissance à la vie civilisée. L'émergence des cités
Dans le même temps, l'ampleur de leurs projets d'irrigation amena les Sumériens à se
spécialiser, à évoluer vers la division du travail qu'ont adoptée toutes les civilisations.
Evolution de la structure sociale et économique
Les récoltes furent si abondantes que les Sumériens n'étaient plus tous obligés de
pratiquer l'agriculture. Des gestionnaires ou des administrateurs furent désignés pour
dresser les plans des canaux et des digues et veiller à ce que les eaux soient correctement
dirigées. Ces spécialistes mirent au point une nouvelle technologie: des instruments
servant à mesurer et étudier les pentes et les débits. Irrigation:Technique Les premiers
gestionnaires participèrent aussi très probablement à la conception du nouvel araire fait
avec les métaux provenant des zones montagneuses riches en minerais.
Agriculture:Technique Jusqu'alors, les Sumériens avaient dû acheter tous leurs métaux
dans des régions éloignées, le terreau de la plaine du Tigre et de l'Euphrate ne renfermant
aucun dépôt de cuivre, d'étain ou de fer. Métallurgie:MatièresPremières
Les succès de leur agriculture révolutionnaire les orientèrent également vers l'astronomie.
Grâce à l'observation de la corrélation des mouvements du soleil et de la lune, ils purent
se doter d'un calendrier fiable. Celui qu'ils adoptèrent et qui était basé sur des mois
lunaires de vingt-huit jours prédisait très exactement le début des saisons et rappelait aux
paysans à quel moment ils devaient semer et récolter. Astronomie:Origine
Il faut aussi sans doute porter au crédit du génie des Sumériens l'une des plus grandes
inventions: celle de la roue. Il semble que la roue ait été employée d'abord par les potiers.
Ceux-ci jetaient un morceau de terre glaise sur un plateau horizontal placé en équilibre
sur un essieu, puis le faisaient tourner pour donner à l'argile une forme ronde.
Agriculture:Technique
Les Sumériens furent les premiers à poser la roue du potier verticalement et à s'en servir
comme moyen de locomotion. Elle permit au paysan d'aller travailler la terre loin de son
village ou de sa ville. Un boeuf ou un âne attelé à une charrette à roues pouvait tirer trois
fois le poids qu'il aurait dû porter sur son dos ou tirer sur un traîneau plat.
How then did these social hierarchies develop? Given the limited knowledge available,
our explanations are speculative and uncertain. As the pastoral peoples traded with the
farmers and villagers, more complex social organizations could function more
productively. The manufacturing of pottery and other products led to specialization and
trading by barter, as the Sumerians had no money system except for the weighing of
precious metals. As irrigation systems became more complex, planners and managers of
labor were needed. Protection of surplus goods and valuable construction was required to
guard against raiding parties. Those with the ability to organize and manage more
complex activities tended to give themselves privileges for their success, and eventually
social inequalities grew, as those who failed lost their privileges. Religion also became a
part of this system of inequality, as religious leaders placed themselves above others in
their service of the deities.
Chronologie des civilisations mésopotamiennes

5000 BC – 3800 BC Les débuts

5000 BC
Earliest evidence of human culture in Mesopotamia
Nippur was one of the longest-lived sites, beginning in the prehistoric Ubaid period (c.
5000 B. C. )
About 5400 BC the first city established in Mesopotamia was Eridu, which a Sumerian
creation story credits with being the first city to emerge from the primeval sea. The oldest
known temple was constructed there.
~4700 BC Période Hassunah
Hassunah period: earliest pottery making culture
~4400 BC Période Halaf
Halaf period: pottery culture with knowledge of metal
Halaf ceramics (called after the first site where it is found Tell Halaf (or Tell Halif) in the
north of Syria) is one of the first recognizable fashions. It passes its name to the Halaf
period around 4000 BCE. It is a delicate ceramic and indicates for the first time an
important feature in the development of human kind: specialization, craftsmen that do not
have to work in the fields. The low number of Halaf ceramics indicates they are still
considered luxury goods. See Halaf culture pottery and the study of social and economic
complexity
Potter's wheel: At the end of the Halaf-period an invention of an early stage of the
potter's wheel (with no bearing yet for free rotation) makes mass production easier.
~3900 BC Période Ubaid
Ubaid period: first well-known culture from southern Mesopotamia; the Ubaids give the
first evidence of temple and other sophisticated architecture
The Ubaid-period (4000-3500 BCE) is a ceramic period called after the site Tell el-Ubaid
in the south of Irak with a characteristic concentric and wave-like decoration pattern. The
quick spread over a larger area (the Ubaid-horizon) indicates a similar economy and a
high degree of professionalism in that area. The real potter's wheel (introduced in the
transition to the so called Uruk-period is technically complicated and the spread is limited
to highly developed areas. It requires a workable, kneadable clay which is obtained by
special additions (e.g. Iron oxyde, giving the characteristic red-brown color).
3800 BC – 3200 BC Période d'Uruk
The earliest historic period is often called protohistory, the period of scarcely written
documents.
The most important aspects of the society in the protohistory are the beginning of
monumental buildings (temples, palaces, fortifications), the accumulation of capital and
the economic use of metal and writing, leading to the first city states. As in the neolithic
one speaks about the agricultural revolution, this age witnesses the urban revolution.

Sumerian protohistory is divided into the Jemdet Nasr period (the foundation of the first
city states) for which no contemporary records are available and the Old Sumerian
period. The Old Sumerian period lasts until the seizure of power by the Semitic king
 Sargon of Akkad (around 2350 BCE). The period is divided into dynastics determined by
the hegemony of a certain city.
The city of Uruk had 10,000 people in 3800 BC
The Uruk period, stretched from 3800 BCE to 3200 BCE. It is to this era that the
Sumerian King Lists ascribe the reigns of Dumuzi the shepherd, and the other
antediluvian kings. After his reign Dumuzi was worshipped as the god of the spring
grains. This time saw an enormous growth in urbanization such that Uruk probably had a
population around 45,000 at the period's end. It was easily the largest city in the area,
although the older cities of Eridu to the south and Kish to the north may have rivaled it.
Irrigation improvements as well as a supply of raw materials for craftsmen provided an
impetus for this growth. In fact, the city of An and Inanna also seems to have been at the
heart of a trade network which stretched from what is now southern Turkey to what is
now eastern Iran. In addition people were drawn to the city by the great temples there.
The Eanna of Uruk, a collection of temples dedicated to Inanna, was constructed at this
time and bore many mosaics and frescoes. These buildings served civic as well as
religious purposes, which was fitting as the en, or high priest, served as both the spiritual
and temporal leader. The temples were places where craftsmen would practice their trades
and where surplus food would be stored and distributed.
~3600 BC
Warka period: first civilization after the Ubaid in southern Mesopotamia; the Warka
period marks the beginning of the Protoliterate period in Mesopotamia
~3400 BC
Gawra and Ninevite periods

3200 BC – 2900 BC Période de Jemdat Nasr

The Jemdat Nasr period lasted from 3200 BCE to 2900 BCE. It was not particularly
remarkable and most adequately described as an extension and slowing down of the Uruk
period. This is the period during which the great flood is supposed to have taken place.
The Sumerians' account of the flood may have been based on a flooding of the Tigris,
Euphrates, or both rivers onto their already marshy country.
The urban revolution, the building of the first cities, took place in 3100-2900 BCE in the
transition from prehistory to history. The change in human settlement pattern from
isolated settlements to larger village communities, described before, continued. The dry
climate at the end of the 4th millennium now allowed habitation of the great plains in the
extreme south of Mesopotamia, the area later called Sumer. Inadequate rainfall stimulated
the continuing development of irrigation works. The production of bronze, an alloy of
copper and other metals, mainly tin, allows the manufacturing of new weapons, for which
protection was sought by the construction of fortifications around the villages and walls
around cities.

2900 BC – 2370 BC Première période dynastique

Généralités
The Early Dynastic period ran from 2900 BCE to 2370 BCE and it is this period for
which we begin to have more reliable written accounts although some of the great kings
of this era later evolved mythic tales about them and were deified.
The bloom and further development of the city states is called the Early Dynastic period
(2900-2400 BCE) or Old Sumerian period. It is divided into three periods in which
different cities dominate. The Old Sumerian period is characterized by strong rivalry
between city states and an increasing division between state and religion. Monumental
buildings that should be called palaces as opposed to temples are attested for the first
time. Despite the rivalry there are strong similarities in architecture, building materials,
motives of ornaments etc., The people shared a common religion and spoke the same
language. So in general one could speak of a Sumerian art and culture.

Old Sumerian is the language used in the Old Sumerian age. A large fraction of texts in
Old Sumerian and most of our knowledge on this language is derived from texts already
found before 1900 CE in Nippur, a holy city, the religious capital of Sumer, seat of Enlil,
the supreme god of the Sumerian pantheon. These tablets (more than 30000) can now be
found in Istanbul, Jena and Philadelphia. These tablets include the oldest versions of
literary works, such as the Gilgamesh Epic and the Creation Story, as well as
administrative, legal, medical and business records, and school texts.
Vue d'ensemble des guerres civiles
The period of the civil wars was no doubt a time of turmoil and competition for
dominance. One city-state after another was constantly competing for supremacy but they
were either too weak to succeed or not quite strong enough to hold onto what they had
conquered for long. It should not be taken for granted that the civil wars were completely
fought by the Sumerians alone. There is much evidence to the contrary that would suggest
that outside influences had major roles during the civil war period in Sumerian history.
For example a statement suggests that the dynasty that was founded by Mesannipadda
placed its capitol or governmental seat in the city of Awan. This city was situated to the
east of the Tigris river and it has been argued rather well that the Elamites were now
taking part in the wars and may have even been responsible for the downfall of Ur. One
thing is quite clear the Semitic north was reasserting itself against the South (Sumer). On
three separate occasions the overlord-ship of Sumer was awarded to Kish, once at Opis,
once at Mari, and once at Hit on the Euphrates. The rulers of Mari did write in Sumerian
but it is not clear what their racial stock was. The first three kings of the dynasty of Opis
had Sumerian names but the rest are Semitic. All of the names of the kings from the
fourth dynasty of Kish are also Semitic, and when Lugal-zaggizi of Erech rebelled against
Kish, he conquered and subdued all of the land from the Upper to the Lower Sea. This
overlord of a would be Sumerian empire proclaimed his victories in the Semitic tongue.
The activities of the northerners resulted in the division of the land into two parts, the
Semitic speaking north (Akkad), and the Sumerian south. Even so this did not change all
too terribly the lands civilization. The Akkadians had learned all that the Sumerians had
to teach them. They were now on an equal footing with their masters and in the process of
learning they had not lost the advantage of being a sterner and more warlike people.
The French mission at Tello has unearthed some more prominent information that has
helped to shed some new light on the civil wars period. The mounds at Tello lie on the
course of the ancient Tigris river that was canalized by Entemena an ancient city of
Lagash which never attained to the rule of the land as a whole. It should be noted
however at this time that a house that used the title of king (lugal) rather than governor
(patesi) ruled the city. The first of these was Ur-Nina (2900 B.C.) who enjoyed a peaceful
reign, for records found at the site indicate he dealt with matters mostly of the building of
temples and the digging of canals, as well as the fortification of his capital. His grandson
Eannatum was on the contrary a man of war. Between Lagash and the city of Umma,
which lied to the north there existed an ancient quarrel that had broken out into open
hostilities. Umma was supported by Kish and felt confident and once again declared war
on Lagash. The patesi of Umma was slain and terms were imposed on Umma and the
boundaries between the two states were fixed to the distinct advantage of Lagash, and
tribute was set. The victory of Eannatum is recorded on the famous stele of the Vultures,
which may be seen in the Louvre in Paris. Not content with defeating his enemies
Eannatum embarked on a war of conquest. He claims to have conquered Ur, Erech, and
Kish while the king of Opis beaten within the walls of his own city. Even Mari on the
Euphrates as well as the land of Elam is said to have been conquered. If these boasts are
even remotely true then the king of Lagash was in fact de facto ruler of all of Sumer and
Akkad. This point is further driven home by the fact that he had made benefactions to the
holy city of Nippur. However this triumph was short-lived for within a generation the city
of Umma seized the canal which was the main source of contention between the two
towns and had destroyed the stele of the Vultures by fire. Later they had even defeated
and killed Eannatum. Entemena his nephew restored the position, defeating Umma and
then installing his own governor. New canals were dug so that the enemy could not as
easily interfere with the water supply for the city of Lagash. A grateful people later
deified him and for nearly 1000 year's statues were still erected to his memory.
The next ruler was Enannatum II he was the last of his line and was succeeded by a high
priest of Ningirsu (the patron god of the city). Documents show that the next two reigns
of Lagash enjoyed a time of considerable peace, seeing that even the people of Umma
(the former enemy) had complete religious and civil liberty. This peace was probably
enforced for the kings of Kish seem to have recovered their rule over the south and even
to have interfered with the appointment of local governors. It is typical of the period that
material prosperity coupled with the fact that the seats of government were at a great
distance from the local authorities, permitted wholesale corruption and oppression to
exist. It took the rule of a strong man named Urukagina who threw off his allegiance to
Kish and declared himself king of Lagash to bring about the changes necessary to bring
this corrupt system to an end. Like many others before him he had found it necessary to
issue a series of enactment's to stop the abuses of the lower classes. Most of these reforms
seem to have been directed against extortion by the priesthood. There are no inscriptions
or stele that depict warlike exploits of Urukagina. Instead he found an outlet for his
energy in temple building, and during his relatively short reign he had rebuilt all of the
temples of Lagash. The many priests that suffered from his social reforms could not
accuse him of a lack of piety. In the sixth year of his reign the end suddenly came. The
army of the city-state of Umma had made a sudden and unprovoked attack against Lagash
and seized the city, killed the king, burnt the temples he had rebuilt, and carried off the
image of his god Ningirsu. This act is well documented in a lament that was written by a
priest or scribe from the defeated city and was found in the ruins by the French mission.
The patesi of Umma, Lugal-zaggisi followed up his destruction of Lagash by a reign of
conquest that made him master of the entire delta. The southern cities seem to have
surrendered to him without any great struggle for he had adopted their gods as his own.
He had bestowed on the temples of the south his royal seal and then moved his capital to
Erech and ruled his domain from there. It is surprising that no mention of a state of war
between Umma and Kish is made. More so because Kish lay across the direct line of
advance up river and should have been expected to resist the advance. Also Lugal-zaggisi
had once been a vassal of the king of Kish and was now in seemingly open rebellion
against his suzerain. The main reason for this lack of open conflict or war would seem to
arise from the fact that he (Lugal-zaggisi) was able to take advantage of internal conflict
within the capital. Sargon a cup-bearer of Kish revolted and set up a rival capital in the
new city of Agade; since Lugal-zaggisi had friendly relations with Sargon he fostered the
revolt and welcomed the split which helped to weaken the Semitic state. For the
Semitization of the north which helped to make it a distinct country, and the domination
of the upstart Akkadian power over the south, this helped give birth to a new spirit of
Sumerian nationalism. Lugal-zaggisi posed as the champion of Sumer. There is no other
explanation possible for the fact that he so easily brought the southern cities into his fold.
In fact they had been brought so securely into the fold that when the eventual duel came
with Agade, he was followed into battle by no less than 50 governors of Sumerian states.
His shifting of the capital to Erech itself was a bid for nationalist support. Umma itself
had no traditions of empire and to elevate it would be to perpetuate old local rivalries.
Erech had been the seat of the oldest southern dynasty and the title of "Lord of the
Province of Erech, king of the Province of Ur" was a symbol of Sumerian unity.
Lugal-zaggisi' campaign to the northwest was no more than a raid and achieved no lasting
results. In a period of 3 or 4 years the land in which he overran owed an allegiance not to
him but to Sargon.

La dynastie de Kish
It seems like that Kish was the most southern city captured by Semites; of one of its
kings, Manishtusu, we possess a mace-head, as a sign of his royalty, and a stele, or
obelisk, in archaic cuneiforms and Semitic Babylonian. Somewhat later Mesilim, the
King of Kish, retrieved the defeat of his predecessor and acted as suzerain of Shirpurla.
Another probable name of a King of Kish is Urumush, or Alusharshid, though some make
him King of Akkad.
Kish, a city in the north of Babylonia near modern Tel el-ehêmir, is the first postdiluvial
city mentioned in the Sumerian King Lists. After the great Flood, `kingdom lowered
again from heaven'. The first kings had Semitic names. It is an age in which `the four
quarters of the world' lived in harmony.

From excavations it appears indeed that Kish has been an important city. It is the center
of the first Sumerian dynasty, called Early Dynastic-I. The findings point to a
specialization in labor and a high quality of craftsmanship, which must have been the
result of a long tradition. Beautiful golden daggers and other artifacts are found in tombs.
In Kish archeologist found the first monumental building which must have been a palace,
rather than a temple. The king is in power, and not the en the high priest.

The title King of Kish: The importance attached to Kish is also shown in the title `King
of Kish', in Akkadian ar ki ati. This title was used by kings even many centuries later to
show prestige, as if it meant `king of the whole world'. The title was even used when
another king was actually the king of Kish and also long after Kish had ceased to be the
seat of kingship. It is possible that the title was more than just prestige. Kish is situated in
the north of the plains of southern Mesopotamia on a critical spot at the Euphrates river.
A breakthrough of the river to the lowlands in the direction south west (to modern An
Najat, where the Euphrates flows nowadays) would mean that a whole system of
irrigation channels would be without water supply. The control of the Euphrates in the
neighborhood of Kish thus was of vital importance to the rulers in the south of
Mesopotamia. The title `king of Kish' could have indicated the ruler that exercised this
control.
The first dynasty after the deluge was in the Akkadian region northwest of Sumer in the
city of Kish, ten miles east of what became Babylon. According to Georges Roux, twelve
of the kings' names were Semitic rather than Sumerian.1 Thus from its historical
beginnings the Sumerian civilization was mixed with Semitic influences. The first
legendary ruler Etana was said to have ascended to heaven on the back of an eagle. The
oldest historical king, Mebaragesi, ruled Kish about 2700 BC and apparently overcame
the Sumerians' eastern neighbor at Elam, for he is said to have carried away their
weapons as spoil.
Kingship moved about 100 miles upriver and about 50 miles south of modern Bahgdad to
the city of Kish. One of the earlier kings in Kish was Etana who "stabilized all the lands"
securing the First Dynasty of Kish and establishing rule over Sumer and some of its
neighbors. Etana was later believed by the Babylonians to have rode to heaven on the
back of a giant Eagle so that he could receive the "plant of birth" from Ishtar (their
version of Inanna) and thereby produce an heir.
Eventually Kish was occupied by mountain people from Khamazi, while the Elamites
encroached on Sumer.
La première dynastie d'Erech (Uruk)
Meanwhile, in the south, the Dynasty of Erech was founded by Meskiaggasher, who,
along with his successors, was termed the "son of Utu", the sun-god. Following three
other kings, including another Dumuzi, the famous Gilgamesh took the throne of Erech
around 2600 BCE and became in volved in a power struggle for the region with the Kish
Dynasts and with Mesannepadda, the founder of the Dynasty of Ur.
The Uruk dynasty was well known in Sumerian tradition, as Gilgamesh was preceded by
Meskiaggasher, son of the sun-god Utu, Enmerkar also sun of Utu who built Uruk, the
shepherd Lugalbanda, who was also considered divine, and the fisherman Dumuzi, the
legendary vegetation god who married the love goddess Inanna. Tales of Gilgamesh
became very popular.
Uruk (Sumerian unug, in the bible Erech) is situated near modern Warka (still showing
the same root consonants *'rk but with a different vocalization). This period under the
hegemony of Uruk is also called the Heroic Age. Dynasties are known from epics written
some time later. Uruk is the city of the goddess Inanna and the supreme god An. Kings of
Uruk are called en `lord'. A reconstruction from later mythology shows this period to be a
primitive democracy. Major decisions are taken by the king after consultance of a counsel
of elderly men.

Enmerkar, king of Uruk and Kullub, has as epithet `he who build Uruk' and is known
from two epics. There is no known inscription or plaque that bears his name, so there is
no archeological proof of his existence. The texts refer to commercial and military
contacts with a city called Aratta (not yet localized, probably in Iran), where the
Sumerian goddess Inanna (later Akkadian Itar) and Dumuzi were also worshiped. These
epics are seen as a proof of trade contacts, e.g. the trade in precious stones, like lapis
lazuli. Enmerkar was the first, according to legend, to write on clay tablets.

Lugalbanda (lugal `king', banda `small', so `junior king') was the third king in the first
dynasty of Uruk, and also featuring in heroic-epic Sumerian poems, the so called Lugal
banda-epic (two parts, together 900 lines).

Gilgame is grandson of Enmerkar. His fame spread over a large region through the
Gilgamesh-epic. An Assyrian version is found in the library of A urbanipal (around 650
BCE) and probably dates back to 1700 BCE. Smaller Sumerian fragments with only a
few hundred lines are dated around 2000 BCE. The spread in time and location indicates
that the epic was known for more than 15 centuries in a large region up to Anatolia. It is
nowadays (as one of the few Mesopotamian epics) still played on stage. The Gilgamesh
epic is further explained elsewhere on the Web.

Gilgamesh was responsible for the construction of the city walls of Uruk. Indeed, it
appears from archeological records that these walls were expanded around 2700 BCE
with its typical plano-convex type of bricks. Archeologists take the use of this material as
a characteristic for the start of Early Dynamic-II. There is no archeological evidence for
the existence of Gilgamesh. An other royal name in this dynasty, Mesannepada, has been
found written on a golden plate (dated to 2600 BCE) with a votive inscription.
Another Sumerian dynasty was that of Erech, or Gishban. About 4000 B.C. a certain
Lugal Zaggisi, son of the Patesi of Gishban, who became King of Erech, proudly styled
himself King of the World, as Enshagkushanna and Alusharshid had done, claimed to rule
from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean, and praises the supreme god Enlil, or Bel, of
Nippur, who "granted him the dominion of all from the rising of the sun to the setting
thereof and caused the countries to dwell in peace". Yet to us it seems but a rushlight of
glory; for after his son Lugal-Kisalsi the Kingdom of Erech disappears in the night of the
past.
La dynastie d'Ur
While Gilgamesh became a demi-god, remembered in epic tales, it was Mesannepadda
who was eventually victorious in this three-way power struggle, taking the by then
traditional title of "King of Kish".
Mesannepadda sent gifts to the distant Mari. The rulers of Ur became extraordinarily
wealthy as indicated by their royal tombs in the mid-27th century. A royal standard
shows four-wheeled chariots pulled by asses and rows of prisoners presented to the king.
Although the dynasties of Kish and Erech fell by the wayside, Ur could not retain a strong
hold over all of Sumer. The entire region was weakened by the struggle and individual
city-states continued more or less independent rule.
After Bingani, Naram-Sin's son, Semitic successes were temporarily eclipsed; Egypt
occupied Sinai, Elam became again independent, and in Babylonia itself the Sumerian
element reasserted itself. We find a dynasty of Ur already in prominence. This city seems
at two different periods to have exercised the hegemony over the Euphrates Valley or part
of it. First under Urgur and Dungi I, about 3400 B.C. This Urgur assumed the title of
King of Sumer and Akkad, thus making the first attempt to unite North and South
Babylonia into a political unit, and inaugurating a royal style which was borne perhaps
longer than the title of any other dignity since the world was made. Ur predominates, for
the second time, about 2800 B.C., under Dungi II, Gungunu, Bur-Sin, Gimil-Sin and Ine
Sin, whose buildings and fortifications are found in many cities of Babylonia. The history
of Ur is as yet so obscure that some scholars (Thureau-Dangin, Hilprecht, Bezold) accept
but two dynasties, other (Rogers) three, others (Hugo, Radau) four.
La dynastie de Lagash
The most ancient ruler at present known to us is Enshagkushanna, who is styled King of
Kengi. Owing to the broken state of the sherd on which the inscription occurs, and which
possibly dates soon after 5000 B.C., the name of his capital is unknown. It probably was
Shirpurla (or Lagash), and he ruled over Southern Babylonia. He claims to have won a
great victory over the City of Kish, and he dedicated the spoil, including a statue of bright
silver, to Mullil, the god of Calanne (Nippur).
Whereas our information concerning the dynasty of Kish is exceedingly fragmentary, we
are somewhat better informed about the rulers of Shirpurla. About 4500 B.C. we find
Urkagina reigning there and, somewhat later, Lugal (lugal, "great man", i.e. " prince", or
"king") Shuggur. Then, after an interval, we are acquainted with a succession of no fewer
than seven Kings of Shirpurla: Gursar, Gunidu, Ur-Ninâ, Akur-Gal, Eannatum I,
Entemena and Eannatum II -- which last king must have reigned about 4000 B.C. De
Sarszec found at Tello a temple-wall some of the bricks of which bore the clear legend of
Ur-Nina, thus leaving on record this king's building activity. Thanks to the famous stele
of the vultures, now in the Louvre, to some clay steles in the British Museum, and a cone
found at Shirpurla, we have an idea of the warlike propensities of Eannatum I, who
subdued the people of Gishban by a crushing defeat, made them pay an almost incredible
war-indemnity of corn, and appointed over that city his own viceroy, "who placed his
yoke on the land of Elam", "and of Gisgal", and who is represented as braining with his
club foes whose heads are protruding out of the opening of a bag in which they are
bound.
That, notwithstanding these scenes of bloodshed, it was an age of art and culture can be
evidently shown by such finds as that of a superb silver vase of Entemena, Eannatum's
son and successor, and, as crown-prince, general of his army. After Eannatum II the
history of Shirpurla is a blank, until we find the name of Lugal Ushumgal, when,
however, the city has for a time lost its independence, for this ruler was the vassal of
Shargon I of Akkad, about 3800 B.C. Yet, some six centuries afterwards, when the
dynasty of Akkad had ceased to be, the patesis, or high-priests, of Shirpurla were still
men of renown. A long inscription on the back of a statue tells us of the vast building
achievements of Ur-Bau about the year 3200; and the name of his son and successor,
Nammaghani. About two centuries later we find Gudea, one of the most famous rulers the
city every possessed. Excavations at Tello have laid bare the colossal walls of his great
palace and have shown us how, both by land and sea, he brought his materials from vast
distances, while his architecture and sculpture show perfect art and refinement, and we
incidentally learn that he conquered the district of Anshan in Elam. After Gudea, we are
acquainted with the names of four more rulers of Shirpurla, but in these subsequent reigns
the city seems to have quickly sunk into political insignificance.
The rulers of Lagash declared themselves "Kings of Kish" around 2450 BCE, but failed
to seriously control the region, facing several military challenges by the nearby Umma.
Mesalim, who called himself King of Kish, erected a temple to Ningirsu in Lagash, for
which he arbitrated a territorial dispute with Umma and set up a stela marking the border.
However, he was overthrown, as was the last king of Uruk, by the founder of the Ur
dynasty, Mesannepadda, whose name meant the hero chosen by An. He and his successor
rebuilt the Tummal temple at Nippur which had fallen into ruin. The peace between
Lagash and Umma was maintained for about a century as Lagash king Ur-Nanshe built
temples, dug canals, and imported wood from Dilmun.
In Lagash Ur-Nanshe's grandson, Eannatum, who also built temples and dug canals,
became a warrior, fighting back against the Elamites, conquering Ur and Uruk, and taking
the kingship of Kish.
Closer to home was the local conflict with Umma. Claiming his god commanded it, the
governor of Umma raided the disputed field of Gu-edin, removed the marker set up by
Mesalim, and invaded the territory of Lagash. However, Eannatum won the battle with
the help of his god Enlil and captured in a great net his enemies, who begged for life. A
peace treaty was agreed upon with Enakalli, the next governor of Umma, and Mesalim's
stela was restored to its former place. Umma was required to pay heavy taxes in barley,
and Eannatum's victory was commemorated by a stela depicting vultures tearing up the
corpses of the defeated. Eannatum boasted of killing 3,600 men of Umma and had to bury
twenty heaps of his own men.
The year is 2,500 B.C. the ruler of Sumeria was a king called Mesilim and took the title
King of Kish. Mesilim according to the historical evidence was king of the entire land.
An inscribed mace-head of his was been found in the city of Lagash. Mesilim was the
responsible arbitrator in a bitter border dispute between the city-states of Lagash and
Umma. Roughly a generation before Mesilim ascended the throne around the year 2,450
B.C. a man named Ur-Nanshe established himself king of Lagash and founded a dynasty
that would last for 5 generations. Ur-Nanshe left behind a number of inscriptions on
tablets, door sockets, nails, and bricks. These inscriptions record his building of ship
canals, temples, and holy statues. Both of the city-states of Lagash and Umma had
declared their loyalty and faith to Mesilim as king of the entire land. Mesilim then
proceeded to measure off a boundary between the two cities in accordance with
information the oracle of Sataran (the chief Sumerian deity in charge of settling disputes)
had given him. Moreover he erected and inscribed a stele to mark the new boundary and
to prevent future disputes.
The decision, which was presumably agreed to by both parties, seemed to favor Lagash
over Umma. Not long after the new boundary had been set Ush an ensi of Umma violated
the terms of the agreement. Ush had proceeded to the border and then ripped out of the
ground and aet fire to the stele that had been placed there by Mesilim. This gesture was
done to show that he (Ush) was not bound by its terms and then crossed the border and
entered the territory belonging to Lagash. The lands that belonged to Lagash known as
the Guedinna were seized and taken by Umma. These lands remained in the control of
Umma until Eannatum the grandson of Ur-Nanshe had taken them back by defeating
Umma in battle. He then re-established a border that was clearly to the advantage of
Lagash. He then re-erected the stele of Mesilim as a warning and then built a number of
shrines to Sumerian deities. As an insurance policy against future incursions by Umma he
dug a ditch that followed the new boundary, and set up a strip of fallow land on the
Umma side of the boundary as a kind of no-mans land.

Later Eannatum had to fight a coalition of forces from Kish and Mari led by the King of
Akshak; though he claimed victory, his little empire was declining. Umma once again
seized the disputed canal, destroyed the stela of the vultures, and defeated Eannatum.
However, his nephew, Entemena, regained the canal from Umma even though they were
backed by foreign kings (probably from Mari), and he assigned his own governor to
control the irrigation Lagash needed. Entemena also constructed new canals, attained a
"brotherhood pact" with Lugal-kinishe-dudu who had united Uruk and Ur, and for a reign
of peace and prosperity was deified by a grateful people with statues for nearly a
thousand years. A second Eannatum was succeeded by a highpriest of the warrior god
Ningirsu, and for a time peace prevailed as the people of Umma were allowed to live in
Lagash with religious and civil liberties.
However, conditions deteriorated as they were ruled by the distant kings of Kish who
appointed the local governors, and the priesthood became corrupted and greedy for land
and taxes. Finally a strong leader arose named Urukagina, who threw off the allegiance to
Kish, proclaimed himself king of Lagash, and instituted sweeping reforms directed
against the extortion of the priesthood. A priest was no longer allowed to "come into the
garden of a poor mother and take wood" nor to take fruit as tax.3 Burial fees were greatly
reduced. Temple officials were forbidden to take the god's revenues or to use temple
lands and cattle as their own. Owners could refuse to sell their houses unless they got the
price they asked. Widows and orphans were protected, and artisans did not have to beg
for their food. At the same time as Urukagina was reforming the temple, he was
rebuilding it and other shrines in Lagash.
Unfortunately after only eight years of this rule by the world's first known reformer, the
army of Umma led by its governor, Lugalzagesi, attacked Lagash possibly unresisted by
Urukagina, burnt the shrines, and carried off the divine image of Ningirsu. Assuming the
existence of moral justice the chronicler lamented, "The men of Umma, by the despoiling
of Lagash, have committed a sin against the god Ningirsu.... As for Lugalzagesi, ensi of
Umma, may his goddess Nidaba make him bear his mortal sin upon his head!"4
Laga and the religious metropolis Girsu are both cities in the extreme south of
Mesopotamia. Many Old Sumerian texts have been found here, mostly on hard materials
like albast, copper and gold, e.g. the royal inscriptions of Lagash and texts about the
eternal border conflicts between Lagash and the nearby city Umma. The conflicts often
concern water rights and were sometimes settled by mediation of the king of Kish.

The patron deity of Lagash is Ningursu, later associated with Ninurta, a warrior god and
central in the elimination of demons. Some of the kings of lagash are:

Eannatum , (E-ana-tum) the first king who called himself 'King of Kish', `he who
overrules the countries'. He boasts that his territory extends from Kish in the north, to
Mari in the west, Uruk in the south and Elam in the east, although it is not clear what the
`ruling' over these cities actually means. He has had a long reign, but after his reign his
territory was reduced again to its original size.

Famous is the victory depicted on the so called vulture stela of Eannatum, (see figure of
the vulture stela at UCLA Art History). It is the oldest direct witness of the political and
military power of a king, of which 1/3 is preserved. The texts announces new borders and
the victory of Eannatum of Lagash over the ruler of Umma. It depicts military high lights,
imprisoning of the enemy, the burial of the dead and the vultures who escape with the
bones of the dead. It is shown as a serie of unrelated pictures. It is either an artist
impression of a historical battle or just expresses the intention of such a battle.
 Urukagina is the last and pious king of the dynasty in Lagash, also called uru-inimgina.
The name is written with the sign ka `mouth', which also stands for inim `word'. Proper
names often do not give enough context to know the correct reading of the sign. He was
the last king of the first dynasty of Lagash, and introduced many reforms (`social reforms
of Uru-inimgina') and enacted edicts related to the problem of enslavements which were
caused by running up debts. High extortionate rates of the interest on capital (often 33.3
percent) had to be paid by enslaving one's children until the debts were paid off. Uru-
inimgina remits the debts by decree.
La dynastie d'Umma
Lugalzagesi, ensi or priest-king of Umma from around 2360-2335 BCE, razed Lagash,
and conquered Sumer, declaring himself "king of Erech and the Land". Unfortunately for
him, all of this strife made Sumer ripe for conquest by an outsider and Sargon of Agade
seized that opportunity.
The army of Umma led by its governor, Lugalzagesi, attacked Lagash possibly unresisted
by Urukagina, burnt the shrines, and carried off the divine image of Ningirsu. Assuming
the existence of moral justice the chronicler lamented, "The men of Umma, by the
despoiling of Lagash, have committed a sin against the god Ningirsu.... As for
Lugalzagesi, ensi of Umma, may his goddess Nidaba make him bear his mortal sin upon
his head!"4
Lugalzagesi went on to conquer and become king of Uruk and claim all of Sumer under
the god Enlil from the lower sea (Persian Gulf) including the Tigris and Euphrates all the
way to the upper sea (Mediterranean). However, to do this he had to ally himself with the
cup-bearer of Kish, where Lugalzagesi had begun life himself as a vassal. His reign of 24
years was to mark the end of that Sumerian empire in about 2390 BC, for the name of that
Akkadian cup-bearer was Sargon.
La seconde dynastie d'Uruk (Erech)
The second dynasty at Uruk in Sumer itself must have overlapped with the first, because
it was the legendary fifth king of that dynasty, Gilgamesh, who was attacked by the last
Kish king Agga. An ancient account told the following story: Agga having besieged Uruk
sent envoys to Gilgamesh with an ultimatum. Gilgamesh went to his city's elders,
suggesting that they not submit but fight with weapons. However, the elders came to the
opposite conclusion. So Gilgamesh took his proposal to the "men of the city," and they
agreed with him. Gilgamesh was elated and said to his servant Enkidu, "Now, then, let
the (peaceful) tool be put aside for the violence of battle."2 Gilgamesh then asked for a
volunteer to go to Agga. Birhurturre, the head man, went and withstood torture; but when
the awesome Gilgamesh ascended the wall and was seen by the foes, the foreigners felt
overwhelmed and abandoned the siege.

2340 BC – 2125 BC Période d'Agade (ou Akkad)

Les Akkadiens
In 2371 B.C. the Akkadians, a Semitic-speaking group who had been settling around the
city of Babylon revolted against their Sumerian overlords and established a kingdom
which united Sumeria and outlying lands for the first time under central authority. One of
their number, Sargon, became the first great conqueror of history.
The Akkadians were a Semitic people living on the Arabic peninsula during the great
flourishing period of the Sumerian city-states. Although we don't know much about early
Akkadian history and culture, we do know that as the Akkadians migrated north, they
came in increasing conflict with the Sumerian city-states, and in 2340 BC, the great
Akkadian military leader, Sargon, conquered Sumer and built an Akkadian empire
stretching over most of the Sumerian city-states and extending as far away as Lebanon.
The Akkadians were Semites, that is, they spoke a language drawn from a family of
languages called Semitic languages (the term "Semite" is a modern designation taken
from the Hebrew Scriptures; Shem was a son of Noah and the nations descended from
Shem are the Semites). These languages include Hebrew, Arabic, Assyrian, and
Babylonian. After the final end of Sumerian power and civilization around 2000 BC, the
area came under the exclusive control of Semitic peoples for centuries.
Sargon
Le vainqueur de Lugalzaggesi - en fait de tout Sumer - fut Sargon le Grand, l'u ne des
figures les plus extraordinaires de son temps. Né vers 23 70 avant J.-C., Sargon n'était pas
d'ascendance sumérienne mais le fils de Sémites ; il appartenait donc à ce peuple qui,
venant des déserts de la péninsule Arabique, avait pénétré dans la région située entre le
Tigre et l'Euphrate. Il s'établit à Sumer et sur des terres situées juste au nord qui prirent le
nom d'Akkad, et les Sémites celui d'Akkadiens.
On ignore le lieu et les circonstances précises de la naissance de Sargon, bien que de
nombreuses légendes aient tenté de glorifier son enfance. Selon l'une d'elles, qui rappelle
celle de Moïse, la mère de Sargon aurait déposé son enfant, qui était illégitime, dans une
corbeille de joncs dont elle ferma l'ouverture avec du bitume et qu'el le confia au destin
en la jetant dans l'Euphrate. Un paysan sumérien qui puisait de l'eau pour irriguer son
champ trouva la corbeil le et éleva l'enfant comme son fils. La légende veut qu'après cette
humble enfance, Sargon soit devenu le serviteur officiel du roi de Kish, la ville la plus
septentrionale de Sumer.
He was one of the first rulers to have a Semitic name, and he actively promoted the use of
the Akkadian language, even in official and religious contexts. Akkadian had long been
displacing Sumerian in daily usage, even among the people of Sumer.
Second, he was not content with the age-old title of King of Kish, though he had it. He
preferred to add to his glory by building a capital, Agade, a city that has never been
found, perhaps because it was later swallowed up by Babylon. Sargon, in Akkadian arru
kënu, the `true/lawful king' is a Semitic king and founder of a dynasty of Akkad
(Sumerian Agade). The exact location of this city is unknown, but probably not far from
Kish. It is newly founded around 2350 BCE.
According to legend Sargon did not know his father and claimed his mother was a
"changeling," though some have assumed she was probably a temple prostitute. A Neo-
Assyrian (7th century BC) text recounted how his mother bore him in secret, put her baby
in a basket of rushes sealed with bitumen, and cast it upon the Euphrates River. The river
carried him to Akki, a drawer of water, who reared Sargon as a son and appointed him as
his gardener. As a gardener Sargon claimed he received the love of the goddess Ishtar.
More ancient inscriptions described him as the cup-bearer of Ur-Zababa, the King of
Kish, whom either he or Lugalzagesi overthrew.
Sargon --the first in this dynasty-- came from Kish and had a high position in service of
the court of Kish. He was an usurper (someone who unlawfully seizes the throne, often a
general). After Sargon seized power in Kish he chose not to stay in the capital Kish, but
to build a new capital Akkad. In epics written many centuries later (7th cent. BCE) it is
told he was humble born. His father was unknown and his mother was a priestess. As
newly born baby he was sent down stream the river in a basket of rushes (like Mozes so
much later) and raised by a gardener under protection of the goddess Itar and eventually
became cup-bearer at the court of Kish. After a military failure of the current ruler and
some confusion about his succession, Sargon seized power. Not much is known about the
exact circumstances.
Les conquêtes
Beginning as a cup bearer to the Sumerian governor of Kish he led a revolt which made
him king of Kish and a number of nearby cities. Quickly he attacked the warlike peoples
in Assyria and Syria, winning their allegiance.
At the beginning of his reign most of the south of Mesopotamia (Sumer) was under
control by Lugalzaggesi. A victory over him meant a significant expansion of Sargon's
territory. Subsequently he directed his attention to the north of Mesopotamia. Cities are
mentioned on inscriptions, such as Mari and Tuttul on the Middle Euphrates (in modern
Syria) and further north to Ebla, possibly with expeditions to Anatolia.
Then he fell upon Southern Sumeria and captured all the cities there. Not yet content, he
overran Elam and even reached the Eastern Mediterranean Coast, colonizing Lebanon.
From his time the land of the two rivers was known to the ancients as Babylonia, in
reference to the Sumerian city of Babylon from which Sargon established his empire.
Quelle que soit l'authenticité de cette légende, Sargon se lança dans une étonnante série
de campagnes militaires. Après avoir réduit à merci Lugalzaggesi, il engagea ses
phalanges de lanciers et d'archers et ses chariots de guerre tirés par des ânes contre les
autres grandes cités de Sumer. Puis, dans un grand mouvement tournant, il s'élança vers
l'est pour mater les Élamites rebelles, ensuite vers le nord, où il s'empara d'Akkad et du
reste de la haute Mésopotamie. De là, il fit route vers l'ouest à travers le désert et étendit
ses conquêtes jusqu'à la Méditerranée.
Sargon united both Sumer and the northern region of Akkad - from which Babylon
would arise about four hundred years later - not very far from Kish. Evidence is sketchy,
but he may have extended his realm from the Medeterranian Sea to the Indus River. This
unity would survive its founder by less than 40 years. He built the city of Agade and
established an enormous court there and he had a new temple erected in Nippur. Trade
from across his new empire and beyond swelled the city, making it the center of world
culture for a brief time.
Eventually, the Sumerians would have to battle another peoples, the Akkadians, who
migrated up from the Arabian Peninsula. The Akkadians were a Semitic people, that is,
they spoke a Semitic language related to languages such as Hebrew and Arabic. When the
two peoples clashed, the Sumerians gradually lost control over the city-states they had so
brilliantly created and fell under the hegemony of the Akkadian kingdom which was
based in Akkad, the city that was later to become Babylon.
Pour la première fois, la Mésopotamie tout entière se trouva unie sous un seul souverain
et forma une seule nation. Quelque part, en un lieu situé le long de l'Euphrate en Akkad et
qui nous reste inconnu, Sargon construisit une nouvelle capitale appelée Agadé, que de
nombreuses tablettes décrivent comme l'une des plus superbes cités du monde antique.
De là, il gouverna son nouvel empire avec fougue et imagination pendant plus d'un demi-
siècle, déployant ses troupes aux avant-postes stratégiques et affectant des Akkadiens aux
positions clés de l'administration des cités-États.
Bien que soumis à Akkad, les Sumériens imposèrent leur culture aux conquérants
sémites. Les Akkadiens ne leur empruntèrent pas seulement les techniques d'irrigation
mais aussi l'écriture cunéiforme et les divinités de leur panthéon. Partout où il se rendit
avec ses phalanges, Sargon sema les germes de la civilisation sumérienne.
Finally, Sargon was a full-time conqueror and warrior. He kept a huge military
establishment around him all the time. In the words of one inscription: "To Sargon, the
king, the hand of Enlil permitted no rival. Fifty-four hundred men daily eat food in his
presence" {McNeill, 2, rephrased}. Fifty-four hundred warriors or even 5400 members of
his palace staff - - the inscription is ambiguous -- could not be supported by any
Mesopotamian city by itself. The maintenance of such an establishment required that his
soldiers be put to work.
Sargon kept them busy. He first seized all the cities of Sumer and Akkad, assuring their
submission by levelling their walls. Then he went further afield, constructing an empire
that reached, as Lugal-zagesi's had, from Lower to Upper Sea.
His interest in farther countries was closely connected with the valuable resources that
they produced. 
Sargon marched against Uruk to attack Lugalzagesi, who, though he had fifty governors
under his command, was defeated, captured, and brought to Kish where he was yoked by
the neck to Enlil's gate. Having consolidated his power in the north, Sargon went down
river to attack and tear down the walls of Ur, Lagash, and Umma, not stopping until his
warriors had "washed their weapons" in the lower sea (Persian Gulf). He built a new
capital called Agade on the Euphrates with temples dedicated to Ishtar and the warrior
god Zababa of the Kish. Semitic speakers were given authority over the Sumerians as he
appointed Akkadian governors in all the major cities. The Akkadian language became as
official as Sumerian, but following Sumerian religious traditions he appointed his
daughter priestess of Nanna, the moon god of Ur, and called himself the anointed priest of
Anu and the great governor of Enlil.
Ambitious to expand his new empire and gain material resources, Sargon crossed the
Tigris River and attacked four rulers in Iran, eventually defeating them and making the
kings of Elam, Barhashe, and others his vassals. He then went northwest where he
prostrated himself before the grain-god Dagan who "gave" him the upper region of Mari,
Iarmuti, and Ebla to the cedar forest (Lebanon) and the silver (Taurus) mountains, thus
gaining ample timber and precious metals. This must have been a major war, because at
that time Ebla was ruling over all of Syria and Palestine. Some even believe that Sargon
crossed the western sea and landed on Cyprus and Crete. Sargon ruled over this vast
empire until his death, but even at the end he was still fighting battles against a major
revolt, destroying a vast army.
An important part of Sargon's policy and reason for his success, was to appoint members
of his family to important posts. He wrote: `the sons of Akkad fulfill the tasks of the enki
(local autorities) in the countries'. His daughter Enheduanna became priestess in the city
Ur for the city deities Inanna (Akkadian Itar) and An (Akkadian Anum). It was one of the
most important positions in the south of Mesopotamia. Enheduanna is one of the few
scribes in those times known by name (she wrote the `exaltation of Inanna'). She was
eventually dislodged by the local priests, showing this appointment to be against the will
of the locals.
Another factor in Sargon's success of a central government are the written orders and in
general his changes on an administrative level. He decreed a standing army of 5400 man,
according to the texts. It was the first professional army. Trading was centralized in
Akkad. Coastal ships from the Persian Gulf were obliged to call at the port and quaysides
of Akkad.
The new king of Akkad ascended the throne by rebellion against his master and began the
rule of a kingdom that had been reduced to the level of a mere city-state. He would
eventually make it the capital of one of the greatest empires that Mesopotamia had yet
known. Sargon realized that the danger point for Akkad lay to the north. Sumer and
Akkad had formed one kingdom in the past and might do so again in spite of the racial
differences and he fully intended to absorb the southern country into his own, but he
could wait and bide his time for that. Sargon then gave the south a respite and turned his
attention in the opposite direction.
He first secured his hold on the upper Euphrates and advanced north to where the city of
Baghdad now lies and attacked Assyria. From Assyria he marched east and conquered
Kirkuk and Arbil and then he conquered the Guti hill-men from the Zagros mountain
range. From the area of Baghdad he marched south to Malgium the area between the
Tigris and the Persian Hills near Amara, and then carried a raid into Sumer and captured
Lagash. Sargon by this time had thoroughly consolidated his position and was ready to
negotiate with Lugal-zaggisi. He then invaded Sumer full-scale defeating its national
army and carried off the king to Nippur. Ur held out but was captured and its walls razed
to the ground. The capture of Umma put out the last of the embers of the fire of
resistance, and the soldiers of Akkad had made it to the waters of the Persian Gulf.
But Sargon had no desire to deal harshly with the Sumerians of the south. There was a
custom that had last been honored by Nabonidus of Babylonia in the 6th century B.C. The
custom stated that the eldest daughter of the reigning monarch become the high priestess
of Nannar the patron deity of Ur. A relief in alabaster has been unearthed and it depicts
Sargon's daughter holding this sacred office. This gesture was obviously done to
conciliate the religious feelings within Sumer. The Akkadians assimilated the entire
civilization of their Sumerian neighbors into their own society, religion, cosmology,
legends, pantheon, everything.
After consolidating his power in the delta, Sargon then turned towards foreign wars. In
the east Elam submitted, in the west the Mediterranean, and then he overran Syria as far
south as the Lebanon. The sole purpose of these foreign wars was to control the major
trade routes as well as the sources of that trade.
Even though the Akkadians attempted to appease the Sumerians by adopting their rites
and customs, this still proved as little comfort to the conquered Sumerians. Sargon's rule
came to an end under a general revolt by the Sumerian provinces under the leadership of
the city-state of Ur. The rebellion was crushed and many captives were taken and
enslaved. These revolts would continue to pop up and spread with every new Akkadian
ruler that ascended to the throne. However the policy when dealing with the Sumerians
was still one of conciliation. In fact this conciliation was so strong that even some
Akkadian towns (Sippar) rebelled on the side of the Sumerians during one of the general
revolts that constantly occurred. Naram Sin was on the throne during one of these revolts,
and not only put the revolt down but expanded the empire to the limits that only Sargon
had previously achieved. Naram Sins famous stele shows his victory of a people far to the
east of the Tigris river practicing the Sumerian religion and customs. So even in defeat
we see quite clearly that the Sumerians were still not really defeated. Their culture not
only continued to thrive but also as we can see it even was spread into other lands through
the use of Akkadian arms. Also under Akkadian rule we begin to see an influx of names
that are clearly Sumerian as holding high governmental offices, as well as the
Governorships of the south country.

Les successeurs de Sargon

After Sargon's death, however, the empire was fraught with rebellion. Naram-Sin,
Sargon's grandson and third successor, quelled the rebellions through a series of military
successes, extending his realm. He declared himself 'King of the Four corners of the
World' and had himself deified.
Whatever Lugal-zagesi may have accomplished earlier, Sargon was more successful in
one respect: Sargon founded a dynasty that lasted for more than a century. This was
despite the fact that the peoples he had conquered earlier often revolted. According to
legend, "in his old age, all lands revolted against him, and they besieged him in Agade.
But he went forth to battle and defeated them; he knocked them over and destroyed their
vast army." His son Rimush held on to the empire, until his officials in a palace revolt
"killed him with their [clay] tablets."
Manistusu, his brother, lived longer and waged some impressive wars. Having inherited
Sargon's nose for loot and the domination of trade, he took a naval expedition over the
commercial routes in the Persian Gulf to Oman or perhaps the coast opposite, defeating
32 kings and seizing the whole country "as far as the silver mines." He, too, died in a
palace revolt, making way for his own son, Naram-sin.
Naram-sin's career echoes Sargon's, since he fought in many of the same places, shoring
up his dynasty's control. Ruthless as any of his predecessors, he destroyed Ebla when it
seemed to threaten Agadian control of the north. Naram-sin was so impressed with
himself that he added the title of "god" to his official signature and had himself depicted
in the horned helmets usually worn by gods in Mesopotamian art. In some ways, his reign
was the high point of the Sargonid dynasty. Wealth had been pouring into Agade for a
long time, and with it the best practitioners of all the luxury trades. Some amazing art
work was produced there in Naram-sin's time, including this bronze head of either Sargon
or himself, a statue that was later mutilated by another ruler.
He was succeeded by his son, Rimush, who put down the revolts in Sumer, Iran, and
Elam; but his battles involving tens of thousands of troops may have angered his
administrators because after only nine years they "killed him with their tablets," showing
that in those days even the written word could be a lethal weapon. His brother
Manishtusu continued these wars and boasted how he had secured silver mines and
diorite for statues from southern Elam.
His son, Naram-Sin, also chose war for the northwestern copper and tin needed for
bronze as well as the southern silver. He not only aggrandized his title from King of
Agade to King of the Four Regions and King of the Universe, but he also added the star
meaning god before his name. Naram-Sin ruled until 2274 BC and fought numerous wars
even against the local Kish and Uruk and as far away as Ebla, Lebanon, the Zagros
mountains, and in a major war with the Lullubi east of the Tigris. Later the first
philosopher of history criticized Naram-Sin for morally bringing about the destruction of
Agade by the Guti, because he had devastated the temple at Nippur.
Puzur-Inshushinak, the governor of Elam, fought the southern tribes of Zagros on behalf
of Naram-Sin, but after the latter died, Puzur-Inshushinak declared himself King of the
Universe, and the new king of Agade, Shar-kali-sharri, busy with Sumerian revolts and
other far-flung wars, could not object. A palace revolution also ended his reign in 2249
BC, and in the next three years the list of kings had four names, asking, "Who was king?
Who was not king?"6 Like the Elamites, the Lullubi became independent, and eventually
the Guti invaded from the north and put an end to the Akkadian empire.
For the enrichment of a few these wars were fought for bronze, silver, wood, and stone
and the cheap labor of slaves captured in battle. Trade had been expanded, perhaps as far
as the Indus valley, but at what a cost! Small city-states were overcome by centralized
kingdoms, and Akkadian emphasis on private property resulted in large estates for royalty
and military nobles and a lessening of the power and domains of the temples in Sumer.
Sargon was succeeded by subsequently his two sons. The first, Rimu, was immediately
confronted with a situation that will be typical for the times to come in Mesopotamia.
After the succession of a powerful ruler many cities try to get rid of their adversary, his
taxes and tributes. They do that often in coalition. They test the military strength of the
new king and his determination to hold to the entire territory.
Also the next successor, his eldest brother Man-ituu (meaning `who is with him?' possibly
indicating that they may have been twins) was confronted with this phenomena. A long
inscription on a black diorite stela found in Susa (now at the Louvre in Paris) witnesses of
his victory over ``32 cities'' in Iran ``at the other side of the sea'', among which was An an
in Fars, the capital of the Elamites. The texts report an important goal of such
expeditions: to return ships full of diorite, a hard black/dark-green stone used for
sculptures.
The last but one in the dynasty of Akkad was an important king. Naram-Sîn (Akkadian,
meaning 'the lover of Sîn', the moon god) and grandson of Sargon has collected many
feats of arms and has a comparable status and power as his grandfather. He called himself
ar kibrät arba'im `king of the four quarters' meaning the entire known world at the time.
His empire was even larger than Sargon's empire, as became clear after the surprising
discovery in 1974 of the city of Ebla near Lebanon in Syria, an hitherto unexpected
highly developed civilization in the far west.
Naram-Sîn was the first king to deify himself. At some point in time during his reign his
name appeared with the determinative (on of the functions of some cuneiform signs) used
in front of divine names. In a victory stela (now at the Louvre museum in Paris) he is
depicted with a horned crown, an attribute reserved for deities. The period when his name
appears without the determinative for god, is the period in which he has to deal with
revolt and rebellion in his own country. In the group of texts when is name bears the
divine attribute relate to the end of his reign, when Naräm-Sîn is concerned with the
fighting of a new enemy, among which are mountain people called Gutians (Guti or Quti)
who tried to penetrate from the north.

Deification of a human by itself is not new. Rulers like Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh also
appear in lists of gods, but in the case of the self-glorification of Naräm-Sîn he called
himself `god of Akkad', a title clearly belonging to the Akkadian goddess Itar. She is the
city patron of Akkad and owns as such all properties and estates of the city. The self-
glorification may have been an act that disturbed the local priests and the leaders of the
religious centers in the country (mainly in Nippur, the `religious capital'). It is possible
that it is the result a power struggle between the central government and the city states.
The latter being represented by city patron deities and their priests. Naräm-Sîn's self-
glorification then could be seen as a clever political act, purposely made to overrule the
priests. Other (earlier) interpretations consider this struggle as a fight between Sumerian
and Akkadian deities, mirroring ethnic riots between Sumerians and Akkadians for which
not much other evidence has been found.
La chute d'Agade
His divine powers must have failed him as the Guti, a mountain people, razed Agade and
deposed Naram-Sin, ending that dynasty.
La dynastie qu'il fonda dura moins d'un siècle et s'éteignit sous l'effet de conflits internes
et de l'invasion d'un autre groupe d'agresseurs étrangers. Du mont Zagros au nord-est
arrivèrent les Guti, peuple dont une tablette sumérienne nous dit qu'il était rebelle à toute
autorité. Ces envahisseurs mirent à sac Agadé, la capitale, installèrent un pouvoir sans
grande consistance dans les plaines septentrionales autour d'Umma et commencèrent à
assimiler la culture sumérienne.
From 2143 B.C., the barbarian Gutis sacked and pillaged the cities for thirty years until
the Sumerians in 2112 B.C. revolted and reestablished rule under what came to be known
as the Third Dynasty of Ur.
This entire archaeological region straddles the old Silk Road which was predated for
thousands of years by other crucial commercial arteries of the ancient world that
connected the East to the West over the Iranian plateau, lowland Mesopotamia, and the
Levant. As such, the region boasted a commerce oriented civilization that exported many
of its technological developments and discoveries and now contains the remains of many
imported artifact and raw material from far away sources and cultures of the time. About
4,500 years ago this region served as the heartland for the native empire of the Qutils (or
Gutis) who were among the Hurrian ancestors of the modern Kurds before their
Aryanization in the hands of the immigrating Indo- European tribes such as the Medes,
Sagarthians, and the Scytho-Alans. The Quti military might soon expanded from the
Kurdish mountains and their capital of Aratta to subdue every neighboring regions
including Sumeria and Akkadia. In light of the discovery of many well-constructed
buildings, wealth of artifacts and new technologies, Godin is the strongest candidate for
the site of ancient Aratta. A Qutil general named Merkar declared his independence from
the mountain domains of the Qutil Federation whose king happened to be Merkar’s own
brother. Breaking with Aratta, Merkar established circa 2500 BC a separate dynasty to
rule independently over all of the Sumerian and Akkadian city- states, taking the famous
Uruk (Erech-Kullab) of Gilgamesh for his capital. By 2250 BC the Qutils had totally
annexed Sumeria and Akkadia, ruling them until 2120 BC. During that 130 years the
Qutils actually settled and flourished in Sumeria in large numbers, populating for
example, the twin city of Kesh-Adab (Kramer 1987).
The empire lasted one more generation, to 2193, and then fell apart into anarchy caused
by internal revolts and external invasions. The Sumerian king-list puts it this way: "Who
was king? Who was not king?"
When the dust had settled, a group of invaders from the northeast, the Guti, had
established themselves in at least part of Sumer and Akkad.
Gutians, semi-nomads from the mountains. The empire of Naram-Sîn was threatened by
hostile pressure from various sides. Among them were the Gutians. The Gutians (Guti or
Quti) are (semi-)nomads from the mountains in the north (modern Iran). They are
described as subhuman barbarians. According to written Sumerian and Akkadian texts,
they are

"Not classed among people, not reckoned as part of the land Gutian people who know no
inhibitions, With human instinct but canine intelligence and monkey's features"
"The rise and fall of the Akkadian empire offers a perfect preview of the rise and fall of
all subsequent Mesopotamian empires: rapid expansion followed by ceaseless rebellions,
palace revolutions, constant wars on the frontiers, and in the end, the coup de grâce given
by the highlanders: Guti now, Elamites, Kassites, Medes or Persians tomorrow
I think all empires are to a great degree pyramid schemes built on loot. A conqueror like
Sargon gains followers with the promise of loot stolen from other people. Once victory is
won, the benefits are quickly dispersed. Some must be reinvested in further war, which is
waged in part by the people just conquered; some must be distributed to deputies,
generals, and vassals. Only continuous conquest keeps the system moving, and even that
is not sufficient: once paid off, vassals and officials start pursuing their own ambitions
and become less biddable. Even the most successful conquerors, or their descendents,
eventually reach one limit or another: the limit of successful campaigning, the limit of
loot to buy loyalty, the limit of resources, which are being ground up in unproductive
warfare. Somewhere the system breaks down, and some new group of thieves,
unconquered barbarians or renegade imperial deputies, start carving out new kingdoms
from the old.
Sargon's career, and those of his offspring, illustrate the process in a raw form. The great
Naram-sin spent almost all of his time reconquering and relooting territory Sargon had
already taken. People who worship power will tell you how thrilling this all is; but really
the Sargonids, like all autocrats, were parasitic on a system of economic relations that had
grown up independently of them, and which they did little but loot.
If the conqueror rewards his followers, they eventually get rich and restive and revolt; if
he doesn't, then they also revolt.
A famous text is called 'the curse of Akkad' written in Sumerian a few centuries after the
presumed facts. It has a unique subject: the sack of a city who was never to be rebuild
again. It was one of the most popular compositions of Old Babylonian scribes in later
time, although the people kept calling themselves Akkadians. It is written as a history of
the rise and fall of Akkad, but many events could not be verified by archeological
findings.

Naram-Sîn had committed sacrilege against the national Sumerian god, the supreme god
Enlil, lord of the world and king of the gods (together with the heaven god an). He
wanted to build a temple in Akkad for the goddess Itar but after performing extispicy
(inspecting the bowels of an animal) to seek divine permission, the omens kept being
unfavorable. According to the legend he attacked and plundered Enlil's sanctuary, the
famous Ekur (Sumerian E 'building', `temple', kur `mountain') in the holy city of Nippur
in order to enforce a positive answer. The sins of the father were revenged by the
downfall of Akkad under the reign of his son, the king ar-kali-arrï, `king of all kings'. The
god Enlil seeks revenge by making the barbarian Gutians to attack the empire.
 Sack of city by divine decision. The justification of the downfall of a city is a common
theme in Mesopotamia. The sack of a city or a victory by the enemies is always a divine
decision. The king is the envoy of the patron god of the city. He acts on behalf of the god.
If the king somehow has raised the anger of a god, he forfeits the favor of the god and is
punished for it. Often one doesn't know what one's sins are, they may be performed
unwillingly. The enemy king attacking a city is instrumental. The very fact of a victory
proofs the consent of the god, whose city is conquered. If his statue from the temple is
taken home in triumph by the enemy, than he goes voluntarily. The recapture of the statue
later is seen as a renewed favor of the god. An enraged god literally turns away from you
and a reconciliation is a re-turn of the god.

'The curse of Akkad' is a story written from the point of view of Sumer, often the
opponent/adversary of Akkad in political matters. Most of the manuscripts are found in
Nippur, the cultural capital and religious center of Sumer. (About Nippur, see e.g. Nippur,
Sacred city of Enlil, supreme god of Sumer and Akkad) There are also Ur-III and Old
Babylonian manuscripts. Details from excavations in Nipur do not show any signs of
destruction of the Ekur-temple in that period. On the contrary: bricks carrying the name
of Naräm-Sîn showed that he contributed to the reconstruction (the soft easily eroding
building materials made very frequent reconstructions necessary). The bad reputation of
Naräm-Sîn as a little popular and unfortunate ruler is only seen in later time, with no
signs suggesting this in the contemporaneous literature.

Shar-kali-shari. The successor of Naram-Sîn is his son ar-kali-arrï, who ruled for 25
years. He uses the determinative for god in front of his name, but here the order is
reversed. First he follows his father's tradition, but later while his empire crumbles and
possibly under pressure of priests, he abandons the habit. In contrasts to the texts in `the
curse of Akkad' and the Sumerian King Lists, it is improbable that the Gutians were the
only ones responsible for the final fall of the dynasty of Akkad.
The century to follow (until 2100 BCE) is little known (a dark age). It is the end of a
period with a central government, but not a complete collapse of civilization. The city
states of importance are Laga and Uruk and a territory controlled by the Gutians. The
region around Akkad still exists, with two ruling kings mentioned in the Sumerian King
Lists .
After Naram Sin stepped down the king Shargalisharri succeeded him, during his reign
the empire that was begun by Sargon and taken to its greatest extant under Naram Sin
was invaded by barbarians from the north. These forces were the Guti and they overran
the land and the country crumbled. A frail line of nobles was able to hold onto local rule
at Agade and even at Erech but this did not last for long. The barbarians who knew
nothing of kingship spread a total veil of anarchy across the whole land. No records or
inscriptions of any kind exist from this period in Sumerian history and the period is
regrettably left blank. The Guti did learn to form an organized government over time, and
also installed kings to rule over their newly formed empire. It is to the Sumerians credit
that their culture and civilization survived the Guti invasion. Like the Akkadians it was
not long before the Guti were worshipping the Sumerian gods and adopting Sumerian
culture and customs. The Guti were not capable of the vast administrative knowledge
required to run a kingdom of this size, and we begin to see Sumerians given the posts of
patesi (governors) and other posts of high office. So like the Akkadians the Guti became
so thoroughly Sumerian it was as if the Sumerians had never been invaded, and once
again they were conquered without being conquered.
2100 BC – 1800 BC Période d'Ur III
L'accession au trône de Ur-Nammu
Les Sumériens, après s'être accommodés de la présence de ces étrangers présomptueux
sur leur sol pendant près de cinquante ans, réussirent à les chasser par des révoltes
successives.
After a few decades, the Guti presence became intolerable for the Sumerian leaders.
Utuhegal of Uruk/Erech rallied a coalition army and ousted them. One of his lieutenants,
Ur-Nammu, usurped his rule and established the third Ur dynasty around 2112 BCE. He
consolidated his control by defeating a rival dynast in Lagash and soon gained control of
all of the Sumerian city-states. He established the earliest known recorded law-codes and
had constructed the great ziggurat of Ur, a kind of step-pyramid which stood over 60' tall
and more than 200' wide. For the next century the Sumerians were extremely prosperous,
but their society collapsed around 2000 BCE under the invading Amorites. A couple of
city-states maintained their independence for a short while, but soon they and the rest of
the Sumerians were absorbed into the rising empire of the Babylonians. (Crawford pp. 1-
28; Kramer 1963 pp. 40-72)
Le décor était désormais planté dans les cités de la plaine. pour un dernier sursaut
d'indépendance politique. vers 21où avant J.-C., le monarque éclairé Ur-Nammu fonda la
dernière dynastie sumérienne. Cette dynastie était née sous de mauvais auspices; Ur-
Nammu était monté sur le trône par traîtrise, après avoir déposé le roi Utu-hegal, héros de
la rébellion contre les Cuti, qui l'avait nommé gouverneur d'Ur.
Cependant, Ur-Nammu se révéla un chef d'une qualité exceptionnelle. Installé à Ur, ville
qui comptait à l'époque près de 40000 habitants, il sut refaire l'unité de Sumer par la ruse
politique et la force des armes. Outre le code de lois qu'il promulga, il donna au
commerce, aux arts et à l'architecture une impulsion nouvelle. Il remit en état les canaux
d'irrigation laissés à l'abandon et construisit à Ur la ziggourat la plus grande et la plus
magnifique du pays : une tour de soixante-dix mètres de large à sa base et qui s'élevait à
près de vingt-trois mètres au-dessus de la plaine. Ur-Nammu avait aussi fait le nécessaire
pour que la postérité fût informée de son oeuvre: chaque brique de la ziggourat portait
l'empreinte de son nom.
The hegemony of the Gutis lasted until the kings of Ur, who as rulers of the southernmost
port, had access to the imported wealth of the East, established one last native Sumerian
empire.
The Guti ruled over Mesopotamia for nearly a century; but the trade routes were open,
and local governors seemed to be autonomous. One of these in a city near the capital
called Girsu was Gudea, Governor of Lagash from 2197 to 2178 BC. Lugalzagesi of
Umma had burned down Girsu, but Gudea rebuilt it with fifteen or more temples, inspired
by a dream he had in which a man as tall as the sky and as heavy as the earth told him to
build a temple. A woman also appeared holding a stylus of flaming metal and a tablet
with the good writing of heaven. To understand this, Gudea consulted his "mother," the
goddess Gatumdug, and he went by boat to the temple of the goddess Nanshe, who
interprets dreams. Nanshe explained that the man was the god Ningirsu and the woman
the goddess of science, Nisaba. The wisdom of Ningirsu, the son of Enlil, would reveal to
him the plan of his temple.
Gudea obeyed and tried to unite the people of Girsu "as sons of the same mother" by
purifying the city with encircling fires, putting clay in a pure place; making bricks, he
purified the foundations of the temple and anointed the platform with perfume. The city
was also purified morally: complaints, accusations, and punishments were to cease;
mothers were not to scold their children nor should children raise their voices against
their parents; slaves were not to be struck. Then workers from Elam and Susa collected
timber from their mountains and brought it to Girsu. Cedars were cut with great axes and
like giant snakes were floated down the river. Stone was brought in large blocks, copper
from Kimash, silver from distant mines, and red stone from Meluhha (possibly Ethiopia
or the Indus). Construction took a year, and then the god could enter the temple. Statues
of Gudea portray a calm and pious ruler, but in attaining all these building materials there
was at least one war with the Elamites of Anshan.
About 2176 BC the governor of Uruk, Utu-hegal, revolted against the Guti "serpent of the
hills" and with the help of other cities defeated the foreigners. However, Uruk was not
able to hold the power, as seven years later Ur-Nammu, the Governor of Ur, proclaimed
himself King of Ur, Sumer, and Akkad. This Third Dynasty of Ur lasted just over a
century until 2060 BC and is considered the final glory of Sumerian civilization.
The language spoken is Akkadian. Sumerian is becoming an extinct language. It is,
however, in this era the only written language, like Latin long after the fall of the Roman
empire was the only written language. During the last century of the millennium no new
literature is produced. The consolidation of Sumerian literature is advanced and promoted
by the kings of the third dynasty of Ur, called Ur-III
A well known king is the pious Gudea of Lagash who reigned for 20 years shortly before
the Ur-III period. Surprisingly this monarch is not mentioned in the Sumerian King Lists
but he is known from other king lists in this period and furthermore by numerous
inscriptions showing the independence of his city state. Gudea is one of the successors of
the empire of Akkad and despite the formal rule of the Gutian according to the Sumerian
King Lists. Gudea controlled an important part of the south of Mesopotamia (Ur, Uruk,
Nippur). During his reign a sizable number of construction activities took place
(especially religious architecture) and the literal creativity is large. Prosperity depended
of course on agriculture, but also on trade with the surrounding countries. Many
monumental and votive inscriptions have been found and about 20 diorite (dark-green
granite like stone) sculptures showing often a praying Gudea. Gudea considered himself
the representative of the god Ningirsu. After his death he was deified.
The Ur-III dynasty consists of five rulers, whose reigns add in total to 109 years. They
were all great builders of temples.
The founder of the Ur-III dynasty is Urnammu, originally a general who took the title of
`king of Sumer and Akkad'. According to his own words he obtained this title from the
local ruler Utuhengal of Uruk. Under this king (possibly his brother) he was appointed as
governor of Ur, revolted and subsequently defeated him and king Nammahani of Lagash.

Sumer and Akkad united again. Urnammu succeeded for the last time to construct a well
organized empire, in which Sumer and Akkad were united. Urnammu strived after the
law and order of past times. Although he wanted a central authority, he emphasized the
local interests of cities and city deities by starting early in his reign the construction of
temples in other cities. Usually new rulers in their first years of reign were occupied with
further military expansion and were only devoted to construction activities in the last part
of their reign. Urnammu build ziggurats with a three stage system and probably with a
temple on the highest level. Different types of `high terraces' were parts of many temples
in Babylonian cities since the Ubaid period. Use was made of mud bricks each stamped
with the name of the city, city deity and the name of the temple. His development in
temple construction was an innovation which would be used for many centuries. The
legendary tower of Babylon (6th cent. BCE, so 15 centuries later) was possibly of this
type. Urnammu rebuilt and enlarged one of the most famous temples in ancient time, the
Ekur temple in the city Nippur devoted to Enlil, the chief god in the pantheon.

Urnammu's death is bemoaned in a lamentation hymne which is an example a type of

court poetry that became in use since this period in time.
The rule of the Guti lasted for 125 years and during this time a new Sumerian renaissance
was born and once again open revolt ensued. A Sumerian patesi from the city of Erech
who was named Utu-khegal revolted against the "enemy of the gods" and declared
Sumerian independence. The Guti attempted to make peace through negotiations but they
failed, and war broke out. During the large battle that followed the failed peace talks
Tirigan a Guti ambassador was abandoned by his own soldiers and taken captive by the
people of the city of Dubrum. With this final blow the Guti were expelled from the land
and Utu-khegal ascended the throne as king and a new Sumerian dynasty was born.
Les successeurs de Ur-Nammu
Ur-Nammu promoted extensive building in canals and temples, erecting large ziqqurats in
Ur, Uruk, Eridu, Nippur, and other cities, but he died abandoned on the battlefield in an
unknown war and was succeeded by his son, Shulgi, who ruled for 47 years. The first half
of his reign was spent completing the temples and ziqqurats, reinstating the gods in their
shrines with newly appointed highpriests, supporting the schools, and reforming the
calendar and the standards for measuring grain. Then Shulgi began a series of military
campaigns in the plains and mountains north of Diyala. He pacified other regions by
marrying his daughters to governors in Barshashe, Anshan, and Susa. He built temples for
the gods of Elam, called himself King of the Four Quarters, and was worshipped as a god.
In a self-praising poem Shulgi described himself as the trustworthy god of all the lands,
claimed to be endowed with wisdom by Enki and accomplished in it, loving justice and
hating evil words. He boasted of straightening the highways, making travel safe by
building big houses, planting gardens along them, and establishing resting places. He
took charge of the music in the temple and brought bread-offerings, claiming as his
spouse the maid Inanna, queen and vulva of heaven and earth. Claiming he destroyed all
the foreign lands, he believed he had made the people secure.
Shulgi, son of Urnammu, is an important king known from odes in later texts. He was the
Maecenas (patron of arts) of the Sumerian language and promoted the canonization of
Sumerian literature (the language in this time period is called New Sumerian). ulgi's rule
lasted for 48 years. Halfway during his reign one finds a dramatic increase in the number
of texts used for economic and administrative purposes. Thousands of clay tablets per
year show a reorganization of the administrative methods: everything is being recorded,
possibly related with an all time low in the water supply around 2000 BCE. This is also
attested from the number of irrigation works in area's already using irrigation. New
facilities are being constructed bearing new names, such as words for water sluice, quay-
wall, embankment, water depot. Maintenance personnel for the irrigation works becomes
extremely important.
From 2150 to 2094 BC Shulgi and his son, Amar-Sin, ruled over an empire more unified
than the Akkadian empire of Sargon. The city-states became administrative districts
governed by officials observed by royal inspectors and replaced by royal commands.
Military affairs were controlled by the monarch and the generals he appointed. Fortresses
guarded the main roads, and royal couriers were given rations of food at each stop.
From thousands of administrative tablets scholars have learned that the state had now
overwhelmed the importance of the temple and private property. The government owned
and operated large factories, workshops, and trading posts, and oversaw thousands of
laborers in agriculture, industry, public works, civil service, and police. Workers were
either freemen who paid taxes in corvées and military service, lesser paid serfs under the
king's protection, or slaves. Officials received free meat, beer, and clothes and could own
houses, fields, asses, and slaves. Governors and generals who were paid by taxes could be
quite wealthy. In a middle class between these two extremes were some merchants and
small land owners who farmed by borrowing at one-fifth to one-third interest rates.
Amar-Sin was succeeded by his brother, Shu-Sin, who ruled for eight years, coming into
conflict with an uncivilized people in the northwest called the Martu or Amorites, who
were contemptuously described as not knowing about grain or agriculture or houses or
burials but were mountain boors eating raw meat.

Invasion des Elamites

The end of the era of the Ur-III dynasty is caused by an attack of the Elamites in 2004
BCE, probably hastened by internal discord. With help of semi nomads from the west the
Elamites captures the capital Ur and dismissed the last ruler. Many archives were buried
under the ruins.
Mais si, à cette époque, Sumer semblait avoir atteint le sommet de sa puissance, les
fondations de sa civilisation commençaient à s'ébranler. Son fondement même,
l'agriculture, déclinait parce que des siècles d'irrigation avaient fini par diminuer la
fertilité du sol où l'eau, en s'évaporant, laissait des dépôts de sel. La production agricole
décroissait, les réserves de denrées alimentaires étaient presque épuisées et Sumer vivait
dans l'angoisse. Les cités-États, leur force politique déjà sapée par mil le ans de querelles
et de combats, reprirent le vieux chemin des guerres intestines.
This was one of the most creative periods in Sumerian art and literature, but lasted only
until 2004 B.C. At this time quarrels between the cities caused the breakup of central
control and Sumeria was the prey of invading Amorites from the west and Elamites from
the East.
When Shu-Sin was succeeded by his son, Ibbi-Sin, the empire soon disintegrated.
Eshnunna and Susa in the southeast became independent, and then the Amorites attacked
from the north. One of the king's generals, Ishbi-Irra in Mari, wrote to him that he could
not deliver the grain Ibbi-Sin wanted from Nippur and Isin, because the Amorites had cut
off the roads. Ibbi-Sin was depressed by the bad omens and believed that Enlil hated him.
Ishbi-Irra asked his sovereign for permission to defend the two cities, and he defeated the
Amorites. Believing he was favored by Enlil, in 2073 BC Ishbi-Irra proclaimed himself
king of Isin, and his dynasty there lasted until 1850 BC.
An Amorite had already been crowned in Larsa near Ur. When the Elamites invaded
Sumer, Ibbi-Sin facing a famine and enemies on two fronts tried to ally himself with the
Amorites against Ibbi-Irra and the Elamites. However, this too failed, and in 2060 BC the
glorious city of Ur starving under siege was attacked and burned down, a catastrophe the
scribes attributed to the wrath of Enlil. Ibbi-Sin was captured and died in the foreign land
of Anshan he had once himself devastated. A Sumerian writer lamented how the walls of
Ur were breached as the people groaned; where people had before promenaded and
feasted now dead bodies were lying scattered and in heaps.
Ur - its weak and its strong perished through hunger;
Mothers and fathers who did not leave their houses
were overcome by fire;
The young lying on their mothers' laps,
like fish were carried off by the waters;
In the city, the wife was abandoned, the son was abandoned,
the possessions were scattered about.
O Nanna, Ur has been destroyed,
its people have been dispersed!9
Eventually Ishbi-Irra drove the Elamites out of the garrison they established at Ur, and his
successor Shu-ilishu recovered the statue of Ur's moon god Nanna the Elamites had
carried off. Though it's positive aspects were to influence its successors, Sumerian
civilization had failed to contain the contagion of war, and it would never rise again.
La pression des tribus barbares aux frontières se fit dans le même temps de plus en plus
forte. Vers 1950 avant J.-C., ces vieux ennemis de l'est, les Élamites, profitant de
l'affaiblissement de Sumer, envahirent et détruisirent la cité d'Ur. Ils emmenèrent son roi
en captivité et renversèrent la dynastie fondée par Ur-Nammu un siècle auparavant.
1990 BC – 1800 BC Cités-états sémitiques
As Sumerian literature was being collected and appreciated, little kingdoms like Isin and
Larsa competed in the south, while Assur rivaled Eshnunna in the north. The Semitic-
speaking rulers from the west freed people from their obligations to the city-states and
their temples by relieving them of those taxes and forced labor. Encouraging private
property, a society of large farms and enterprising merchants reduced the temples to
competing landowners and taxpayers to the state. Sumerian religion declined along with
the power of Enlil's city of Nippur. After a dynasty emerged in Babylon in 1950 BC
under the Amorite Samu'abum, the new god Marduk replaced Enlil in the creation story.
Early Old Babylonian period. The period from 2000-1800 BCE is called the Isin-Larsa
period, also the Early Old Babylonian period. The archeological period is the Middle
Bronze Age. Hegemony in the south was exercised by the dynasty at Isin and usually had
the upper hand in political and military matters. Kings of Isin often have Amorite names,
the first being the last general under the rule of the last king of Ur-III. Many Amorites
obtain high positions and eventually kings of cities. They apparently quickly integrate
into the (Akkadian) society and seem to renounce their language, since not much is found
in written form.

Well known Royal hymns are among the longest and best preserved and devoted to these
kings. Liturgical texts praise e.g. the holy marriage between the king and (a sculpture of/a
priestess of) the goddess Inanna/Itar which was performed each year to ensure prosperity.

Disappearing of Sumerian. After the Early Old Babylonian period, the Sumerian tradition
gradually disappears. Copying of Akkadian texts becomes more usual, although there are
still exceptions. Akkadian writing is now the first priority at school. New Sumerian
compositions are still made, but are more often unrelated to the ancient Sumerian
literature. The grammer often deviates.
Iddin-Dagan, named after the wheat-god Dagan of Mari where his grandfather Ishbi-Irra
had begun his conquests, occupied Sippar and ruled over the entire southern Euphrates
region. This Semite ruler used the Sumerian language in official inscriptions and gathered
Sumerian literature into a library at Nippur.
Lipit-Ishtar, whose moderate law code regulated inheritance, real estate business, hiring
contracts, and privately owned slaves, described himself as "the humble shepherd of
Nippur, the stalwart farmer of Ur." Here is an example of one of his laws showing how
responsibility was based on awareness:
If a man without authorization bound (another) man
to a matter to which he (the latter) had no knowledge,
that man is not affirmed;
he (the first man) shall bear the penalty
in regard to the matter to which he has bound him.13
Lipit-Ishtar ruled Isin from 1990 BC until 1980 when Isin was attacked by the King of
Larsa, Gungunum, who also conquered Ur, Lagash, Susa, and perhaps Uruk. He was
followed by usurpers so afraid of divine wrath that Irra-imitti crowned his gardener but
died himself from swallowing boiling broth. The gardener Enlil-bani went on to rule over
a greatly reduced kingdom of Isin for 24 years until 1893 BC. Three years later the king
of Larsa was killed in a war with Babylon and was replaced by an Elamite official,
Kudur-Mabuk, who gave his two sons Semitic names. One of these, Rim-Sin, defeated a
Babylonian coalition and finally took over Larsa's old rival city of Isin in 1850 BC.
In the north Eshnunna was under the god Tishpak, probably a form of the Hurrian god
Teshup. This city had become independent back in 2083 at the beginning of the Sumerian
decline under Ibbi-Sin. Two centuries before Hammurabi the law codes of Eshnunna
were formulated by its King Bilalama. These laws fixed the prices of barley, sesame oil,
and wool, and for hiring a wagon or a boat. If a boatman was negligent he must pay for
what he caused to be sunk. A man must get permission of a woman's parents to marry,
and the sentence for raping her without it was death, as it was for a wife who committed
adultery. Depriving another man's slave-girl of her virginity was punished by a fine.
Business transactions must be established legally, or the person was considered a thief.
Injuring another person's body parts were compensated for by fines in silver instead of by
retaliatory maiming. Compared to later laws capital punishment seems to have been rare,
and all capital cases were brought before the king. People were responsible for vicious
dogs and oxen known to be dangerous, but even if an ox gored a man or a dog caused his
death, the penalty was still only a fine. However, if the authorities made the builder aware
that a wall was threatening to fall and he did not strengthen it but it fell and killed
someone, then it was a capital case under the king's jurisdiction. Once again increased
awareness brought added responsibility.
In the nineteenth century BC Eshnunna was expanded by Ipiq-Adad II as far north as
Assur on the Tigris, but soon Assur joined with Nineveh to form an Assyrian kingdom,
which along with Mari, Babylon, and Larsa, surrounded Eshnunna. The kingdom of Mari
was extended as far west as the Mediterranean Sea. The son of a ruler near Mari named
Shamsi-Adad began as an outlaw and was exiled in Babylon, but when his brother
succeeded, he gathered a force to take Ekallatum from Eshnunna and attacked Assur,
replaced his brother, and led his army to the west as far as Lebanon.
When the ruler of Mari was murdered, Shamsi-Adad installed his son Iasmah-Adad there
and another son Ishme-Dagan as viceroy of Ekallutum. The latter was a bold warrior like
his father, proud of his military victories, who tried to get his docile brother Iasmah-Adad
to obey him instead of their father. Shamsi-Adad criticized his son Iasmah-Adad for
being a child, laying around with women, and exhorted him to be a man with his army
and make a name for himself like his brother.
However, while the father was kept busy campaigning in the north and the bold Ishme-
Dagan was fighting tribes and petty rulers in the Zagros mountains, Iasmah-Adad gave
away land and plows during famine, gave boats to sheepherders to cross the Euphrates,
and kept on such good terms with neighbors through trade that the King of Carchemish
sent his "brother" food, wine, ornaments, fine clothing, gave him control of his copper
mines, and offered him whatever he wanted. Iasmah-Adad married the daughter of
Qatanum's ruler who allowed him pasture. With his sons' help Shamshi-Adad ruled the
first Assyrian empire from 1869 to 1837 BC, overlapping with the reign of Babylon's
Hammurabi. Iasmah returned a caravan delayed in Mari to Babylon, and someone warned
him about Hammurabi; but another advised him not to worry.
Further North lay the city of Ashur on a rocky promontory overlooking an important
crossing of the River Tigris. From here the city dominated the caravans of donkeys
carrying metals and rare materials from the east and west, and the boats moving to and
from the cities of Sumer to the South. As an important trading centre, Ashur had by 1900
BCE established commercial colonies in Anatolia (modern day Turkey). Cloth and
Iranian tin were exchanged for Anatolian silver and records of these activities on clay
tablets have been found at a number of sites in Turkey. The letters were often protected
by an envelope of clay on which the recipient's name was written and sealed with a
cylinder seal. In other examples, a copy of the letter was written on the envelope as a
safeguard.
At the end of the nineteenth century BCE an ambitious solder called Shamshi-Adad
brought Ashur under his control. He established an empire which stretched across the
North of Mesopotamia. Around 1780 BCE, Shamshi-Ada died and his sons lacked their
fatherÕs abilities. The empire collapsed and Ashur and the North were now open to
attack. When attack came, it came from the South.
1800 BC – 1170 BC Babylone
The Amorites, who like the Akkadians spoke a Semetic language, infiltrated the area
around Babylon curing this final dissolution of the Sumerian Epoch, gradually gaining
power. By 1894 B.C. they were in control of the whole of what is now known as
Babylonia and some portions of Sargon's foreign Empire, establishing the first dynasty of
Babylon, which lasted until 1595 B.C.
Puis, venant des déserts de l'ouest, apparut un nouvel ennemi, les Amorites. Nomades
sémitiques, éleveurs et bergers, ils avaient paisiblement infiltré Sumer pendant des
années, servant même de mercenaires dans les armées des cités-États. Maintenant, ils
entraient en grand nombre en Mésopotamie, occupaient toutes les cités et établissaient
leur capitale au nord, dans la ville jusqu'alors sans importance de Babylone. Là, tandis
que, plus au sud, les Sumériens s'entre-déchiraient, ils fondèrent une dynastie.
Even after 1800 B. C., when the Babylonians made Marduk the most important god in
southern Mesopotamia, Enlil was still revered, kings continued to seek legitimization at
Nippur, and the city remained the recipient of pious donations.
The dynasty which laid the foundation of Babylon's greatness is sometimes called the
Arabian. It certainly was West-Semitic and almost certainly Amorite. The Babylonians
called it the dynasty of Babylon, for, though foreign in origin, it may have had its actual
home in that city, which it gratefully and proudly remembered. It lasted for 296 years and
saw the greatest glory of the old empire and perhaps the Golden Age of the Semitic race
in the ancient world. The names of its monarchs are: Sumu-abi (15 years), Sumu-la-ilu
(35), Zabin (14), Apil-Sin (18), Sin-muballit (30); Hammurabi (35), Samsu-iluna (35),
Abishua (25), Ammi-titana (25), Ammizaduga (22), Samsu-titana (31). Under the first
five kings Babylon was still only the mightiest amongst several rival cities, but the sixth
king, Hammurabi, who succeeded in beating down all opposition, obtained absolute rule
of Northern and Southern Babylonia and drove out the Elamite invaders. Babylonia
henceforward formed but one state and was welded into one empire. They were
apparently stormy days before the final triumph of Hammurabi. The second ruler
strengthened his capital with large fortifications; the third ruler was apparently in danger
of a native pretender or foreign rival called Immeru; only the fourth ruler was definitely
styled King; while Hammurabi himself in the beginning of his reign acknowledged the
suzerainty of Elam.
1728 BC - 1685 BC Hammurabi
Hammurabi, author of the first known Code of Laws
Babylone ne s'était pas particulièrement distinguée avant qu'Hammurabi, le sixième de
cette lignée de rois, montât sur le trône peu après 1800 avant J.-C. Son autorité s'étendait
seulement sur un rayon de soixante-dix kilomètres autour de la cité, mais, avec habileté,
courage et une énergie inépuisable, il accomplit de grandes réformes au cours d'un règne
remarquable de quarante-deux années.
La part la plus connue de l'héritage d'Hammurabi est le code de lois qu'il a légué à la
postérité sur une stèle de basalte de plus de deux mètres de haut où s'inscrivent près de
trois cents arrêts de caractère juridique. Ces arrêts, qui ont trait à des questions d'ordre
civil comme les salaires des ouvriers, décrivent les peines auxquelles s'exposent les
personnes coupables de délits allant du simple abattage d'un palmier dattier du voisin,
sans le consentement de celui-ci, jusqu'au meurtre. Bien qu'influencées de toute évidence
par le droit et la coutume des Sumériens, ces peines reflètent aussi la tradition beaucoup
plus sévère des Amorites. La question de la femme adultère, par exemple, est traitée sans
détours : ii Si l'épouse d'un homme est surprise étendue auprès d'un autre homme, ils
seront tous deux enchaînés et jetés à l'eau. » Mais les réalisations d'Hammurabi en
matière juridique sont peu de chose si on les compare à ses exploits politiques et
militaires : il noua des alliances qu'il rompait à son gré, il sut transformer les Amorites en
une troupe disciplinée pour les lancer contre les cités-États de Sumer qui se querellaient
entre elles et les conquérir l'une après l'autre. En un mot, Hammurabi réussit à faire de
Sumer et du nord de la Mésopotamie une seule et même nation. La naissance de l'empire
babylonien marqua la fin de Sumer sur le plan politique mais non sur le plan culturel.
Comme Sargon et les Akkadiens avant eux, Hammurabi et les Amorites assimilèrent la
civilisation sumérienne dans son ensemble.
Lui empruntant pratiquement tout sauf la langue, ils en adoptèrent l'écriture, l'art, la
littérature, le système éducatif et même, avec quelques variantes, la religion.
Sous l'hégémonie de Babylone, les derniers poètes sumériens, de leur écriture cunéiforme
gravée dans l'argi le, se répandirent en lamentations sur la mort de leur pays.
Mais, grâce à leurs écrits, la pensée et les idéaux de Sumer sont restés vivants et ont laissé
leur empreinte sur les civil isations futures.
Life in Mesopotamia changed considerably during Hammurabi's time. The Sumerian
language was falling into disuse, giving way to the Semetic tongues of the Near East. The
Sumerians themselves seem to have disappeared as they mixed with the foreigners.
A most significant change was in the concept and knowledge which the people of
Mesopotamia had regarding the world. Traders came to Babylon from as far away as
Egypt where the splendid days of the Middle Kingdom were just ending. From India to
the east, traders brought cotton cloth and elaborate feather work. From the west, the
island of Crete furnished beautiful pottery and unusual beads, while fine wool was
imported from Anatolia. In the Arabian Gulf, the islands of Bahrain were the source of
pearls. It is even thought that Lapis Lazuli was imported from as far away as the borders
of western China. It was beginning to be a truly international world with Babylon as its
center.
The requirements of trade needed the refinement of the standards of measurement
introduced by the Sumerians, and gold and silver were increasingly used as standards of
measuring value. Fixed weights and measures also were developed to facilitate commerce
during this period.
Literary arts, architecture, sculpture. and the sciences all flourished. In geometry and
mathematics the Babylonians had formulated theories which were in much later times
ascribed to Euclid and Pythagoras. They used first and second degree algebraic formulae,
and set the foundations of Logarithms. Medicine and surgery were highly developed,
along with astronomy and astrology.
Due to accidents of preservation, the Amorite period of Mesopotamian history is well
known. Lots of documents have survived. A great many of those documents and
monuments belong to Hammurabi or Hammurapi, who ruled Babylon, a city he helped
make famous, around 1800 B.C.
Hammurabi's fame is so great because he was found at an early stage in Middle Eastern
archaeology. He particularly impressed people in the early part of this century because he
left, carved on a stele, what has often been called the first code of laws.
We have court records from the time of Hammurabi, and his laws are almost never
referred to. They were certainly not the working basis of jurisprudence. One hypothesis is
that Hammurabi put up his stele to impress the gods with his righteouness, rather than to
accomplish any down-to-earth goals.
As indicated by Rim-Sin's rule from Larsa in the south and the extensive territory
controlled by Shamsi-Adad and his sons in the north, quite limited in size and power was
the Babylon Hammurabi inherited from his father in 1848 BC.5 After being king for five
years Hammurabi began to attack his neighbors, capturing Isin, moving down the
Euphrates to Uruk, and expanding in other directions. When Shamsi-Adad died in 1837
he left his kingdom to his warrior son, Ishme-Dagan, who promised to protect his weaker
brother, Iasmah-Adad; but the latter was almost immediately overthrown by a nationalist
Mari dynasty led by Zimri-Lim, who ruled more firmly than Iasmah-Adad but continued
his policies. Zimri-Lim and Hammurabi became closely allied, assisting each other with
information and even soldiers.
In 1820 BC Babylon was attacked by Elamites, Guti, Assyrians, and Eshnunna, but
Hammurabi was victorious "through the great power of the gods," and "encouraged by an
oracle" the next year he invaded and defeated Rim-Sin in Larsa. The year after that a new
coalition of the same old enemies formed and was again defeated by Hammurabi's forces.
Apparently caught up in a warlike mode, the very next year Hammurabi attacked his ally
Zimri-Lim and took control of Mari and parts of Assyria, making them his vassals.
However, they must have revolted two years later, because Hammurabi returned then and
destroyed the city of Mari, and a few years later he overcame the Assyrian armies and
defeated all his enemies in that country. In less than ten years Babylon had conquered
almost all of Mesopotamia.
Hammurabi ruled through provincial governors but also allowed cities to make local
decisions and collect taxes by councils of elders. Although Marduk was made the chief
god, diverse religious traditions were tolerated, and many temples were rebuilt, even at
Nippur.
With the exception of Marduk the Babylonians continued to worship the Sumerian gods,
though with their Semitic names. Temples were still important and contained the usual
lodgings, libraries, schools, offices, workshops, stores, cellars, and stables. Religious
ceremonies were performed every day with musical instruments, hymns, prayers, and
sacrifices. Priests had sons who were taught in the schools. Clergy included chanters,
exorcists, and dream interpreters. Priestesses could marry but were not allowed to bear
children in the temple where sacred prostitution continued.
Houses were still built in the Sumerian manner with enclosed courtyards and a family
chapel for the statuettes of the household gods and a place for burials. Kings such as
Zimri-Lim in Mari built large palaces surrounded by enormous walls. Interior walls were
thick and tall and had no windows, but light came in through doors and openings in the
ceiling. Numerous letters have been found by which kings communicated with their
officials. Hammurabi intervened in Larsa to make legal judgments, appoint officials,
summon them to his court, and order the digging of canals. Iasmah-Adad and Zimri-Lim
after him both conducted a census among the nomads.
Late Old Babylonian period (roughly 1800-1600 BCE) is an important cultural revival
about which we are well informed because of the large number of texts known. Kings of
Babylon now rule over large parts of Mesopotamia, starting under the rule of Hammurabi,
reigning from 1792-1750 BCE). `Hammurabi' is a Amoritic name `(the Amoritic god)
(H)ammu is great'. He gives the city Babylon hegemony over all of Mesopotamia. In his
early reign cities like Mari (on the Middle Euphrates), A ur (on the banks of the Middle
Tigris) and Larsa play an important role.
Hammurabi's opponents are: Zimrilim (king of Mari, 1780-1760 BCE), ami-Adad (king
of Aur, 1810-1785 BCE) and Rim-Sim (king of Larsa, with a long reign 1825-1765
BCE).

Hammurabi obtains monopoly over Mesopotamia by a combination of clever politics and

military successes.
As king of the small town of Babylon, Hammurapi united Southern Mesopotamia into a
single empire. In the second half of his reign, he marched North and received the
submission of Northern kingdoms, including the rulers of the kingdom of Ashur. As with
Shamshi-Adad, however, HammurapiÕs death caused his empire to fall apart. Despite
this, the city of Babylon was to remain the capital of a Southern kingdom.
This Hammurabi is one of the most gigantic figures of the world's history, to be named
with Alexander, Caesar, or Napoleon, but best compared to a Charlemagne, a conqueror
and a lawgiver, whose powerful genius formed a lasting empire out of chaos, and whose
beneficent influence continued for ages throughout an area almost as large as Europe.
Doubtless a dozen centuries later Assyrian kings were to make greater conquests than he,
but whereas they were giant destroyers he was a giant builder. His large public and
private correspondence gives us an insight into his multitudinous cares, his minute
attention to details, his constitutional methods. (See "The Letters and Inscriptions of
Hammurabi", by L. W. King; London, 1898, 3 vols.) His famous code of civil and
criminal law throws light on his genius as legislator and judge. The stele on which these
laws are inscribed was found at Susa by M. de Morgan and the Dominican friar Scheil,
and first published and translated by the latter in 1902. This astounding find, giving us, in
3638 short lines, 282 laws and regulations affecting the whole range of public and private
life, is unequalled even in the marvelous history of Babylonian research. From no other
document can a more swift and accurate estimate of Babylonian civilization be formed
than from this code. (For a complete English translation see T.G. Pinches, op. cit. infra,
pp. 487-519.)
Whereas the Assyrian kings loved to fill the boastful records of their reigns with ghastly
descriptions of battle and war, so that we possess the minutest details of their military
campaigns, the genius of Babylon, on the contrary, was one of peace, and culture, and
progress. The building of temples, the adorning of cities, the digging of canals, the
making of roads, the framing of laws was their pride; their records breathe, or affect to
breathe, all serene tranquility; warlike exploits are but mentioned by the way, hence we
have, even in the case of the two greatest Babylonian conquerors, Hammurabi and
Nabuchodonosor II, but scanty information of their deeds of arms. "I dug the canal
Hammurabi, the blessing of men, which bringeth the water of the overflow unto the land
of Sumer and Akkad. Its banks on both sides I made arable land; much seed I scattered
upon it. Lasting water I provided for the land of Sumer and Akkad. The land of Sumer
and Akkad, its separated peoples I united, with blessings and abundance I endowed them,
in peaceful dwellings I made them to live" -- such is the style of Hammurabi. In what
seems an ode on the king, engraved on his statue we find the words: "Hammurabi, the
strong warrior, the destroyer of his foes, he is the hurricane of battle, sweeping the land of
his foes, he brings opposition to naught, he puts an end to insurrection, he breaks the
warrior as an image of clay." But chronological details are still in confusion. In a very
fragmentary list of dates the 31st year of his reign is given as that of the land Emutbalu,
which is usually taken as that of his victory over western Elam, and considered by many
as that of his conquest of Larsa and its king, Rim-Sin, or Eri-Aku. If the Biblical
Amraphel be Hammurabi we have in Gen., xiv, the record of an expedition of his to the
Westland previous to the 31st year of his reign. Of Hammurabi's immediate successors
we know nothing except that they reigned in peaceful prosperity. That trade prospered,
and temples were built, is all we can say.

Les successeurs d'Hammurabi

Hammurabi died about 1806 BC and was succeeded by his son, Samsu-iluna who ruled
until about 1768, but he had to handle numerous revolts. In the south Larsa rebelled for
two years, and then Iluma-ilu claimed the independence of Sumer south of Nippur,
fighting a bloody war against Babylon in which several cities including Ur were burned
down. The northern Assyrians regained their independence under Adasi. Samsu-iluna was
also attacked by Kassites, Amorites, Sutaeans, and Elamites. Although he fought them
off, his empire was reduced to Akkad. The next four rulers of Babylon held on to this area
as Kassites were moving in and settling.
Ammisaduqa, who ruled Babylon for twenty years from 1702 BC, left us an edict
indicating he tried to reform economic conditions by decreeing justice for the land,
ordering the cancellation of most debts and back taxes. Officials who had collected by
constraint had to give refunds or die, as could creditors who sued for payment of a loan
on a house, though merchants still had to keep commercial agreements. Governors who
gave barley, silver, or wool for forced labor were to die, and the workers could keep what
they had been given. Those who were in service because of debts they could not pay were
released to freedom by the king's edict. It is not known how these orders were carried out,
but as with Urukagina the intent to correct past injustices is clear.
In 1595 BCE the dynasty of Hammurapi was brought to an end. It is possible that the
Hittites from Anatolia made a lightning raid down the Euphrates, sacked Babylon and
captured the statue of Marduk, patron god of Babylon.
Causes de la chute d'une dynastie
Hammurabi was an Amorite. That is, he was the descended from a group that had long
been known to the city-dwellers of Mesopotamia. They had long been known and long
been despised. In the past, city people had said that the Amorites (who were originally
located in the western desert) were a crude bunch, unacquainted with bread and too
careless even to bury their dead.  Yet when the third dynasty of Ur, the last Sumerian
dynasty, collapsed, it was Amorite war-lords who moved in and picked up the pieces.
Hammurabi was the heir of the most successful Amorite family.
How did the Amorites change from being despised barbarians to being a ruling race? It
would be easy to say that of course warlike people conquer weaker neighbors and leave it
at that. But as we have seen, the civilized cultures of Mesopotamia were not pacifistic.
They invented large-scale warfare. It was the wealth and large populations produced by
successful agriculture that made possible warfare as a way of life. How on earth could
small, poor groups of outsiders take over and rule rich, mighty cities full of potential
weapons and warriors?
But if outsiders, villagers or nomads, were weak compared to the insiders in the urban,
agricultural heartland, they did have two advantages.
● First, they were hungry for the goodies that civilization produces.
● Second, they know who they were.
Let's look at these points one at a time.
When I said the outsiders were hungry, I was not talking about greed for luxuries, or
palaces, or a pocket full of silver and a night on the town in decadent Babylon. Of course,
some of the outsiders were greedy for just those things. Others were not. But as a group,
the outsiders who clustered civilized Mesopotamia were hungry all the time for things
they needed but could not produce. The outsiders were not the self-sufficient hunter-
gatherers of old. They were either villagers living in marginal areas, or  nomads who
lived in desert or semi-desert areas and followed their flocks from one grazing area to the
next. Both groups were different from the old hunter-gatherers in that they could not
freely roam from place to place, feeding off the best that the land could provide,
competing only with animals and other small human groups like their own. No: that was
the lost Eden. The fat lands were now monopolized by city-folk. Their neighbors were
left with unproductive land and poverty, both relative and absolute.
Nomadism, or pastoralism, is a way of life in which small human communities depend on
herds. Nomadism was invented after agriculture, and is a poorer way to make a living.
Nomads must live almost entirely on what their animals produce.  It can't really be done.
Nomads are forced to be parasites on their agricultural neighbors and urban. That is why
nomadism is newer than agriculture.
Nomads have a tough time trading with farmers. Farmers and city people often want
things that the nomads have, but not nearly as often as the nomads need tools or grain or
fruit or cloth from them. This disparity pushes nomads to become raiders -- something
that they eventually can become very good at. Nomads have at various times invented
superior weapons and tactics that magnify their strength.  Nomads of 1500 B.C. invented
the war-chariot.  Nomads of 500 A.D. the Central Asians invented the stirrup.  At the
same time the Arabs perfected the military use of the camel.
Here is where a disadvantage becomes an advantage. I've been telling you about the
disadvantages of being hungry nomad neighbors of farmers and Seldom can nomads
actually overrun and conquer a civilized state by sheer brute force -- only perhaps just
after a major tactical innovation like chariots or stirrups, before everyone else has caught
up. But they can extort tribute. Even more importantly, nomadic groups can sell their
military services to rulers. As mercenaries, they worm their way into the existing
establishment, and, in a moment of weakness, take over.
But it is not just enough to be hungry to do this. It is not even enough to be militarily
tough and talented. Here is where the second advantage of the uncivilized comes in. They
know who they are. Every member of any small marginal group knows deep in the gut
that his or her individual survival and prosperity depends on cooperation with a few
dozen or hundred others, all of whom are thought of as relatives of one sort or another
(example:  Scottish clans). They may fight among themselves quite often, but when crisis
or opportunity occurs, they know who they can count on. This easier for them than for
people in larger, richer, more diverse cultures, because the nomads or other "barbarians"
have come up in a hard school and there are fewer of them, and they know who they are.
Now let us reflect a bit on the situation of Hammurabi the successful king of Babylon. He
rules over a city and empire, that, as we have seen, continued to be an example of
Sumerian style urbanity (though by 1800 B.C. Sumerian was a dead language and nobody
thought of themselves as Sumerian any more). In this context, does Hammurabi know
who he is anymore? What about the other Amorites who are among his most important
partners in government?
The solidarity of a group of successful nomads, nomads who have become conquerors,
can't last forever. The original group knew who they were because of personal experience
with the nomadic life. As mercenaries, they still depended on each other and remembered
their common links. But when they take over, they start to lose it. They become rich and
soft. Worse, some become unbelievably rich, and the others start to envy them. All of
them, rich and poor, start to marry into the subject population. They give their children
city educations. And someday, in a crisis, when solidarity is necessary, it no longer exists.
A new, hungry group of barbarians who know who they are move in and take over. The
old ruling group usually disappears entirely. Hammurabi's descendents, about 200 years
after his time, were deposed by the Kassites, and the Amorites ceased to exist.
City people, if united, had the power to keep their poorer neighbors out. But if they were
disunited, the nomads might move in.

1720BC – 1300 BC Crise, Hittites, Kassites, Hourrites

It was in to this civilization that the patriarch Abraham was born and raised in the
(already) ancient city of Ur, sometime before 1700 B.C.
With the demise of the First Dynasty of Babylon the early period of the Mesopotamian
world came to an end.
We realized that there had been a crisis in the history of the city that had resulted in a
total, or almost total, abandonment. The cessation of dated texts at around 1720 B.C.,
noticed by earlier excavators but not discussed [McCown and Haines 1967: 74-76], had
to be correlated with the archaeological evidence. I knew that there was a similar halt in
dated texts at other sites in Babylonia (e. g., Ur, Larsa, Isin) during the reign of
Samsuiluna, and I knew that only those cities lying along or close to the river's western
branches, such as Babylon, Kish, Sippar, Borsippa, and Dilbat, continued to produce
dated texts. I began to suggest in lectures, as early as 1973-74, that there may have been a
general catastrophe in Babylonia at that time, due to a major environmental crisis,
probably the shifting of water away from the main branch of the Euphrates that had
passed through Nippur. Elizabeth Stone, in an important restudy of Tablet Hill [Stone
1977; 1987], summarized the available evidence for the crisis and abandonrnent at
Nippur. Hermann Gasche [1989: 109-43] subsequently laid out the evidence, in very
graphic form, for a general collapse of central and southern Babylonia during the period.
The catastrophic abandonment of the heart of Babylonia, with a subsequent formation of
dunes, was not to be reversed until about 1300 B.C., when irrigation water was brought
back to the center of the country by the Kassite dynasty.
For the next 150 years or so, there is little information to reconstruct events. When
evidence becomes available, it is clear that Mesopotamia is dominated by two major
powers: the Kassites ruling Babylon and a Hurrian kingdom of Mitanni in the North.
What little that is known of these two empires often comes from areas outside
Mesopotamia, such as the New Kingdom Egypt and Hittite Anatolia.
1600 BC – 1100 BC Hégémonie Hittite
Staggered periods of Hittite hegemony over Mesopotamia
Though people had been living in Anatolia for several millennia, little is known of its
history until Assyrian traders settled on the central plateau about 1900 BC. Aryan
influence can be seen in the name of the ruling city Purushhattum, which is very close to
the Sanskrit word meaning "highest person." In an ancient document Anittas described
how a king of Kussara took the city of Nesa at night by force but did not harm anyone.
He followed his father in putting down revolts and reclaimed a statue of the God Siu that
had been taken from Nesa to Zalpuwa. Anittas took Hattusas by force, fortified Nesa, and
campaigned against Salatiwara. Purushanda sent him gifts, and he made one of their men
his advisor.
About 1700 BC King Hattusilis I moved the capital from Kussara to Hattusas and fought
several wars to expand his kingdom and gain much silver. He first took control of the
north to the Black Sea and then raided Alalakh in north Syria and Arzawa in the west; but
then Hurrians attacked from the east, and only his capital at Hattusas remained loyal.
Praying to a sun goddess Hattusilis went out to battle again in north Syria, destroying
Ulma, Zaruna, and Hassuwa, which was aided by troops from Aleppo. After three battles
he took Hahhum and claimed that he freed their slaves and gave them to his sun goddess
Arinna along with silver in carts pulled back to Hattusas by the captured kings of
Hassuwa and Hahhum. Discovering a plot by the heir apparent, his nephew and the
latter's mother (his sister) whom he called a snake, Hattusilis did not kill them but
designated his grandson Mursilis as successor, counseling him to consult the assembly
(panku).
Mursilis continued the war policies, destroying Aleppo, capturing Babylon about 1650
BC, and fighting the Hurrians; but Mursilis left Babylon and was assassinated by his
brother-in-law Hantilis. Zidantas, who had plotted with Hantilis, later murdered Hantilis'
sons and grandsons; but when Zidantas became king, his own son Ammuna murdered
him. Amidst this violence the land became hostile, and the soldiers were often defeated.
When Ammuna "became a god" (died), Zuru, the commander of the body-guard,
murdered the Tittiya family and had Hantilis and his remaining sons murdered.
Huzziyas then became king, and Telepinus, the author of this murderous history, married
his sister, staved off murder attempts without killing in return, and became king.
Although the assembly sentenced Huzziyas and his brothers to death, Telepinus asked,
"Why should they die?" Instead he took their weapons and put them to the yoke as
peasants. Telepinus told the assembly no one should do evil to a royal son, and they
established rules for succession and trials for murder. A royal son could be executed if
guilty of murder, but no harm was to be done to his family; henceforth evils were to be
dealt with by the assembly. Telepinus began his reign by destroying Hassuwa and then
battled hostile lands, reconquering lost territory, establishing secure frontiers, and making
a treaty with the Hurrians in Kizzuwadna (Cilicia).
During the fifteenth century BC the Hittite law code was developed while the Mitannian
kingdom spread into north Syria. About the time Egypt's Thutmose III invaded Mitanni
the Hittites regained control of Kizzuwadna and began sending tribute to Egypt, including
people from Kurushtama. When Mitanni and Egypt became allied by the marriage of a
Mitannian princess to Thutmose IV, the Hittites were attacked from Gaska in the
northeast, Arzawa in the west, and they lost control of Kizzuwadna in the south. While
his father Tudhaliya III was still king, Suppiluliumas regained some of the eastern lands
and eventually the lost capital at Hattusas, which he fortified about the time he became
king in 1380 BC.
In a letter to Amenhotep III the Mitannian king Tushratta claimed he crushed an invading
Hittite army. However, Suppiluliumas used diplomacy in getting the king of Kizzuwadna
back under Hittite influence, made an agreement with Tushratta's Hurrian rival Artatama,
and congratulated Amenhotep IV (Akhenaten) on his accession to the throne of Egypt.
Then Suppiluliumas invaded Mitannian areas of north Syria, establishing his son in
Kumanni and making Aleppo a vassal. This stimulated Amorite revolts against Egyptian
hegemony by Abdi-ashirta and, after his death, by his son, Aziru, who was called to
Egypt; but after returning, Aziru made a treaty with Ugarit and joined the Hittite camp.
Provoked by Mitannian attacks, Suppiluliumas also made a treaty with Ugarit and
invaded the Mitannian capital at Wassukkanni; Tushratta fled and was murdered by a plot
involving his son Kurtiwaza. Suppiluliumas then ravaged north Syria as far as Apina
(Damascus) which was under Egyptian influence then. Suppiluliumas established feudal
states, taking some reigning families to his Hittite land, returning them to Syria later.
After a siege the city of Carchemish was taken, and his son was installed there as King
Shar-Kushuk; Telepinus, another son, was made king of Aleppo. When Tutankhamen
died in Egypt, his widow wrote to Suppiluliumas asking to marry one of his sons; but
after some questioning and delay, the son that was sent was murdered.
Shar-Kushuk marched with the Mitannian prince Kurtiwaza, and overcoming Mitannian
and Assyrian resistance they established the latter as a vassal king in Wassukkanni. Much
of the reign of Suppiluliumas was spent in fighting in the north and west as well. Hittite
soldiers returning from an attack on Egypt brought a plague which killed Suppiluliumas
and probably his son Arnuwandas II, who ruled for only one year. Mursilis II became
occupied in responding to revolts in Arzawa described in the "Ten Year Annals of
Mursilis II." In the north Mursilis II recorded campaigns in ten of his 26 years as king,
and the capital was moved south to Tarhuntassa. When Shar-Kushuk died of illness,
Carchemish was captured; but eventually his son was made king there.
Muwatallis became king of the Hittites about 1320 BC and made his son Hattusilis
commander of the armies and governor of the Upper Land. About 1300 BC a major
military confrontation occurred at Kadesh between the empire of Egypt led by Ramses II
and the Hittites. Both sides claimed victory, but the result was a stand-off, which was
ratified in a treaty sixteen years later between Ramses II and Hattusilis III, who had
replaced Urhi-Teshub after seven years of internal strife. Hattusilis III mocked Assyrian
King Adad-Nirari I for calling himself Great King and his brother.
Tudhaliyas IV came to the Hittite throne about 1265 BC and claimed that he was king of
the world, but he occupied himself mostly with reforming religious festivals. Probably
fearful of Assyria, in a treaty with Amurru he prohibited them from trading with Assur. In
this treaty Egypt, Assur, Kar-Duniash, and Ahhiyawa are named, though the last name
has been erased. This latter power from the west may be related to Troy, Cyprus, or
Achaeans. Struggles with the Ahhiyawa continued in the reign of Arnuwandas, while
Tukulti-Ninurta I of Assyria deported Hittites across the Euphrates to Assyria. Hittite
power declined, and about 1200 BC the mysterious Sea Peoples invaded and destroyed
the Hittite empire.
Primarily an agricultural and pastoral people in spite of all their military adventures, the
Hittites developed detailed laws that described hypothetical cases probably based on
precedents from the courts of the king's officers. Involved cases were referred to the king
who headed the administration of justice as well as the military and religion. Violation of
an officer's decision could mean death; if it was a royal decree, punishment could affect
the whole household. Rape, adultery by the wife, and sodomy with animals were also
capital crimes. Only slaves were mutilated. For other offenses including assault,
witchcraft, and even homicide traditional retribution was replaced by fines and reparation
to the victims, though a slave could be executed for sorcery. In regard to murder the Edict
of Telepinus stated that the "lord of blood" might command death; but he could also
demand restitution; the king had nothing to do with it. Restitution in such cases usually
involved giving people as slaves.
In marriage and family the usual patriarchy was the rule, but the woman could have some
independent power as indicated by the Hittite custom that the queen retained her position
after her husband's death while her son usually became king, and in some diplomatic
letters she is addressed independently of the king. Laws were strict against incest with a
mother or daughter and even among in-laws except after a death, but a brother could
marry a sister. Land tenure was based on the feudal system.
In religion as the Babylonians had accepted most of the Sumerian deities, the Hittites
garnered both of these mostly by way of the Hurrians, who gave them the weather-god
Teshub to add to their own sun goddess Arinna, who could also be a supreme God.
Mursilis II thanked the sun goddess for helping him to destroy his enemies, and Hattusilis
III justified his taking of the throne from Urhi-Teshub to the omniscient Ishtar, explaining
that he was provoked and how Ishtar told his wife in a dream that he would be king. Long
festivals were celebrated every spring and autumn, and it was important for the king to be
present. As usual in ancient cultures divination and magic were common.
A favorite Hittite story told how the god Telepinu got angry because of the evil in the
world and stalked off with his sandals on the wrong feet, causing the earth to dry up, plant
life to wither, animals to become barren, and humans to die of hunger. Seeing the
desolation the sun god called together the gods to search for Telepinu but in vain. The
queen of heaven suggested they send a bee to find Telepinu. The other gods laughed, but
the bee nearly exhausted finally found Telepinu asleep. When the bee stung him and
woke him up, Telepinu was even more angry and began to destroy everything he saw.
The bee returned and asked for an eagle to carry Telepinu back while the queen arranged
for a magic spell to drive out Telepinu's evil spirit. Kamrusepa, the goddess of magic,
soothed Telepinu's mind with cream, sweetened his disposition with honey, cleansed his
body with oil, and eased his soul with ointment to put him in harmony with people, gods,
and the world. Telepinu's anger left him, and the earth came to life again. People cleaned
their homes and prepared for the new year, as they hung the fleece of a lamb on a pole in
the court of the temple. This archetypal story of the annual renewal of spring also shows
how loving care can heal the spell of anger.
Another story has Anu overthrowing the king of heaven Alalu after serving him for nine
years. After Anu was king for nine years Kumarbi fought with him and bit his genitals
swallowing some seed. Kumarbi boasted that he had destroyed the manhood of Anu, but
the latter predicted that Kumarbi would give birth to three monsters. The god Ea helped
deliver one from his side and a second from his loins, who as god of the wind helped Anu
to defeat Kumarbi in battle. Kumarbi turned to the Lord of the Sea for help, and a child of
black stone was born and placed on Kumarbi's knee. Then the goddesses took the child
and placed it on the right shoulder of the giant Upelluri in the depth of the sea; but the
child, Ullikummi, grew quickly to the water's surface and then to the floor of heaven.
Ishtar tried to seduce him, but he was deaf and blind. The storm god ordered the seventy
gods to battle him, but they failed also. Then Tasmisu went to consult with Ea, who took
them to Enlil, who had previously held him on his lap and could not oppose him. So Ea
went to Upelluri, who did not know anything about the problem nor about the earth being
separated from heaven by a magic knife. With this clue Ea returned to the old gods, who
had been present at the creation of the world to recite the ancient mystic verses. This time
with the magic knife Ea was able to cut off the giant's feet and cut up his body. Thus
Kumarbi never did rule over the gods. This story affirmed the ancient gods and allowed
the king to rule for more than nine years.
Another story of cosmic combat has a dragon named Illuyankas defeating the storm god.
In revenge he invites the dragon to a banquet prepared by Inaras, who goes to the city to
get help from Hupasiyas. He tells her that if she has sexual intercourse with him he will
have the strength needed. She agrees, and after the banquet Hupasiyas ties up the dragon
with a rope when he is too large to get into the opening of his cave; then the storm god is
able to kill him. Inaras realizes that if Hupasiyas goes home to his wife, she and her
children will gain the supernatural power, which could not be allowed. So she builds a
house on a lonely cliff and takes Hupasiyas there, forbidding him to look out the window
lest he see his wife and children. However, after twenty days he looks out and sees them.
He begs to be allowed to go home, and her only solution is to kill him by burning the
house down. This story describes the power sexual union was believed to have as well as
a reluctance to share divine power with lowly humans.
In a later version the dragon plucks the heart and eyes out of the storm god, and he goes
to earth to marry a humble woman, who bears him a son. When the son falls in love with
the daughter of the dragon, he tells his son to ask her father for the heart and eyes of the
storm god as the marriage gift. Thus the storm gets his heart and eyes back and is fighting
more successfully with the dragon when his son sees what has happened. Realizing that
he has betrayed his father-in-law and host, he calls to the storm god that he is with the
dragon. So the storm god kills both Illuyankas and his own son. This story reflects the
custom of respecting one's host even to the point of self-sacrifice.
Around 1350 BCE, however, it is clear that the kingdom of Mitanni collapsed under
increasing pressure from the Hittites to the West. With the fall of Mitanni, Assyria
reasserted her independence and began a process of consolidation which would lead the
country to create a vast empire during the first millennium BCE.
1520 BC – 1170 BC Domination Kassite
Babylon was invaded and captured by the Hittite king Mursilis in about 1650 BC, but he
soon left Babylon and returned to Hattusas. The Kassite ruler, Agum II, filled this power
void establishing the Kassite dynasty in Mesopotamia that was to last until about 1157
BC. Agum II continued Babylonian traditions, and 24 years after the Hittites had carried
it off he brought back and restored the statue of Marduk in his temple. The Kassites had
been settling in the Babylonian area from the time of Hammurabi. Since little conflict is
recorded during most of the Kassite period, it is likely that they were relatively peaceful
as they adopted Babylonian traditions.
The Kassites may also have absorbed some Aryan influence earlier, since some of their
gods' names resemble Vedic deities such as Surya and Marut.
In the early fifteenth century BC King Ulamburiash defeated Ea-gamil, King of the
Sealand (Persian Gulf), recovering Sumer for Babylon. Kassite king Burnaburiash I made
peace with Assyria in 1490 BC which separated the two kingdoms around Samarra, and it
was re-affirmed 75 years later. The Kassites restored the ancient temples of Nippur,
Larsa, Ur, and Uruk, while their scholars were preserving the literature in Akkadian, the
standard language of the Near East for a millennium.

Periods of Kassite dominance The next four hundred years or so are shrouded in mystery
as an Indo European group called the Cassites moved down from the highlands of
southwestern Asia and conquered the plain, imposing their government on Babylonia and
on Assyria in the north. The Cassite Dynasty, which rapidly adopted much of the culture
and institutions of their predecessors but left little record of their own, lasted until 1150
B.C.
In the third place comes the Kassite dynasty, thirty-six kings, for 576 years. The tablet
with this list is unfortunately mutilated, but almost all the nineteen missing names can
with some exactness be supplied from other sources, such as the Assyrian-synchronistic
history and the correspondence with Egypt. This dynasty was a foreign one, but its place
of origin is not easy to ascertain. In their own official designation they style themselves
kings of Kardunyash and the King of Egypt addresses Kadashman Bel as King of
Kardunyash. This Kardunyash has been tentatively identified with South Elam.
Information about the Kassite period is obtained but sparsely. We possess an Assyrian
copy of an inscription of Agum-Kakrime, perhaps the seventh King of this dynasty: he
styles himself: "King of Kasshu and Akkad, King of the broad land of Babylon, who
caused much people to settle in the land of Ashmumak, King of Padan and Alvan, King
of the land of Guti, wide extended peoples, a king who rules the four quarters of the
world." The extent of territory thus under dominion of the Babylonian monarch is wider
than even that under the Amorite dynasty; but in the royal title, which is altogether
unusual in its form, Babylon takes but the third place; only a few generations later,
however, the old style and title is resumed, and Babylon again stands first; the foreign
conquerors were evidently conquered by the peaceful conquest of superior Babylonian
civilization. This Agum-Kakrime with all his wide dominions had yet to send an embassy
to the land of Khani to obtain the gods Marduk and Zarpanit, the most sacred national
idols, which had evidently been captured by the enemy. The next king of whom we have
any knowledge is Karaindash (1450 B.C.) who settled the boundary lines of his kingdom
with his contemporary Asshur-bel-nisheshu of Assyria. From the Tell-el-et-marna tablets
we conclude that in 1400 B.C., Babylon was no longer the one great power of Western
Asia; the kingdom of Assyria and the Kingdom of Mitanni were its rivals and wellnigh
equals. Yet, in the letters which passed between Kadashman-Bel and Amenophis III,
King of Egypt, it is evident that the King of Babylon could assume a more independent
tone of fair equality with the great Pharao than the kings of Assyria or Mitanni. When
Amenophis asks for Kadashman-Bel's sister in marriage, Kadashman-Bel promptly asks
for Amenophis' sister in return; and when Amenophis demurs, Kadashman-Bel promptly
answers that, unless some fair Egyptian of princely rank be sent, Amenophis shall not
have his sister. When Assyria has sought Egyptian help against Babylon, Kadashman-Bel
diplomatically reminds Pharao that Babylon has in times past given no assistance to
Syrian vassal princes against their Egyptian suzerain, and expects Egypt now to act in the
same way in not granting help to Assyria. And when a Babylonian caravan has been
robbed by the people of Akko in Canaan, the Egyptian Government receives a
preemptory letter from Babylon for amende honorable and restitution. Amenophis is held
responsible, "for Canaan is thy country, and thou art its King".; Kadashman-Bel was
succeeded by Burnaburiash I, Kurigalzu I, Burnaburiash II. Six letters of the last-named
to Amenhotep IV of Egypt suggest a period of perfect tranquillity and prosperity. For the
cause and result of the first great conflict between Assyria and Babylon see ASSYRIA.
Hourrites
For several centuries Hurrians had been moving south into northern Syria. Like the
Kassites, they made extensive use of horses with faster chariots and wagons, affecting
warfare and commercial transportation. In the sixteenth century BC the Hurrians
established themselves from Alalakh through the kingdom of Mitanni north of the
Euphrates River across the Tigris to Arraphka. Shortly after 1500 BC Idrimi, the son of
an Aleppo king, wandered among the Sutu Bedouins and the Habiru in Canaan.
Eventually he became king of Alalakh and reigned for thirty years of prosperity, showing
particular concern for the nomadic Sutu in his realm, though Idrimi himself was probably
a vassal to the Mitannian king Parattarna.
For more than a century after this, Assyrian kings were also vassals of Mitanni. When
Egyptian king Thutmose III crossed the Euphrates and defeated the Mitannians, their
large empire was reduced somewhat; but the two powers became friendly, as several
Mitannian princesses married Egyptian pharaohs. Amenhotep III and Akhenaten married
Kassite princesses as well, sending gold and gifts to Babylon. About 1370 BC the Hittite
Suppiluliumas plundered the Mitanni capital of Wassukkanni and conquered the western
region of Aleppo and Kadesh, which had been at the northern edge of the Egyptian
empire.
 Mitanni was suffering a civil war between Tushratta and his brothers. Artatama and his
son Shutarna II gave gifts and concessions to the Assyrians for their help. About 1360 BC
Tushratta was murdered by a conspiracy that included his son Kurtiwaza, as the "trial
before Teshub" (supreme God of the Hurrians) between Tushratta and Artatama as
rightful Hurrian ruler had been decided. Kurtizawa fled to Babylon where Burnaburiash II
refused him asylum, and he ended up at the Hittite court. Ashur-uballit I declared himself
Great King of Assyria, called Akhenaten his brother, and gave his daughter to
Burnaburiash; but the grandson of this match was murdered in Babylon, causing a civil
war and Ashur-uballit's intervention, resulting in Kurigalzu II becoming king of Babylon;
he later attacked Elam. The strain of the cooperation between Assyria and Babylon in
fighting off Sutu and Aramaean tribes was eventually resented in Babylon and led to
continued rivalry and frequent battles between the two kingdoms.
Suppiluliumas returned to north Syria, making his sons kings in Aleppo and Carchemish
to consolidate Hittite hold on the area. The Assyrians turned against the Hurrians,
advanced to the Euphrates and eventually wiped out the Mitannian kingdom. The greatest
defeat was administered by the Assyrian Shalmaneser I (r. 1274-1245 BC) who claimed
he destroyed 180 of their cities and blinded 14,400 captives. The Kassites tried to make
new boundary agreements with the encroaching Assyrians, but in the second half of the
thirteenth century BC Kashtiliash IV was caught between Elam and the Assyrian Tukulti-
Ninurta I (r. 1244-1208 BC). An epic glorified the Assyrian conquest of Babylon and
blamed the war on Kashtiliash for breaking an agreement, but on an inscription found in
Assur Tukulti-Ninurta frankly declared, "I forced Kashtiliash, King of Kar-Duniash, to
give battle."15 (Kar-Duniash is the Kassite term for Babylon.)
After seven years of Assyrian domination, the nobles of Akkad and Kar-Duniash revolted
and put the rightful Kassite heir on the throne. Tukulti-Ninurta, who was thought to have
brought evil on Babylon, was punished when his son and the Assyrian nobles revolted
and killed him in the palace. Finally about 1160 BC Elam invaded and after three years of
struggle took Babylon, carrying off the statue of Marduk as the Hittites had a half
millennium before.

1200 BC – 612 BC Domination Assyrienne

1200-714 BC Les débuts
In the first half of the last millennium B.C., the two cities of Babylon and Nineveh had
ascended above all others in Mesopotamia.
It was just prior to this period that the Cassite Dynasty was overthrown in Babylon,
replaced by the Second Dynasty of Isin, of which the most important ruler was
Nebuchadnezzar I.
Nineveh, the capital of a vassal state of neighboring Mitanni called Assyria, was nearly as
old as Babylon‹ dating back to the third millennium B.C. The Assyrians had been
expanding and contracting their influence from this base for two centuries or more.
By 1000 B.C. the more northern Assyria began a far-ranging expansion of its empire,
continuing up to 612 B.C. and extending to Syria, Palestine, the mouth of the Nile, and to
Babylonia.
The Assyrians were remarkable not only for their mastery in battle, but for their love of
building and for their political organization. They built or rebuilt great cities such as
Assur, Nineveh, Nimrud, and Dur Sharrukin

714-681 BC Règne de Sennacherib

 Reign of Sennacherib, whose conquest of Judah resulted in the first deportations of the
Hebrews
668-626 BC Règne d'Ashurbanipal
Reign of Ashurbanipal, the most energetic of the Assyrian conquerors In the sixth century
B.C. the Assyrian King Esarhaddin bequeathed Babylonia to one son and Assyria and the
major part of the empire to another, Ashurbanipal. It was this latter king who assembled
at Nineveh a great library of some 35,000 clay tablets which have given us much of our
knowledge of Mesopotamia up through their time.
Unfortunately, civil war broke out between the brothers with the victorious Ashurbanipal
allying with a semitic group called the Chaldeans who had been settling in Babylon since
1000 B.C.

612 BC Chute de Ninive

Fall of Nineveh. Ultimately, the Chaldeans (or Neo-Babylonians) usurped the power of
Assyria, capturing Nineveh in 612 B.C. under their leader Nabopolazzar and finally
finishing off the last remnant of their forces along with their Egyptian allies in 605 B.C.
650-600 BC Zarathustra, fondateur du Zoroastrianisme
Zarathustra, the founder of Persian Zoroastrianism

626 BC – 539 BC Période Néo-Babylonienne

With the death, in 626 B.C., of Kandalanu (the Babylonian name of Assurbanipal), King
of Assyria, Assyrian power in Babylon practically ceased. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean who
had risen from the position of general in the Assyrian army, ruled Babylon as Shakkanak
for some years in nominal dependence on Ninive. Then, as King of Babylon, he invaded
and annexed the Mesopotamian provinces of Assyria, and when Sinsharishkun, the last
King of Assyria, tried to cut off his return and threatened Babylon, Nabopolassar called in
the aid of the Manda, nomadic tribes of Kurdistan, somewhat incorrectly identified with
the Medes. Though Nabopolassar no doubt contributed his share to the events which led
to the complete destruction of Ninive (606 B.C.) by these Manda barbarians, he
apparently did not in person co-operate in the taking of the city, nor share the booty, but
used the opportunity to firmly establish his throne in Babylon. Though Semites, the
Chaldeans belonged to a race perfectly distinct from the Babylonians proper, and were
foreigners in the Euphrates Valley. They were settlers from Arabia, who had invaded
Babylonia from the South. Their stronghold was the district known as the Sealands.
During the Assyrian supremacy the combined forces of Babylon and Assyria had kept
them in check, but, owing probably to the fearful Assyrian atrocities in Babylon, the
citizens had begun to look towards their former enemies for help, and the Chaldean power
grew apace in Babylon till, in Nabopolassar, it assumed the reins of government, and thus
imperceptibly a foreign race superseded the ancient inhabitants. The city remained the
same, but its nationality changed. Nabopolassar must have been a strong, beneficient
ruler, engaged in rebuilding temples and digging canals, like his predecessors, and yet
maintaining his hold over the conquered provinces. The Egyptians, who had learnt of the
weakness of Assyria, had already, three years before the fall of Ninive, crossed the
frontiers with a mighty army under Necho II, in the hope of sharing in the
dismemberment of the Assyrian Empire. How Josias of Juda, trying to bar his way, was
slain at Megiddo is known from IV Kings, xxiii, 29.
Meanwhile Ninive was taken, and Necho, resting satisfied with the conquest of the Syrian
provinces, proceeded no further. A few years later, however, he marched a colossal army
from Egypt to the Euphrates in hopes of annexing part of Mesopotamia. He was met by
the Babylonian army at Carchemish, the ancient Hittite capital, where he wished to cross
the Euphrates. Nabopolassar, being prevented by ill health and advancing age, had sent
his son Nabuchodonosor, and put him in command. The Egyptians were utterly routed in
this great encounter, one of the most important in history (604 B.C.). Nabuchodonosor
pursued the enemy to the borders of Egypt, where he received the news of his father's
death. He hastened back to Babylon, was received without opposition, and began, in 604
B.C., the forty-two years of his most glorious reign. His first difficulties arose in Juda.
Against the solemn warning of Jeremias the Prophet, Jehoiakim refused tribute, i.e.
rebelled against Babylon. At first Nabuchodonosor II began a small guerilla warfare
against Jerusalem; then, in 507 B.C., he dispatched a considerable army, and after a while
began the siege in person. Jechonias, however, son of Jehoiakim, who as a lad of eighteen
had succeeded his father, surrendered; 7000 men capable of bearing arms and 1000
workers in iron were carried away and made to form a colony on a canal near Nippur (the
River Chobar mentioned in Ezechiel, i, 1), and Zedekias was substituted for Jechonias as
vassal King of Juda.
Some ten years later Nabuchodonosor once more found himself in Palestine. Hophra,
King of Egypt, who had succeeded Necho II in 589 B.C., had by secret agents tried to
combine all the Syrian States in a conspiracy against Babylon. Edom, Moab, Ammon,
Tyre, and Sidon had entered into the coalition, and at last even Juda had joined, and
Zedekias against the advice of Jeremias, broke his oath of allegiance to the Chaldeans. A
Babylonian army began to surround Jerusalem in 587 B.C.. They wee unable to take the
city by storm and intended to subdue it by starvation. But Pharao Hophra entered
Palestine to help the besieged. The Babylonians raised the siege to drive the Egyptians
back; they then returned to Jerusalem and continued the siege in grim earnest. On July the
9th, 586 B.C., they poured in through a breach in the wall of Ezekias and took the city by
storm. They captured the flying Zedekias and brought him before Nabuchodonosor at
Riblah, where his children were slain before him and his eyes blinded. The city was
destroyed, and the temple treasures carried to Babylon. A vast number of the population
was deported to some districts in Babylonia, a miserable remnant only was allowed to
remain under a Jewish governor Godolias. When this governor was slain by a Jewish
faction under Ishmael, a fraction of this remnant, fearing Nabuchodonosor's wrath,
emigrated to Egypt, forcibly taking Jeremias the Prophet with them.
Babylon's expedition to Juda thus ended in leaving it a devastated, depopulated, ruined
district. Nabuchodonosor now turned his arms against Tyre. After Egypt this city had
probably been the mainspring of the coalition against Babylon. The punishment intended
for Tyre was the same as that of Jerusalem, but Nabuchodonosor did not succeed as he
did with the capital of Juda. The position of Tyre was immeasurably superior to that of
Jerusalem. The Babylonians had no fleet; therefore, as long as the sea remained open,
Tyre was impregnable. The Chaldeans lay before Tyre thirteen years (585-572), but did
not succeed in taking it. Ethobaal II, its king, seems to have come to terms with the King
of Babylon, fearing, no doubt, the slow but sure destruction of Tyrian inland trade; at
least we have evidence, from a contract-tablet dated in Tyre, that Nabuchodonosor at the
end of his reign was recognized as suzerain of the city. Notwithstanding the little success
against Tyre, Nabuchodonosor attacked Egypt in 567. He entered the very heart of the
country, ravaged and pillaged as he chose, apparently without opposition, and returned
laden with booty through the Syrian Provinces. But no permanent Egyptian occupation by
Babylon was the result.
Thus Nabuchodonosor the Chaldean showed himself a capable military ruler, yet as a
Babylonian monarch, following the custom of his predecessors, he gloried not in the arts
of war, but of peace. His boast was the vast building operations which made Babylon a
city (for those days) impregnable, which adorned the capital with palaces, and the famous
"procession road", and Gate of Ishtar, and which restored and beautifies a great number
of temples in different towns of Babylonia. Of Nabuchodonosor's madness (Daniel, iv,
26-34) no Babylonian record has as yet been found. A number of ingenious suggestions
have been made on this subject, one of the best of which Professor Hommel's substitution
of Nabu-na'id for Nabu-chodonosor, but the matter had better stand over till we possess
more information on the period. Of the prophet Daniel we find no certain mention in
contemporary documents; the prophet's Babylonian name, Baltassar (Balatsu-usur), is
unfortunately a very common one. We know of at least fourteen persons of that time
called Balatu and seven called Balatsu, both of which names may be abbreviations of
Baltassar, or "Protect His life". The etymology of Sidrach and Misach is unknown, but
Abednego and Arioch (Abdnebo and Eriaku) are well known. Professor J. Oppert found
the base of a great statue near a mound called Duair, east of Babylon, and this may have
belonged to the golden image erected "in the plain of Dura of the province of Babylon"
(Dan. iii, 1). In 561 B.C., Nabuchodonosor was succeeded by Evil-Merodach (IV Kings,
xxv, 27), who released Joachim of Juda and raised him above the other vassal kings at
Babylon, but his mild rule evidently dIspleased the priestly caste, and they accused him
of reigning lawlessly and extravagantly. After less than three years he was assassinated
by Neriglissar (Nergal-sar-usur), his brother-in-law, who is possibly the Nergalsharezer
present at the taking of Jerusalem (Jer. xxxix, 3-13). Neriglissar was after four years
succeeded by his son Labasi-Marduk, no more than a child, who reigned nine months and
was assassinated.
The conspirators elected Nabonidus (Nabu-na'id) to the throne. He was the last King of
Babylon (555-539 B.C.). He was a royal antiquarian rather than a ruling king. From their
foundations he rebuilt the great Shamash temple in Sippar and the Sin temple in Harran,
and in his reign the city walls of Babylon "were curiously built with burnt brick and
bitumen". But he resided in Tema, shunned the capital, offended the provincial towns by
transporting their gods to Shu-anna, and alienated the priesthood of Babylon by what they
would call misdirected piety. To us his antiquarian research after first foundation-stones
of the temples he rebuilt is of the greatest importance. He tells us that the foundation-
stone of the Shamash temple laid by Naram Sin had not been seen for 3200 years, which,
roughly speaking, gives us 3800 B.C., for Sargon of Akkad, Naram Sin's father; upon this
date most of our early Babylonian chronology is based. The actual duties of government
seem to have been largely in the hands of the Crown Prince Baltassar (Bel-shar-usur),
who resided in Babylon as regent. Meanwhile Cyrus, the petty King of Anshan, had
begun his career of conquest.

605-565 BC Règne de Nebuchadnezzar

Reign of Nebuchadnezzar; his conquest of Judah and subsequent deportation of some
Hebrew peoples mark the beginning of the Hebrew Exile
Nebuchadnezzar II, the son of Nabopolazzar, ascended to the throne at this time. During
his reign (605- 562 B.C.), a new Babylon was created by the shores of the Euphrates.
Enormous walls were constructed to guard the city. As one passed through the great
gates, the roads into the city took one up to magnificent procession ways to dramatic
groupings of palaces and temples. The most famous gate was that of Ishtar, which led to
the Sacred Way.
In one direction the Way led to the great brick temples including the famous Etemenanki,
dedicated to Marduk, patron god of Babylon. At seven sages high, it must have towered
several hundred feet in the air.
In the other direction was the palace, on the grounds of which rose one of the Seven
Wonders of the World, The Hanging Gardens.
Married to a Mede wife to seal a political alliance, Nebuchadnezzar built he Gardens to
ease her homesickness of the forested mountains from which she came. He constructed a
huge mountain of vaulted terraces, one above the other, arising to perhaps 350 feet.
Surrounding the building was a moat of flowing waters, while inside it deep wells fed
water to hydraulic pumps which raised the water to a reservoir at he top of the structure,
from which it fed down to deep layers of rich soil on each terrace. Thus irrigated, a
 profusion of lowering trees, shrubs, flowers, and vines grew. Beautifully decorated
vaulted halls were filled with the treasures of the Empire: The finest Phoenician fabrics,
silver vessels from Asia Minor, wines from Palestine, and gold from Egypt. Slaves waited
on guests who reclined on divans sipping the juice of pomegranates and other fruits,
while below throbbed the teeming life of the Great City.
Nebuchadnezzar tried to revive Babylonia as it had been before the ravages of the
Cassites and Assyrians destroyed it. He again filled the canals with water and the flat
plain of Shinar turned green once more. He restored the temples in some of the ancient
Sumerian cities and learning and the arts revived.

539 BC Chute de Babylone

Fall of Babylon and the beginning of Persian dominance in Mesopotamia.
Artists, craftsmen, priests, and scholars, all contributed to the glory of Nebuchadnezzar's
Babylon, but for all its splendor it did not have the military strength to survive the
covetous and powerful enemies on its borders. Shortly after his death, the city was
overrun by an alliance of western tribes in 539 B.C., which appropriated Babylon as the
capital of their empire.
Meanwhile Cyrus, the petty King of Anshan, had begun his career of conquest. He
overthrew Astyages, King of the Medes, for which victory Nabonaid praised him as the
young servant of Merodach; he overthrew Croesus of Lydia and his coalition; he assumed
the title of King of the Parsu, and ha begun a new Indo-Germanic world power which
replaced the decrepit Semitic civilization. At last Nabonaid, realizing the situation, met
the Persians at Opis. Owing to internal strife amongst the Babylonians, many of whom
were dissatisfied with Nabonaid, the Persians had an easy victory, taking the city of
Sippar without fighting. Nabonaid fled to Babylon. Cyrus's soldiers, under the
generalship of Ugbaru (Gobryas), Governor of Gutium, entered the capital without
striking a blow and captured Nabonaid. This happened in June; in October Cyrus in
person entered the city, paid homage at E-sagila to Marduk. A week later the Persians
entered, at night, that quarter of the city where Baltassar occupied a fortified position in
apparent security, where the sacred vessels of Jehovah's temple were profaned, where the
hand appeared on the wall writing Mane, Tekel Phares, and where Daniel was offered the
third place in the kingdom (i.e. after Nabonaid and Baltassar). That same night Baltassar
was slain and the Semitic Empire of Babylon came to an end, for the ex-King Nabonaid
spent the rest of his life in Carmania.
In one sense Babylonian history ends here, and Persian history begins

539 BC - 330 BC Domination Perse

546 BC Règne de Cyrus
Conquest of Lydia and the Greek cities of Asia Minor by Cyrus
521-486 BC Règne de Darius I
Reign of Darius I; the Persian empire at its fullest extent, from Macedon to Egypt,
Palestine to India
499-494 BC
Rebellion of Greek cities against Persian rule
490-489 BC
Darius I invades Greece on a punitive expedition against Athens; known in Greek history
as Persian Wars
486 BC – Règne de Xerxes
 480-479 BC
Invasion of Greece by Xerxes
479 BC
Defeat of Persian armies by the Greeks
~400 BC
Beginnings of Mithraism in Zoroastrianism
334-330 BC Conquète d'Alexandre le Grand
Conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great
330 BC
Alexander enters Babylon; final fall of the Persians and Mesopotamian dominance over
the region; beginning of Hellenistic period
330 BC – Période Hellénistique
250 BC
Founding of Manicheism, an offshoot of Mithraism and Zoroastrianism, by Mani, a priest
of Ecbatana
La religion
La cosmologie
Tandis que des spécialistes travaillaient au progrès de l'agriculture, d'autres se
consacraient aux questions spirituelles. Un clergé de plus en plus nombreux élabora une
cosmologie qui expliquait tous les aspects du monde naturel et humain. La religion
sumérienne devint si puissante qu'elle dura trois mille ans et exerça une profonde
influence sur tous les peuples qui se succédèrent en Mésopotamie après le déclin de
Sumer.
From verses scattered throughout hymns and myths, one can compile a picture of the
universe's (anki) creation according to the Sumerians. The primeval sea (abzu) existed
before anything else and within that, the heaven (an) and the earth (ki) were formed. The
boundary between heaven and earth was a solid (perhaps tin) vault, and the earth was a
flat disk. Within the vault lay the gas-like 'lil', or atmosphere, the brighter portions therein
formed the stars, planets, sun, and moon. Each of the four major Sumerian deities is
associated with one of these regions. An, god of heaven, may have been the main god of
the pantheon prior to 2500 BC., although his importance gradually waned. Ki is likely to
be the original name of the earth goddess, whose name more often appears as Ninhursag
(queen of the mountains), Ninmah (the exalted lady), or Nintu (the lady who gave birth).
It seems likely that these two were the progenitors of most of the gods.
According to "Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the Netherworld", in the first days all needed
things were created. Heaven and earth were separated. An took Heaven, Enlil took the
earth, Ereshkigal was carried off to the netherworld as a prize, and Enki sailed off after
her.
After all, man was created as a broken, labor saving, tool for the use of the gods and at
the end of everyone's life, lay the underworld, a generally dreary place.
The Sumerians, the Akkadians, and all of the peoples they influenced had a religious
interpretation of life. That means they believed that there were a variety of supernatural
forces, most of which they visualized as gods with human-like characteristics, that were
responsible for creation, for the existence of humanity, for major events effecting their
communities and more intimate events of their own personal well-being.
This view of the universe was so basic that Sumerian, Akkadian and later literature from
this area is entirely permeated with the supernatural. The Sumerians' stories are myths
and legends, not realistic stories of life in the big, gritty city. For them the meaning of life
emerged in the confrontation between mundane reality and the sphere of the gods.   (It
could be argued that this is a result of our dependence on documents produced by priests,
a fair point, but I still stand by the statement.)
Like very many societies throughout history, the Sumerians attributed what is called
numinal power to various things that affected them: especially the earth, the waters,
plants and animals, and the heavenly bodies. By the time there religion was recorded,
these powers were visualized as gods and goddesses, many with names, personalities, and
life histories.
The Mesopotamian view on the supernatural is an inextricable mixture of Sumerian and
Akkadian origin, influenced by an unknown substrate population. Most Sumerian
literature is written by Akkadian speakers when Sumerian was an extinct language. The
religious ideas evolved in time and since most texts are dated in the 2nd and 1st
millennium, it is not always clear how 2nd millennium views represent 3rd millennium
opinions.

The universe basically is seen as a stratification of two or three layers. Usually it consists
of `heaven' (Sumerian an, Akkadian amû) and `earth' (Sumerian ki, Akkadian erSetum) or
in other traditions as a tri-partition, either: `heaven', `earth' and `Netherworld' or `heaven',
 `sky/atmosphere' and `earth'. The symbol for `heaven' AN has evolved from a
pictographic representation of a star. Heaven is thus the upper level of the universe, all
that is `high' or `elevated', and apparently associated with the celestial sphere.

L'après-vie
Sumerian religion was oriented squarely in this world. The gods did not occupy some
world existentially different from this one, and no rewards or punishments accrued to
human beings after death. Human beings simply became wisps within a house of dust;
these sad ghosts would fade into nothing within a century or so.
The underworld of the Sumerians is revealed, to some extent, by a composition about the
death and afterlife of the king and warlord Ur-Nammu. After having died on the
battlefield, Ur- Nammu arrives below, where he offers sundry gifts and sacrifices to the
"seven gods" of the nether world:
...Nergal, [the deified] Gilgamesh, Ereshkigal, Dumuzi [the shepherd, Inanna's husband],
Namtar, Hubishag, and Ningishzida - each in his own palace; he also presented gifts to
Dimpimekug and to the "scribe of the nether- world."... [After arriving at his assigned
spot] ...certain of the dead were turned over to him, perhaps to be his attendants, and
Gilgamesh, his beloved brother, explained to him the rules and regulations of the nether
world.
Another tablet indicates that the sun, moon, and their respective gods, spent time in the
underworld as well. The sun journeyed there after setting, and the moon rested there at
the end of the month. Both Utu and Nanna '''decreed the fate' of the dead" while there.
Dead heroes ate bread, drank, and quenched the dead's thirst with water. The gods of the
nether world, the deceased, and his city, were prayed to for the benefit of the dead and his
family.

Le panthéon
Pouvoirs et personnalité des dieux
In fact the Sumerian tablets also record another introduction into Sumeria by Enmerkar
the Qutil: worship of the bird-god Anzu, which surprisingly is still worshipped by the
Yezidi Kurds as the bird-icon, Anzul (or Anzal).
We know very little about the early Semitic religions, but the Semites that invaded
Mesopotamia seem to have completely abandoned their religion in favor of Sumerian
religion. Sémites:Religion Sumerian religion was polytheistic, that is, the Sumerians
believed in and worshipped many gods. These gods were incredibly powerful and
anthropomorphic, that is, they resembled humans. Many of these gods controlled
natural forces and were associated with astronomical bodies, such as the sun. The gods
were creator gods; as a group, they had created the world and the people in it. Like
humans, they suffered all the ravages of human emotional and spiritual frailties: love,
lust, hatred, anger, regret. Among the gods' biggest regrets was the creation of human life;
the Sumerians believed that these gods regretted the creation of human life and sent a
flood to destroy their faulty creation, but one man survived by building a boat.
The Sumerian and Akkadian divinities were very much like human beings, or the gods of
Greek and Roman mythology.  The stories told about them have a bit of the soap-opera to
them:  there are a lot of feuds and a lot of sex.  The Sumerians feared and respected their
gods for their powers, but did not hold them up as perfect moral beings. The gods were
too inconsistent and rash for such idealization.
In Sumerian cosmology life seemed to begin in a primeval sea (goddess Nammu). The
god of heaven An joined with the earth goddess Ki to produce the air god Enlil. The
universe was thus known as an-ki. Enlil impregnated Ninlil, who gave birth to Nanna the
moon, who begot the sun-god Utu.
Humans were created out of clay in order to free the gods from working for their
sustenance. This was before the gods knew of the grain-god and cattle-god.
Like mankind, when first created,
They knew not the eating of bread,
Knew not the dressing of garments,
Ate plants with their mouths like sheep,
Drank water from the ditch.10
A myth tells how the god Enlil favors the farmer Enten over his complaining brother
Emesh, because Enten has gained the knowledge of cultivating the soil and domesticating
animals. In a poem explaining where cattle and grain come from, Enki, the god of water
and wisdom, persuades Enlil to set up a sheepfold for the cattle god Lahar and give a
plow and yoke to the grain god Ashnan. Another story honors the invention of the pickax.
A paradise is portrayed in Dilmun as a place clean and bright where Enki lays with his
wife, the lion does not kill nor does the wolf snatch the lamb, where sickness and old age
do not exist, and where flows the water of the heart, which Ninhursag receives from Enki
giving birth to Ninsar, who gives birth to Ninkur, who gives birth to Uttu, the goddess of
plants, each having been impregnated by Enki. When Enki impregnates Uttu, she
produces eight plants which Enki eats. Finally Ninhursag curses Enki, saying that she will
not look upon him with the eye of life until he is dead; she then disappears. The gods
don't know what to do, but the fox offers to bring back Ninhursag for a reward. Enlil
promises the reward to the fox. Enki by now is hurting in eight parts of his body.
Ninhursag comes back and gives birth to a god to cure each of these body parts, the
Sumerian poet using puns based on the body parts for each of these healing deities. This
poem shows us perhaps how important fertility and agriculture was for the Sumerians.
Also their healing methods tended to be herbal and naturopathic, and they believed in
magic and psychological causes of diseases and consequently magical and psychological
cures.
A poem described Enki bringing the blessings of animal husbandry, agriculture, and
irrigation to Ur, and another praised the blessings from Enki in the ancient city of Eridu.
Enlil's city of Nippur was also a spiritual center, and his temple there, Ekur, was a place
of pilgrimage to receive Enlil's blessing. One myth described Nanna's journey there with
gifts on behalf of his city of Ur.
Another poem told how the queen of heaven, Inanna, went to Eridu to gain the divine
decrees essential for civilization from her father Enki so that she can take them to her
beloved city of Uruk. Enki instructs Isimud to greet her with barley cakes and butter, cold
water, and date wine. Being relaxed Enki then presents Inanna with more than one
hundred divine decrees (me) including lordship, the crown and throne of kingship, shrines
and priestly offices, truth, descent to and ascent from the underworld, sexual intercourse
and prostitution, legal and illegal speech, art, music, power, enmity, straightforwardness,
destruction of cities, rebellion, sorrow, rejoicing, falsehood, goodness and justice,
carpentry, metal work, writing, leatherwork, masonry, basket-weaving, wisdom and
understanding, purification, fear, fire, weariness, strife, peace, victory shouting, counsel,
judgment and decision, and exuberance.
Inanna happily loads the gifts on her boat of heaven and starts off for Uruk. When he
sobers up, Enki realizes that the decrees are gone; so he instructs Isimud to send sea
monsters after her to seize the boat of heaven but allow Inanna to proceed on foot. Inanna
complains that Enki has spoken falsehoods to her and instructs her messenger Ninshubur
to save the boat of heaven which he does at seven stopping places along the way to Uruk,
where they jubilantly unload the decrees. The text of Enki's final speech to Inanna is
damaged, but it is clear that the poem is to explain the local pride of Uruk in their
civilization.
Kur is a mysterious figure in Sumerian myths who seems to have been a primeval force in
the underworld who abducted the goddess Ereshkigal. In one story Enki takes a boat to
get her back and fights with Kur. The hero of a second story is the warrior god Ninurta,
son of Enlil, whose personified weapon Sharur convinces him to attack Kur. At first
Ninurta flees like a bird; but Sharur encourages him to attack again, and they destroy Kur.
However, this affects the primeval waters and causes a famine. By piling up stones over
the dead Kur, Ninurta is able to redirect the waters and irrigate the fields. Hearing of his
heroic success, his mother, Ninmah, can't sleep and visits Ninurta, who gratefully
suggests that she be queen of the mountain Hursag which is perhaps how she got called
Ninhursag. Hursag is then blessed with herbs, wine, honey, trees, gold, silver, bronze,
cattle, sheep, and so on.
A third myth shows how Inanna was not only the goddess of love but of battle as well. In
spite of a warning from An she attacks Kur, which in this poem is the mountain Ebih
northeast of Sumer and thus probably an enemy land. With numerous weapons Inanna
destroys Kur, boasting of her triumph.
A long poem describes Inanna's descent into the underworld. Afraid of being killed by
her elder sister Ereshkigal, she instructs Ninshubar to notify the assembly of gods if she is
not back in three days. He is to go to Enlil at Nippur, that failing, then to Nanna at Ur; if
that fails too, Ninshubar is to go to Eridu where Enki knowing the food and water of life
will restore her. Inanna having fastened the seven divine decrees to her body is stopped
by Neti, the gatekeeper of the underworld. As an excuse to get in, the queen of heaven
says that her sister Ereshkigal's husband has been killed. Ereshkigal tells Neti to open the
seven gates; but as each gate is opened, one of the divine decrees is stripped off of
Inanna's body until finally she is naked. Then the seven judges pronounce judgment and
fasten upon her the eyes of death and hang her up.
After three days Ninshubar cries for her in the house of the gods. He enters Ekur, the
temple of Enlil, to plead for Inanna, but Enlil does not stand by him on this matter. So he
goes to the temple of Nanna in Ur, but he does not support him either. In Eridu before
Enki he weeps, and her father Enki provides the water and food of life to sprinkle on the
corpse; Inanna arises and ascends from the underworld. The end of the Sumerian version
is lost, but in the Akkadian story Ereshkigal instructs the gatekeeper to return to Ishtar
(Akkadian name for Inanna) the clothes she lost at each of the seven gates beginning with
her breechcloth and ending with her crown; then the underworld goddess allows
Tammuz, the lover of Ishtar's youth, to be washed, anointed, clothed, and given a flute.
A hymn praising Inanna is attributed to Encheduanna, the daughter of Sargon, whom he
appointed high-priestess of Nanna, the god of Ur. She calls her "radiant light" and "queen
of all the me," the divine decrees of civilization. She could be terrible by destroying
vegetation, bringing floods from the mountain, fire over the land, destroying foreign
lands, attacking like a storm, burning down gates, causing rivers to run with blood so that
people had nothing to drink, driving off adult males as captives, and in cities which were
not hers she kept her distance so that its women did not speak of love with their husbands
nor whispered to them nor revealed the holiness of their hearts to them. Calling Inanna a
"rampant wild cow," daughter of the moon, she goes on though to praise her thus:
Queen, greater than An, who has paid you homage!
You who in accordance with the life-giving me,
great queen of queens,
have become greater than your mother
who gave birth to you,
as you came forth from the holy womb,
knowing, wise, queen of all the lands,
who multiplies living creatures and peoples -
I have uttered your holy song.
Life-giving goddess, fit for the me,
whose acclamation is exalted,
merciful, life-giving woman, radiant of heart,
I have uttered it before in accordance with the me.11
This ancient feminist then declares that "the kingship of heaven has been seized by the
woman."12 Encheduanna greets her in peace even though she is known by her destruction
of rebel lands, her massacring of people, and her devouring of the dead like a dog as well
as for her heaven-like height and earth-like breadth.
Another story depicting the conflict between farmers and shepherds has Inanna preferring
to marry a farmer, but the shepherd complains so much that eventually the farmer offers
him gifts including Inanna herself. Even goddesses could be treated as pawns in this
mostly male-dominated society.
In exalting and praising their gods poets could also lament their sufferings, believing that
a man without a god would not obtain food. One poet complained that he has to serve a
deceitful man, has a herdsman who seeks out evil forces against him, who is not his
enemy, and has a companion, who says no word of truth to him, while his friend gives the
lie to his honest words. He bemoaned the bitterness of his path, and in his tears, lament,
anguish, and depression realized that a malignant sickness-demon was in his body. He
believed that the sages were right when they said that never was a sinless child born. Now
he has seen his sins and admitted them before his god, and with this prayerful confession
the encompassing sickness-demon has taken flight and dissipated. His suffering turned to
joy, and he exalted his tutelary god.
A piece called "The Curse of Agade" comes to us from the end of the Sumerian period.
The poet gave his religious interpretation of the history of Agade. After Enlil frowned on
Kish and Uruk, he gave Sargon lordship and kingship over the new city of Agade he
founded, establishing a shrine there to Inanna. Overseeing the building of houses, storing
up dependable food and water, and creating beautiful festivals, Inanna did not allow
herself to sleep. Agade was filled with gold, silver, copper, lead, and lapis lazuli. Old
women counseled; old men spoke eloquently; young men had strong weapons; children
had joyous hearts and played; music was heard; boats were busy at the docks; and the
people were happy.
Their shepherd king, Naram-Sin, was like the sun on his throne. Inanna opened the gates,
and the Sumerians brought in their goods; the Martu brought grain, cattle, and sheep;
wares came from Meluhha, Elam, and so on. Then Inanna left the shrine of Agade and
went into battle against the city. The sun-god Utu carried away eloquence, Enki wisdom,
An awe, and its battles were a bitter fate. Naram-Sin was prostrate, but he had a vision of
which he said nothing to anyone. For seven years he remained firm.
Then Naram-Sin sought an oracle from the Ekur temple in Nippur, but there was none. So
he defied Enlil, mobilized his troops, and destroyed Ekur, turning it to dust like a
mountain mined for silver. Axes of destruction leveled it to its foundation. He broke
down its gate of peace with a pickax. He carried away its gold, silver, and copper. As he
took away the city's possessions, its counsel departed. As the boats departed, the good
sense of Agade became folly.
Seeing his beloved temple Ekur in Nippur attacked, Enlil became destructive. The
Gutians who were like dogs he brought down from the mountains like locusts covering
the earth. Brigands were on the roads. Cities were struck down; the fields produced no
grain, the streams no fish, the gardens no honey or wine. There was no rain. Those
sleeping on the roof died there; those in the house were not buried; the people drooped
helplessly from hunger.
The old men and women cried out to Enlil, but he went into his holy shrine and laid
down. Then the great gods, Sin, Enki, Inanna, Ninurta, Ishkur, and Utu prayed to him that
the city which destroyed his temple should become like Nippur, and so they cursed
Agade. The next day the curses came to pass, and Agade was completely destroyed.
This poem expresses an early theology or philosophy of history, showing the divine
retribution for violent acts against a sacred city. Apparently the city of Agade, which was
founded by the conqueror of Sumeria, Sargon, was destroyed by the Gutians, and so far
modern archaeologists still have not been able to find any remnant of Agade.
Antropomorphic gods. The supernatural universe is populated with divine beings: gods
and demons. They are portrayed in an antropomorphic way as superior humans, imaging
the ruling class of society. They are, however, more powerful, freed from human miseries
and mishaps and they live endless lifes. The Sumerian word for `god' is dingir, Akkadian
ilu. The sign to represent this, is the same as AN `heaven', and also used as a
determinative (classifier) attached to the name of the deity to indicate his/her divine
nature. In transcription the sign is represented with a d from dingir in superscript, like
dEnlil. It is not pronounced. Deities live in a temple, Sum. É, Akkadian bïtum, which is
also the word for `house'. In the temple they are represented by a sculpture. Some deities
have in addition a representation on the celestial sphere by a constellation or a star. Gods
have human appearance, they have a body, they need food, want to be washed and
dressed, want to travel, carry weapons etc. Each god has a well defined character,
representing the scala of human characters. They may be ill-tempered, aggressive,
cheerful, clever, just, ambitious, skillful, merciful and graceful, etc. Some are better
disposed to mankind than others.

Male and female gods. A god is either male or female. The Sumerian language does not
have gender as noun class, so sometimes the gender is unknown of some older deities, or
may change according to tradition. Gods can have all kinds of attitudes associated with
gender. Their behaviour reflects the patriarchal society. They have spouses (Akkadian
aatum, `wife') and created offspring which in one tradition may be different from another,
depending on which epic one reads. Often the family relationship are purposely altered to
reflect a change in status of the god. A goddess may be a sister of a god in one tradition
and be his spouse in another (later) tradition, it doesn't necessarily means that the god
married his sister. Gods can have concubines, they can rape (even the supreme god Enlil
raped the goddess who eventually became his wife Ninlil), they may seduce and
sometimes dispose of their lovers in the most awful ways.

Epithets (< Gr. epithetos `supplemented'). In the texts divine names (and royal names) are
often accompanied by an expression giving a quality, attribute or a significant appelation,
called epithet. Compare e.g. from other era `Charles, the Bald', `Louis, the Sun King',
`Achilles, the swift-footed', `Jezus Christ' (< Gr. christos `anointed'). A person may be
referred to, using his epithet: `Sun King' in stead of Louis XVI or `Christ' in stead of
Jezus. An epithet may thus become indistinguishable from an actual or original name.
Names of many deities are used as epithet to other deities, thus adding the quality of the
first to the latter. In the course of time they merge into one personality. It is often
unknown whether a name used in an epithet originally referred to a separate deity.
Another, kind of inverse process, in which a quality becomes personalized as a deity, is
called hypothasis (< Gr. hupostasis, hupo `under'; litt.: `what stands under'). This is in
religious studies the term used for personalization (substantization). Qualities, properties
and concepts are personalized, represented as persons who speak and take actions. Some
deities are seen as the hypothasis of one of the qualities of another god. Some
personalizations are ad hoc, not generally accepted and only seen in a particular epic for a
particular purpose.

Epithets form a fixed connection with the personal name. When the god Enlil is
mentioned for the first time in a text, one writes e.g. `Enlil, Lord of heaven and earth' as
his standard epithet, identifying him as the chief god. Deities have many epithets. The
choice in a particular texts refers to the quality of the deity in relation to the subject of the
text. E.g. ama is the Sun god, but in most texts his dominant quality is ama bël dïnim
`lord of justice' (construct state of bëlum `lord'; genitive of dïnum `verdict', `judgment').
He is also (together with Adad) god of the divination (as Sun god he is all-seeing, and
also sees the future). In that quality he has the epithet ama bël bïrim `Lord of divination'
(construct state of bëlum `lord'; genitive of bïrum `divination').

Syncretism in general is the synthesis of cultural elements. In the religious sphere it

results in the equation, identification or unification of deities in the different cultures.
This happens in all cultures with polytheism. One is with respect to religion very tolerant
and recognize one's own deitie in the pantheon of other nations. To mention a simple
example: Jupiter (Lat. Iuppiter), the Roman supreme god (probably himself taken from
the Etruskians) is by syncretism identified with the Greek supreme god Zeus (in fact, the
Romans took almost the entire Greek pantheon and mythology, but used Roman names).
The Greeks themselves interpreted whenever possible an Eastern deity with an existing
Greek deity. This particular form of syncretism is called with a Latin term interpretatio
graeca. E.g. the Greeks identified the Akkadian supreme god Anu with the Greek
supreme god Zeus. In a similar way there is an interpretatio hurritica of the Hittite
pantheon etc.

In the Sumero-Semitic syncretism of the third millennium the process of identification

(unification) of deities had already taken place before the majority of records were
written. Numerous God Lists exist of the type an = Anum. So we are not well informed
about the exact difference between these deities. The largest number of gods, however,
have Sumerian names. Often syncretism is the result of political changes. Originally each
city has its own pantheon but when dominated by another city analogous gods unify into
one. The strongest personality absorbs the weaker ones, at most keeping their names and
epithets (see e.g. the goddess Inanna/Ishtar). In this way the number of gods decreased
considerably in the course of time.
The Sumerian word for `god' is dingir, Akkadian ilu. The sign to represent this, is the
same as AN `heaven', and also used as a determinative (classifier) attached to the name of
the deity to indicate his/her divine nature. In transcription the sign is represented with a d
from dingir in superscript, like dEnlil. It is not pronounced.
Deities live in a temple, Sum. E, Akkadian b•tum, which is also the word for 'house'. In
the temple they are represented by a sculpture. Some deities have in addition a
representation on the celestial sphere by a constellation or a star. Gods have human
appearance, they have a body, they need food, want to be washed and dressed, want to
travel, carry weapons etc. Each god has a well defined character, representing the scala of
human characters. They may be ill-tempered, aggressive, cheerful, clever, just, ambitious,
skillful, merciful and graceful, etc. Some are better disposed to mankind than others.

Divination
Although the gods were unpredictable, the Sumerians sought out ways to discover what
the gods held in store for them. Like all human cultures, the Sumerians were struck by the
wondrous regularity of the movement of the heavens and speculated that this movement
might contain some secret to the intentions of the gods. So the Sumerians invented
astrology, and astrology produced the most sophisticated astronomical knowledge ever
seen to that date, and astrology produced even more sophisticated mathematics. They also
examined the inner organs of sacrificed animals for secrets to the gods' intentions or to
the future. These activities produced a steady increase in the number of priests and
scribes, which further accelerated learning and writing.
Cette religion devait une partie de sa force à l'extrême diversité de ses dieux. Le panthéon
sumérien ne contenait pas moins de trois mille divinités. Chaque aspect, ou presque, de la
nature et de l'entreprise humaine était placé sous le patronage d'un dieu ou d'une déesse.
La pluie, le soleil, la lune avaient chacun leur divinité. Il en était de même pour des objets
prosaïques comme l'araire et le moule à brique. Chaque communauté avait en outre son
dieu particulier que le sort lui avait attribué, affirmaient les prêtres, lors de la naissance du
monde.
Les dieux n'étaient pas tous égaux. Quatre d'entre eux contrôlaient ce que les Sumériens
tenaient pour les quatre grands éléments de la nature : le ciel, l'air, la terre et l'eau. Ce ces
quatre divinités, il y en avait toujours une qui dominait toutes les autres. Au début ce fut
An, le maître des cieux, puis Enlil le dieu de l'air.
Tous les dieux sumériens mangeaient, buvaient, aimaient, se mariaient, se querellaient
comme les humains. Ils communiquaient aussi leurs désirs à la race humaine par
l'intermédiaire des prêtres et des prêtresses qui lisaient leurs présages, par exemple dans
la forme du foie d'un mouton immolé.
Ce n'était pas une religion particulièrement optimiste. Selon un mythe sumérien, l'homme
n'avait été moulé dans l'argile par les dieux que pour leur servir d'esclave. Tout
manquement à la révérence, ou à l'écécution des rites propitiatoires était susceptible
d'entraîner des catastrophes : inondations, sécheresse, peste ou razzias par des tribus
descendues des montagnes. De telles calamités s'abattirent effectivement à maintes
reprises sur les Sumériens, et la peur engendra dans la population de la plaine un état
d'anxiété permanent, dont les prêtres et leurs temples bénéficièrent largement. Des
offrandes généreuses aux greniers des temples et l'obéissance aux in jonctions des prêtres
étaient les seuls moyens de se protéger de la colère des dieux.
Nammu: goddess of the watery abyss, the primeval sea. She may be the earliest of deities
within Sumerian cosmology as she gave birth to heaven and earth. She is elsewhere
described both as the mother of all the gods and as the wife of An. She is Enki's mother.
She prompts him to create servants for the gods and is then directed by him on how, with
the help of Nimmah/Ninhursag to create man.
Hiérarchie et assemblée des dieux
The gods take their decisions in an assembly
d Anunnaki is a collective name for the gods of heaven and earth, and in other contexts
only for the gods of the Netherworld, the empire of the death (in particular beginning in
the second half of the second millennium). It is a loan word (plural only) from Sumerian
a.nun.(n)a(k) `semen/descendants of the (-ak) monarch (nun) and refers to the offspring
of the King of Heaven An/Anum. The gods together are called Anunnaki and in the text
one might specifically add d Anunnaki a amê u erSetim, `the Anunnaki of heaven and
earth'.

Sometimes a differentiation is made in the indication of the totality of the gods, the d
Igigi and the d Anunnaki. The Igigi in that case are the gods of heaven, while the
Anunnaki refer to the gods of the Netherword, the empire of the death.

d Igigi is a term with unknown origin and meaning. It ended up by indicating in some
instances the entirety of the gods, and sometimes more commonly those that occupied
heaven. The use of the word may be interchanged with `Anunnaki' with literary freedom.
In the Creation Epic (Ee IV-20) Marduk has a question to the Anunnaki, while the Igigi
answer him (Ee IV-27:) ïpulüuma d Igigi ilü rabûtu `the Igigi, the great gods, answered
him'

Igigi and Anunnaki in the Atrahasîs-epic. The epic of Atrahasîs (Poem of the Supersage)
is a long epic, probably composed around 1700 BCE, which deserves more attention than
given here. In this epic heavenly society is divided into two classes. The labour on the
fields was carried out by gods of second rank, the Igigi, on behalf of the more important
gods, the leaders, called the Anunnaki. The story starts with a revolt by the Igigi. They
bang the door and went on strike, protesting before their chief employer Enlil. No work
on the fields eventually means famine, so the gods panic and convene a general assembly,
this time presided by the chief Anu himself. The solution proposed by the intelligent Ea is
to create mankind who would have as prime duty to work on the fields, to fulfill the role
of servants towards the gods. Men feed, cloth and shelter the gods and thus replace the
 labour done previously by the Igigi, and this is why men has to work so hard...... Their
sole purpose is to be devoted to the gods. It is possible that the Igigi represent the younger
gods of the Akkadians and the Anunnaki the older Sumerian gods. Between the lines of
the Epic one could read a struggle for equal rights, possibly reflecting such a struggle
between the Sumerians and the Akkadians. Other theories (e.g. due to von Soden) deny
the resulting settlement and agreement between the gods. It is said that in fact the Igigi
seized power over the Anunnaki. They, the Igigi, gods of the heaven, become at the top
and are the consulting gods in the assembly, eventually dominated by four or seven
`Great Gods'. In this theory the Igigi dislodge the Anunnaki to the Netherworld.
The chief deities Anum and Enlil. The organization of the divine world parallels the
political organization of the society. There is a hierarchy, on top of which are Anum, god
of Heaven (Sumerian an) and Enlil (Lord Atmosphere, god of the Sky). Anum and Enlil
are both supreme gods, king of heaven and earth. In the divine world Kingship is shared,
as appears both in pictures (on kudurru's, boundary stones mid 2nd millennium) and in
the texts. In tables of deities Anum and Enlil are listed first in hierarchy, followed by
Enki (Akkadian Ea), some name of the mother goddess and three astral gods Sîn (Moon),
Shamash (Sun) and the goddess Ishtar (Venus). In pictures Anum and Enlil carry 10 pair
of horns, the same emblem for both of them, showing their equal (high) rank. In some
texts (like in the prologue of the Codex Hammurabi) there appears a division of tasks,
where Anum is `King of the gods' and Enlil is `Lord of heaven and earth'.

The Primary Deities

It is notable that the Sumerians themselves may not have grouped these four as a set and
that the grouping has been made because of the observations of Sumerologists.

An: god of heaven, may have been the main god of the pantheon prior to 2500 BC.,
although his importance gradually waned. In the early days he carried off heaven, while
Enlil carried away the earth. It seems likely that he and Ki/Ninhursag were the
progenitors of most of the gods, although in one place Nammu is listed as his wife.
Among his children and followers were the Anunnaki. His primary temple was in Erech.
He and Enlil give various gods, goddesses, and kings their earthly regions of influence
and their laws. Enki seats him at the first seat of the table in Nippur at the feast
celebrating his new house in Eridu. He hears Inanna's complaint about Mount Ebih
(Kur?), but discourages her from attacking it because of its fearsome power. After the
flood, he and Enlil make Ziusudra immortal and make him live in Dilmun.
An was the father of the gods, the god of the heavenly firmament.

The head of the family of Gods of heaven and Earth was An - (or ANU in the
Babaylonian / Assyrian yests).

He was the Great Father of the Gods, the king of the Gods.

His realm was the expanse of the heavens. His symbol was a star.

He lived in Heaven and - according to Sumerian texts came to earth either at times of
great crisis, or in cenermonial visitations - when he was accompanied by his spouse
ANTU. At Uruk - the biblical Erech - and domaine of the Goddess Inanna - a temple was
erected for him. Parts of its remians can still be found in the ruins of Urak. The temple of
Anu was called E.ANNA (house of An). It was a vision to see.
The insignia of Anu were the tiara (devine headdress), the septor (symbol of power), and
the staff (symbolizing the guidance provided by the shepard.
Ninhursag (Ki, Ninmah, Nintu): Ki is likely to be the original name of the earth goddess,
whose name more often appears as Ninhursag (queen of the mountains), Ninmah (the
exalted lady), or Nintu (the lady who gave birth). Most often she is considered Enlil's
sister, but in some traditions she is his spouse instead. She was born, possibly as a unified
cosmic mountain with An, from Nammu and shortly thereafter, their union produced
Enlil. In the early days, as Ki, she was separated from heaven (An) and carried off by
Enlil. It seems likely that she and An were the progenitors of most of the gods. She later
unites with Enlil and with the assistance of Enki they produce the world's plant and
animal life.
"Enki and Ninhursag": in Dilmun, she (as Nintu) bears the goddess Ninsar from
Enki, who in turn bears the goddess Ninkur, who in turn bears Uttu, goddess of
plants. Uttu bore eight new trees from Enki. When he then ate Uttu's children,
Ninhursag cursed him with eight wounds and disappears. After being persuaded by
Enlil to undo her curse, she bore Enki eight new children which undid the wounds of
the first ones.
Enki seats her (as Nintu) on the big side of the table in Nippur at the feast celebrating
his new house in Eridu.
"Enki and Ninmah": she is the mother goddess and, as Ninmah, assists in the
creation of man. Enki, having been prompted by Nammu to create servants for the
gods, describes how Nammu and Ninmah will help fashion man from clay. Prior to
getting to work, she and Enki drink overmuch at a feast. She then shapes six flawed
versions of man from the heart of the clay over the Abzu, with Enki declaring their
fates. Enki, in turn also creates a flawed man which is unable to eat. Ninmah appears
to curse him for the failed effort.
Ninhursag - Queen of the mountainhead. She too was the daughter of Anu but her mother
was not Antu.
She was on the heavens having come here before Mankind. Texts record that when Earth
was divided up by the Gods - she was given Dilmon.
Her lover was Enki. According to Sumerian texts Man was created by Ninhursag
following procesess and formulas devised by Enki. She was the chief nurse, the one in
charge of medical facilities. In that role that the Goddess was called NINTI (lady-life).
She was considered the Mother Goddess. She was nicknamed 'Mammu' - now called
'mother' 'mom'.
Ninhursag bore a male child to Enlil. His name was NIN.UR.TA (lord who completes the
fountain). He was the son who to do battle for his father using bolts of lightening.

Enlil: An and Ki's union produced Enlil (Lord of 'lil'). Enlil was the air-god and leader of
the pantheon from at least 2500 BC, when his temple Ekur in Nippur was the spiritual
center of Sumer. In the early days he separated and carried off the earth (Ki) while An
carried off heaven. He assumed most of An's powers. He is glorified as "'the father of the
gods, 'the king of heaven and earth,' ' the king of all the lands'". Kramer portrays him as a
patriarchal figure, who is both creator and disciplinarian. Enlil causes the dawn, the
growth of plants, and bounty. He also invents agricultural tools such as the plow or
pickaxe. Without his blessings, a city would not rise. Most often he is considered Ninlil's
husband, with Ninhursag as his sister, but some traditions have Ninhursag as his spouse.
He is also banished to the nether world (kur) for his rape of Ninlil, his intended bride, but
returns with the first product of their union, the moon god Sin (also known as Nanna).
Ninlil follows him into exile as his wife. He tells the various underworld guardians to not
reveal his whereabouts and instead poses as those guardians himself three times, each
time impregnating her again it appears that at least on one occasion Enlil reveals his true
self before they unite. The products of these unions are three underworld deities,
including Meslamtaea (aka. Nergal) and Ninazu. Later, when Nanna visits him in Nippur,
he bestows Ur to him with a palace and plentiful plantlife. Enlil is also seen as the father
of Ninurta.
Enlil was the god of the air, who played a far more active role than the rather colorless
An. He was often angry, and human beings had reason to fear crossing him: he had in the
past tried to destroy the human race.
When Enki journeys to Enlil's city Nippur in order for his own city, Eridu to be
blessed. He is given bread at Enki's feast and is seated next to An, after which Enlil
proclaims that the Anunnaki should praise Enki.
Enlil and Enki, at Enki's urging, create farms and fields for the grain goddess Ashnan
and the cattle goddess Lahar. This area has places for Lahar to take care of the
animals and Ashnan to grow the crops. The two agricultural deities get drunk and
begin fighting, so it falls to Enlil and Enki to resolve their conflict - how they do so
has not been recovered.
Enlil creates the herdsman deity Enten and the agricultural deity Emesh. He settles a
dispute between Emesh and Enten over who should be recognized as 'farmer of the
gods', declaring Enten's claim to be stronger.
He helps Enki again when he was cursed by Ninhursag. Enlil and a fox entreat her to
return and undo her curse.
The me were assembled by Enlil in his temple Ekur, and given to Enki to guard and
impart to the world, beginning with Eridu, Enki's center of worship.
Enlil refuses Ninshubur's appeal on behalf of his [grand-]daughter, Inanna to help
rescue her from Ereshkigal in the underworld.
After the flood, he and An gave Ziusudra eternal life and had him live in Dilmun.
When Gilgamesh looses his pukku and mikku in the nether world, and Enkidu is held
fast there by demons, he appeals to Enlil for help. Enlil refuses to assist him.
The second and most powerful deity of the Sumerian patheon was Enlil.
He was God of Heaven and Earth, firstborn of the main God Anu (Heaven) in union with
Ki (Earth) , Dispenser of Kingship, Chief of the Assembly of the Gods, Father of Gods
and men, Granter of Agriculture, Lord of Airspace,
His name meant 'lord of the airspace' - the prototype and father of the later Storm Gods
that were to head the pantheons of the ancient world.
He supposedly arrived on Earth before the human race was created.
He was considered a supreme God by the Sumerians and by the Sumerian Gods.
At some point in the early times he descended to Earth, and was thus became the
principle God of Heaven and Earth.
When the Gods met in Heaven he sat beside his father.
When the Gods met for assemly on Earth, they met at Enlils court in Nippur, the city
dedicated to Enlil.
Even though Enlil was considered 'the Father of the Gods', he was banished to the world
of the dead by the assembly of the gods for having raped the grain goddess, Ninlil, his
intended bride.
Some say that she seduced him. With his misdeed, Enlil had impregnated the grain
goddess. To let him to witness the birth of his own child, Ninlil decided to follow him to
the underworld. This thoughtless decision could have obliged the newborn moon god Sin
to be imprisoned forever in the world of the dead.
Thus, Enlil and Ninlil copulated again and offered their three future children to the
infernal deities. Thus, their child, the moon god Sin could finally ascend the heavens in
order to light the night sky.
The Sumerian revered Enlil out of both fear and gratitude.
Enlil made sure that decrees made by the assemlby of the Gods were carried out against
Mankind.
Some say he was responsible for the great Deluge.
He helped mankind by bestowing the knowledge of farming, using the plow and the pick-
ax.
Enlil also selected the kings who were to rule over Mankind not as sovereigns but as
servants to the Gods.

Enki: son of Nammu, the primeval sea. Contrary to the translation of his name, Enki is
not the lord of the earth, but of the abzu (the watery abyss and also semen) and of
wisdom. This contradiction leads Kramer and Maier to postulate that he was once known
as En-kur, lord of the underworld, which either contained or was contained in the Abzu.
He did struggle with Kur and presumably was victorious and thereby able to claim the
title "Lord of Kur" (the realm). He is a god of water, creation, and fertility. He also holds
dominion over the land. He is the keeper of the me, the divine laws. Enki sails for the
Kur, presumably to rescue Ereshkigal after she was given over to Kur. He is assailed by
creatures with stones. These creatures may have been an extension of Kur itself.
Enki, "Lord Earth," the most approachable of the major triad. He represented the power
of the living waters of Mesopotamia, one of the creators of humanity, the one most
interested in its welfare. In the time of the Great Flood, Enki had saved humanity when
the rest of the gods were willing to destroy it. He was also a patron of wisdom and the
arts.
Enki raises his city Eridu from the sea, making it very lush. He takes his boat to
Nippur to have the city blessed by Enlil. He throws a feast for the gods, giving Enlil,
An, and Nintu special attention. After the feast, Enlil proclaims that the Anunnaki
should praise Enki.
The me were assembled by Enlil in Ekur and given to Enki to guard and impart to
the world, beginning with Eridu, his center of worship. From there, he guards the me
and imparts them on the people. He directs the me towards Ur and Meluhha and
Dilmun, organizing the world with his decrees.
He blessed the paradisical land of Dilmun, to have plentiful water and palm trees. He
sires the goddess Ninsar upon Ninhursag, then sires Ninkur upon Ninsar, finally
siring Uttu, goddess of plants, upon Ninkur. Uttu bore eight new types of trees from
Enki. He then consumed these tree-children and was cursed by Ninhursag, with one
wound for each plant consumed. Enlil and a fox act on Enki's behalf to call back
Ninhursag in order to undo the damage. She joins with Enki again and bears eight
new children, one to cure each of the wounds.
The gods complain that they need assistance. At his mother Nammu's prompting, he
directs her, along with some constructive criticism from Ninmah (Ninhursag), in the
creation of man from the heart of the clay over the Abzu. Several flawed versions
were created before the final version was made.
He is friendly to Inanna and rescued her from Kur by sending two sexless beings to
negotiate with, and flatter Ereshkigal. They gave her the Food of Life and the Water
of Life, which restored her
Later, Inanna comes to Enki and complains at having been given too little power
from his decrees. In a different text, she gets Enki drunk and he grants her more
powers, arts, crafts, and attributes - a total of ninety-four me. Inanna parts company
with Enki to deliver the me to her cult center at Erech. Enki recovers his wits and
tries to recover the me from her, but she arrives safely in Erech with them.
Contrary to the translation of his name, Enki is not the lord of the earth, but of the abzu
(the watery abyss and also semen) and of wisdom. This contradiction leads Kramer and
Maier to postulate that he was once known as En-kur, lord of the underworld, which
either contained or was contained in the Abzu. He did struggle with Kur as mentioned in
the prelude to "Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the Underworld", and presumably was victorious
and thereby able to claim the title "Lord of Kur" (the realm).
He is a god of water, creation, and fertility. He also holds dominion over the land. He is
the keeper of the me, the divine laws. The me were assembled by Enlil in Ekur and given
to Enki to guard and impart to the world, beginning with Eridu, his center of worship.
From there, he guards the me and imparts them on the people. He directs the me towards
Ur and Meluhha and Dilmun, organizing the world with his decrees.

The Seven Who Decreed Fate

In addition to the four primary deities, there were hundreds of others. A group of seven
"decreed the fates" - these probably included the first four, as well as Nanna, his son Utu,
the sun god and a god of justice, and Nanna's daughter Inanna, goddess of love and war.
Nanna (Sin, (Suen), Ashgirbabbar): Nanna is another name for the moon god Sin. He is
the product of Enlil's rape of Ninlil. He travels across the sky in his gufa, (a small, canoe-
like boat made of woven twigs and tar), with the stars and planets about him. Nanna was
the tutelary deity of Ur, appointed as king of that city by An and Enlil. He journeyed to
Nippur by boat, stopping at five cities along the way. When he arrived at Nippur, he
proffered gifts to Enlil and pleaded with him to ensure that his city of Ur would be
blessed, prosperous, and thus, not be flooded. Nanna was married to Ningal and they
produced Inanna and Utu. He rests in the Underworld every month, and there decrees the
fate of the dead. He refuses to send aid to Inanna when she is trapped in the underworld.
He established Ur-Nammu as his mortal representative, establishing the third Ur dynasty.
(Kramer 1963 p. 84)
Nanna is another name for the moon god Sin. He is the product of Enlil's rape of Ninlil.
Nanna was the tutelary deity of Ur (Kramer 1963 p. 66), appointed as king of that city by
An and Enlil. He established Ur-Nammu as his mortal representative, establishing the
third Ur dynasty. Nanna was married to Ningal and they produced Inanna and Utu. He
rests in the Underworld every month, and there decrees the fate of the dead. He averts a
flood of his city by visiting Enlil in Nippur on a boat loaded with gifts and pleading with
him. He refuses to send aid to Inanna when she is trapped in the underworld.

Utu : son of Nanna and Ningal and the god of the Sun and of Justice. He goes to the
underworld at the end of every day setting in the "mountain of the west" and rising in the
"mountain of the east". While there decrees the fate of the dead, although he also may lie
down to sleep at night. He is usually depicted with fiery rays coming out of his shoulders
and upper arms, and carrying a saw knife. When Inanna's huluppu tree is infested with
unwelcome guests, he ignores her appeal for aid. He tries to set her up with Dumuzi, the
shepherd, but she initially rebuffs him, preferring the farmer. He aided Dumuzi in his
flight from the galla demons by helping him to transform into different creatures.
Through Enki's orders, he also brings water up from the earth in order to irrigate Dilmun,
the garden paradise, the place where the sun rises. He is in charge of the "Land of the
Living" and, in sympathy for Gilgamesh, calls off the seven weather heroes who defend
that land. He opened the "ablal" of the Underworld for the shade of Enkidu, to allow him
to escape, at the behest of Enki.
Son of Nanna and Ningal, god of the Sun and of Justice, Utu goes to the underworld at
the end of every day and while there decrees the fate of the dead. When Inanna's huluppu
tree is infested with unwelcome guests, he ignores her appeal for aid. He aided Dumuzi in
his flight from the galla demons by helping him to transform into different creatures. He
opened the "ablal" of the Underworld for Enkidu, to allow him to escape, at the behest of
Enki. Through Enki's orders, he also brings water up from the earth in order to irrigate
Dilmun, the garden paradise, the place where the sun rises. He is in charge of the 'Land of
the Living' and, in sympathy for Gilgamesh, calls off the seven weather heroes who
defend that land.

Inanna: Nanna and Ningal's daughter Inanna, goddess of love and war. A woman planted
the huluppu tree in Inanna's garden, but the Imdugud-bird (Anzu bird?) made a nest for its
young there, Lilith (or her predecessor, a lilitu-demon) made a house in its trunk, and a
serpent made a home in its roots. Inanna appeals to Utu about her unwelcome guests, but
he is unsympathetic. She appeals to Gilgamesh, here her brother, and he is receptive. He
tears down the tree and makes it into a throne and bed for her. In return for the favor,
Inanna manufactures a pukku and mikku for him. Later, Inanna seeks out Gilgamesh as
her lover. When he spurns her she sends the Bull of Heaven to terrorize his city of Erech
Her older brother Utu tries to set her up with Dumuzi, the shepherd, but she initially
rebuffs him, preferring the farmer. He assures her that his parents are as good as hers and
she begins to desire him. Her mother, Ningal, further assures her. The two consummate
their relationship and with their exercise in fertility, the plants and grains grow as well.
After they spend time in the marriage bed, Inanna declares herself as his battle leader and
sets his duties as including sitting on the throne and guiding the path of weapons. At
Ninshubur's request, she gives him power over the fertility of plants and animals. Inanna
also visits Kur, which results in a myth reminiscent of the Greek seasonal story of
Persephone. She sets out to witness the funeral rites of her sister-in-law Ereshkigal's
husband Gugalanna, the Bull of Heaven. She takes precaution before setting out, by
telling her servant Ninshubur to seek assistance from Enlil, Nanna, or Enki at their
shrines, should she not return. Inanna knocks on the outer gates of Kur and the
gatekeeper, Neti, questions her. He consults with queen Ereshkigal and then allows
Inanna to pass through the seven gates of the underworld. After each gate, she is required
to remove adornments and articles of clothing, until after the seventh gate, she is naked.
The Annuna pass judgment against her and Ereshkigal killed her and hung her on the
wall. Inanna is rescued by the intervention of Enki. He creates two sexless creatures that
empathize with Ereshkigal's suffering, and thereby gain a gift - Inanna's corpse. They
restore her to life with the Bread of Life and the Water of Life, but the Sumerian
underworld has a conservation of death law. No one can leave without providing
someone to stay in their stead. Inanna is escorted by galla/demons past Ninshubur and
members of her family. She doesn't allow them to claim anyone until she sees Dumuzi on
his throne in Uruk. They then seize Dumuzi, but he escapes them twice by transforming
himself, with the aid of Utu. Eventually he is caught and slain. Inanna spies his sister,
Geshtinanna, in mourning and they go to Dumuzi. She allows Dumuzi, the shepherd, to
stay in the underworld only six months of the year, while Geshtinanna will stay the other
six. As with the Greek story of the kidnapping of Persephone, this linked the changing
seasons, the emergence of the plants from the ground, with the return of a harvest deity
from the nether world. Geshtinanna is also associated with growth, but where her brother
rules over the spring harvested grain, she rules over the autumn harvested vines Inanna
complains to An about Mount Ebih (Kur?) demanding that it glorify her and submit lest
she attack it. An discourages her from doing so because of its fearsome power. She does
so anyway, bringing a storehouse worth of weapons to bear on it. She destroys it. Because
she is known as the Destroyer of Kur in certain hymns, Kramer identifys Mt. Ebih with
Kur. The me were universal decrees of divine authority -the invocations that spread arts,
crafts, and civilization. Enki became the keeper of the me. Inanna comes to Enki and
complains at having been given too little power from his decrees. In a different text, she
gets Enki drunk and he grants her more powers, arts, crafts, and attributes - a total of
ninety-four me. Inanna parts company with Enki to deliver the me to her cult center at
Erech. Enki recovers his wits and tries to recover the me from her, but she arrives safely
in Erech with them.
She is Anu's second consort, daughter of Anu and Antum, (sometimes daughter of Sin),
and sometimes the sister of Ereshkigal. She is the goddess of love, procreation, and war.
She is armed with a quiver and bow. Her temples have special prostitutes of both genders.
She is often accompanied by a lion, and sometimes rides it.
The Eanna in Uruk is dedicated both to her and Anu. As Irnini, she has a parakku (throne-
base) at the cedar mountain. She loved Tammuz in her youth, although he spends half the
year in the nether world wailing. She loved a lion, a stallion, a shepherd, all of whom she
required great sacrifice from and abandoned. She loved Ishullanu, a gardener who offered
her fruit, but was taken aback when she revealed herself to him, so she turned him into a
frog.
After Gilgamesh cleans himself up, following his defeat of Humbaba, she asks him to be
her lover and husband, and offers him many gifts and the homage of earthly rulers and
kingdoms. She is rejected, both because of her godly nature, and as a fair-weather lover.
Ishtar asks Anu to send the Bull of Heaven to kill Gilgamesh, and he agrees.
She determines to go to the Underworld.
She threatened to smash the gate and raise the dead so that they would eat and outnumber
the living unless the gatekeeper would open it for her. She holds the great keppu-toy (a
whipping top). She is allowed in by the gate keeper, who takes her through seven gates to
Ereshkigal's realm.
By Ereshkigal's rites, she is stripped of items of clothing as she passes through each of the
gates: first her crown, then her earrings, then her necklace, then her tudditu (breast pins),
then her belt of birthstones, then her wrist and ankle bangles, and finally her garment.
While in the underworld, no creatures engaged in acts of procreation.
She was kept in Egalgina and brought forth by Namtar after being sprinkled with the
water of life, and after 'His appearance is bright' has been cursed. She is led back out
through the gates, given back her accouterments, and released in exchange for Dumuzi
(Tammuz).
Symbol: an eight or sixteen-pointed star Sacred number: 15 Astrological region: Dibalt
(Venus) and the Bowstar (Sirius) Sacred animal: lion, (dragon)
The goddess Inanna (Innin, or Innini) was the patron and special god/goddess of the
ancient Sumerian city of Erech (Uruk), the City of Gilgamesh. As Queen of heaven, she
was associated with the Evening Star (the planet Venus), and sometimes with the Moon.
She may also have been associated the brightest stars in the heavens, as she is sometimes
symbolized by an eight-pointed star, a seven-pointed star, or a four pointed star. In the
earliest traditions, Inanna was the daughter of An, the Sky, Ki, the Earth (both of Uruk,
(Warka)). In later Sumerian traditions, she is the daughter of Nanna (Narrar), the Moon
God and Ningal, the Moon Goddess (both of Ur).
On either side of her cult statue shown above is the ring-post, also known as Inanna's
knot. This was a sacred symbol of Inanna, associated exclusively with her. It represents a
door-post made from a bundle of reeds, the upper ends, bent into a loop to hold a cross-
pole. The ring-post is shown on many depictions of Inanna, including those of the famed
Warka Vase.
The Goddess Inanna ruled the people of Sumer. Under Her rule the people and their
communities prospered and thrived. The urban culture, though agriculturally dependent,
centered upon the reverence of the Goddess - a cella, or shrine, in her honor was the
centerpiece of the cities. Inanna was the queen of seven temples throughout Sumer.
Probably the most important Sumerian contribution to civilization was the invention and
creation of a standard writing and literature; the Sumerians even had libraries. Their
literary works reveal religious beliefs, ethical ideas, and the spiritual aspirations of the
Sumerians. Among these works are the hymns and stories of Inanna -- important here
because they were recorded at a time when the patriarchy was beginning to take hold, and
the position of the Goddess, although strong, was changing.
Inanna was also the Queen of Beasts, and the Lion was her sacred animal.
She presented the me by Enki. The me(plural,pronounced 'may') is the order out of chaos,
the great attributes of civilization, the powers of the gods. The me were conferred by the
gods on other gods or on the king-priests, who as the representatives of the gods on Earth,
ensured the continuation of civilization.
These special powers, contained within the me allowed the holy plan or design (the gis-
hur) to be implemented on Earth. The me were contained within special objects of great
sacred value, such as the royal throne, the sacred bed, the temple drum, the scepter, the
crown, and other special articles of clothing or jewelry to be worn, sat on, lied in, and so
forth. These things were charmed like a talisman; they contained the power; they were the
me. Inanna got Enki drunk on beer and tricked him into giving her the me. They gave her
many special gifts and powers, she was Goddess and Queen of Heaven and Earth, the me
even gave her the power to descend into the Underworld and ascend from it.
Inanna could be wily and cunning. She outwitted both Enki, the God of Wisdom, and her
dark sister Ereshkigal. She was a powerful warrior, and drove a war chariot, drawn by
lions. She was gentle and loving, a source of beauty and grace. She was a source of
inspiration. She endowed the people of Sumer with gifts that inspired and insured their
growth as a people and a culture. She is also depicted as a passionate, sensuous lover in
The Courtship of Inanna and Damuzi, which established the principle of Sacred Marriage.
Indeed, one aspect of Inanna is as the Goddess of Love, and it is in this aspect that she
embodies creativity, procreativity, passion, raw sexual energy and power.
Erech or Uruk, near modern Warka was Inanna's sacred city. It was one of the oldest
cities of Sumer. The Bible said that it was founded by King Nimrod . Dumuzi , Inanna's
consort was a shepherd king of Uruk, as was Gilgamesh and his father Lugalbanda. The
Temple of Inanna was in Erech. Also known as the E-ana or House of Heaven, this was
her most important temple. The shrine of the Goddess was built on an artificial mound
some forty feet above the ground level and was reached by a staircase. A statue of the
Goddess was housed within the shrine.

The Annuna (Anunnaki) and others

At the next level were fifty "great gods", possibly the same as the Annuna, although
several gods confined to the underworld are specifically designated Annuna, An's
children. The Annuna are also said to live in Dulkug or Du-ku, the "holy mound". In the
"Descent of Inanna to the Nether World" the Anunnaki are identified as the seven judges
of the nether world. (Kramer 1963 p. 154; Kramer 1961 p. 119)
Ereshkigal: queen of the underworld, who is either given to Kur in the underworld or
given dominion over the underworld in the prelude to "Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the
Underworld". She has a palace there with seven gates and is due a visit by those entering
Kur. She was married to Gugalanna, the Bull of Heaven, and is Inanna's older sister.
When Inanna trespassed on her domain, Ereshkigal first directs her gatekeeper to open
the seven gates a crack and remove her garments. Then when Inanna arrives she fastened
on Inanna the eye of death. She spoke against her the word of wrath. She uttered against
her the cry of guilt She struck her. Inanna was turned into a corpse, and was hung from a
hook on the wall. Later, when Enki's messengers arrive, she is moaning in pain. When
they empathize with her, she grants them a boon. They request Inanna's corpse and she
accedes.
Nergal (Meslamtaea): second son of Enlil and Ninlil. (Kramer 1961 pp. 44-45) He is
perhaps the co-ruler of Kur with Ereshkigal where he has a palace and is due reverence
by those who visit. He holds Enkidu fast in the underworld after Enkidu broke several
taboos while trying to recover Gilgamesh's pukku and mikku. He is more prominent in
Babylonian literature and makes a brief appearance in II Kings 17:30.

Ninlil: the intended bride of Enlil and the daughter of Nunbarshegunu, the old woman of
Nippur. Enlil raped her and was then banished to the nether world (kur). She follows him
to the nether world, where she gives birth to the moon god Sin (also known as Nanna).
They have three more children in the nether world including Meslamtaea/(Nergal) and
Ninazu who remain there so that Sin may be allowed to leave. In some texts she is Enlil's
sister while Ninhursag is his bride. Her chief shrine was in the Tummal district of Nippur.
Ninlil was the intended bride of Enlil. Enlil raped her and was then banished to the nether
world (kur). She follows him to the nether world, where she gives birth to the moon god
Sin (also known as Nanna). They have three more children in the nether world who
remain there so that Sin may be allowed to leave. (Kramer, Sumerians 1963: pp.146-7).
In some texts she is Enlil's sister while Ninhursag is his bride. Her chief shrine was in the
Tummal district of Nippur.

Ningal: Nanna's wife and the mother of Inanna and Utu. She begs and weeps before Enlil
for them not to flood her city, Ur.
Nanshe: goddess of the city of Lagash who takes care of orphans and widows. She also
seeks out justice for the poor and casts judgement on New Year's Day. She is supported
by Nidaba and her husband, Haia.
Nidaba: goddess of writing and the patron deity of the edubba (palace archives). She is
an assistant to Nanshe.
Ninisinna (Nininsinna): patron goddess of the city Isin. She is the "hierodule of An"
Ninkasi ("The Lady who fills the mouth"): the goddess of brewing or alcohol, born of
"sparkling-fresh water". She is one of the eight healing children born by Ninhursag for
Enki She is born in response to Enki's mouth pain and Ninhursag declares that she should
be the goddess who "sates the heart".
Ninurta: Enlil's son and a warrior deity, the god of the south wind. In "The Feats and
Exploits of Ninurta", that deity sets out to destroy the Kur. Kur initially intimidates
Ninurta into retreating, but when Ninurta returns with greater resolve, Kur is destroyed.
This looses the waters of the Abzu, causing the fields to be flooded with unclean waters.
Ninurta dams up the Abzu by piling stones over Kur's corpse. He then drains these waters
into the Tigris. The identification of Ninurta's antagonist in this passage as Kur appears to
be miscast. Black and Green identify his foe as the demon Asag, who was the spawn of
An and Ki, and who produced monstrous offspring with Kur. The remainder of the details
of this story are the same as in Kramer's account, but with Asag replacing Kur. In other
versions, Ninurta is replaced by Adad/Ishkur.
Ashnan: the kindly maid. Ashnan is a grain goddess, initially living in Dulkug (Du-ku).
Enlil and Enki, at Enki's urging, create farms and fields for her and for the cattle god
Lahar. This area has places for Lahar to take care of the animals and Ashnan to grow the
crops. The two agricultural deities get drunk and begin fighting, so it falls to Enlil and
Enki to resolve their conflict - how they do so has not been recovered.
Lahar: cattle-goddess, initially living in Duku (Dulkug). Enlil and Enki, at Enki's urging,
create farms and fields for him and the grain goddess Ashnan. This area has places for
Lahar to take care of the animals and Ashnan to grow the crops. The two agricultural
deities get drunk and begin fighting, so it falls to Enlil and Enki to resolve their conflict -
how they do so has not been recovered.
Emesh: created ed by Enlil this god is responsible for agriculture. He quarrels with his
brother Enten, and makes a claim to be the 'farmer of the gods', bringing his claim to Enlil
after Enten. When Enlil judges Enten's claim to be stronger, Emesh relents, brings him
gifts, and reconciles.
Enten: he is a farmer god, and is Enlil's field worker and herdsman. He quarrels with his
brother Emesh and makes an appeal to Enlil that he deserves to be 'farmer of the gods'.
Enlil judges Enten's claim to be the stronger and the two reconcile with Emesh bringing
Enten gifts.
Uttu: she is the goddess of weaving and clothing and was previously thought to be the
goddess of plants. She is both the child of Enki and Ninkur, and she bears eight new
child/trees from Enki. When he then ate Uttu's children, Ninhursag cursed him with eight
wounds and disappears.
Enbilulu: the "knower" of rivers. He is the god appointed in charge of the Tigris and
Euphrates by Enki.
Ishkur: god appointed to be in charge of the winds by Enki. He is in charge of "the silver
lock of the 'heart' of heaven". He is identified with the Akkadian god, Adad.
Enkimdu: god placed in charge of canals and ditches by Enki.
Kabta: god placed in charge of the pickax and brickmold by Enki.
Mushdamma: god placed in charge of foundations and houses by Enki.
Sumugan: the god of the plain or "king of the mountain", he is the god placed in charge
of the plant and animal life on the plain of Sumer by Enki.
Demigods, mortal Heroes, and Monsters
Dumuzi (demigod) (Tammuz): a shepherd, he is the son of Enki and Sirtur. He is given
charge of stables and sheepfolds, filled with milk and fat by Enki. He has a palace in Kur,
and is due a visit by those entering Kur. He is Inanna's husband. In life, he was the
shepherd king of Uruk. Utu tries to set Inanna up with him but she initially rebuffs him,
preferring the farmer. He assures her that his parents are as good as hers and she begins to
desire him. The two consummate their relationship and with their exercise in fertility, the
plants and grains grow as well. After they spend time in the marriage bed, Inanna declares
herself as his battle leader and sets his duties as including sitting on the throne and
guiding the path of weapons. At Ninshubur's request, she gives him power over the
fertility of plants and animals. Upon her rescue from the dead, he was pursued by galla
demons, which he eluded for a time with the aid of Utu. Eventually he was caught and
slain; however, he was partially freed from his stay in the underworld by the actions of
his sister Geshtinanna. Now he resides there only half of the year, while she lives there
the other half year; this represents seasonal change
Geshtinanna (demigoddess): she is Dumuzi's sister. After his death, she visited him in
the underworld with Inanna, and was allowed to take his place there for six months out of
the year. Her time in the underworld and her periodic emergence from it are linked with
her new divine authority over the autumn vines and wine.
Ziusudra (Ziusura): in the Sumerian version of the flood story, the pious Ziusudra of
Shuruppak, the son of Ubartutu (or of Shuruppak?) is informed of the gods decision to
destroy mankind by listening to a wall. He weathers the deluge and wind-storms aboard a
huge boat. The only surviving detail of the boat is that it had a window. The flood lasts
for seven days before Utu appears dispersing the flood waters. After that, Ziusudra makes
appropriate sacrifices and protrations to Utu, An and Enlil. He is given eternal life in
Dilmun by An and Enlil. Jacobsen reports a more complete version of "The Eridu
Genesis" than Kramer or Black and Green which is close to the Babylonian story of
Atrahasis. In this account, man had been directed to live in cities by Nintur but as they
thrived, the noise irritated Enlil, who thus started the flood. In this account, Enki warns
Ziusudra, instructing him to build the boat for his family and for representatives of the
animals.
Gilgamesh (demigod): the son, either of a nomad or of the hero-king Lugalbanda and of
the goddess Ninsun, Gilgamesh, may have been a historical King of Erech, during the
time of the first Ur dynasty. His kingship is mentioned in various places, including the
Sumerian King list and he was also an en, a spiritual head of a temple. He was also the
lord of Kulab and by one account, the brother of Inanna. He was "the prince beloved of
An", and "who performs heroic deeds for Inanna" King Agga of Kish sent an ultimatum
to Erech. Gilgamesh tried to convince the elders that Erech should sack Kish in response,
but the elders wanted to submit. He responded by taking the matter to the men of the city,
who agreed to take up arms. Agga laid seige to Erech and Gilgamesh resisted with the
help of his servant, Enkidu. He sent a soldier through the gate to Agga. The soldier is
captured and tortured with a brief respite while another of Gilgamesh's soldiers climbs
over the wall. Gilgamesh himself then climbs the wall and Agga's forces are so taken
aback by the sight of them that Agga capitulates. Gilgamesh graciously accepts Agga's
surrender, prasing him for returning his city. After this episode, he apparently took
Nippur from the son of the founder of the Ur I dynasty. Gilgamesh, saddened by the
dying he sees in his city, decides to go to the "Land of the Living" says so to Enkidu. At
Enkidu's urging, Gilgamesh makes a sacrifice and first speaks to Utu, who is in charge of
that land. After he informs Utu of his motives, the god calls off his seven guardian
weather heroes. Gilgamesh recruits fifty single men to accompany them and commissions
swords and axes. They travel over seven mountains, felling trees along the way
eventually finding the "cedar of his heart". After some broken text Gilgamesh is in a deep
sleep, presumably after an encounter with Huwawa. Enkidu or one of the others wakes
him. They come upon Huwawa and Gilgamesh distracts him with flattery, then puts a
nose ring on him and binds his arms. Huwawa grovels to Gilgamesh and Enkidu and
Gilgamesh almost releases him. Enkidu argues against it and when Huwawa protests, he
decapitates Huwawa. Gilgamesh is angered by Enkidu's rash action. Inanna appeals to
Gilgamesh, here her brother, when her huluppu tree has been occupied and he is
receptive. He tears down the tree and makes it into a throne and bed for her. In return for
the favor, Inanna manufactures a pukku and mikku for him. He leaves them out, goes to
sleep and can't find them where he left them when he awakens. They had fallen into the
underworld. Enkidu asks him what is wrong and Gilgamesh asks him to retrieve them,
giving him instructions on how to behave in the underworld. Enkidu enters the "Great
Dwelling" through a gate, but he broke several of the underworld taboos of which
Gilgamesh warned, including the wearing of clean clothes and sandals, 'good' oil,
carrying a weapon or staff, making a noise, or behaving normally towards ones family
For these violations he was "held fast by 'the outcry of the nether world'". Gilgamesh
appeals to Enlil, who refuses to help. Intervention by Enki, rescued the hero - or at least
raised his shade for Gilgamesh to speak with. He rejects Inanna's advances, so she sends
the "Bull of Heaven" to ravage Erech in retribution. Gilgamesh is fated by Enlil to die but
also to be unmatched as a warrior. When he dies, his wife and household servants make
offerings (of themselves?) for Gilgamesh to the deities of the underworld. He is given a
palace in the nether world and venerated as lesser god of the dead. It is respectful to pay
him a visit upon arrival. If he knew you in life or is of your kin he may explain the rules
of Kur to you - which he helps to regulate. His son and successor was either Ur-lugal or
Urnungal.

Enkidu: Gilgamesh's servant and friend. He assists Gilgamesh in putting back Agga's
seige of Erech. He accompanies Gilgamesh and his soldiers on the trip to the "Land of the
Living". Probably after an initial encounter with Huwawa, Gilgamesh falls asleep and
Enkidu awakens him. They come upon Huwawa and Gilgamesh distracts him with
flattery, then puts a nose ring on him and binds his arms. Huwawa grovels to Gilgamesh
and Enkidu and Gilgamesh almost releases him. Enkidu argues against it and when
Huwawa protests, he decapitates Huwawa. Gilgamesh is angered by Enkidu's rash action.
The main body of the Gilgamesh tale includes a trip to the nether-world. Enkidu enters
the "Great Dwelling" through a gate, in order to recover Gilgamesh's pukku and mikku,
objects of an uncertain nature. He broke several taboos of the underworld, including the
wearing of clean clothes and sandals, 'good' oil, carrying a weapon or staff, making a
noise, or behaving normally towards ones family. For these violations he was "held fast
by 'the outcry of the nether world'". Intervention by Enki, rescued the hero or at least
raised his shade for Gilgamesh to speak with.
Kur: literally means "mountain", "foreign land", or "land" and came to be identified both
with the underworld and, more specifically, the area which either was contained by or
 contained the Abzu. In the prelude to "Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Underworld,
Ereshkigal was carried off into the Kur as it's prize at about the same time as An and Enlil
carried off the heaven and the earth. Later in that same passage, Enki also struggled with
Kur as and presumably was victorious, thereby able to claim the title "Lord of Kur" (the
realm). Kramer suggests that Kur was a dragon-like creature, calling to mind Tiamat and
Leviathan. The texts suggests that Enki's struggle may have been with instruments of the
land of kur - its stones or its creatures hurling stones. In "The Feats and Exploits of
Ninurta", that deity sets out to destroy the Kur. Kur initially intimidates Ninurta into
retreating, but when Ninurta returns with greater resolve, Kur is destroyed. This looses
the waters of the Abzu, causing the fields to be flooded with unclean waters. Ninurta
dams up the Abzu by piling stones over Kur's corpse. He then drains these waters into the
Tigris. The identification of Ninurta's antagonist in this passage as Kur appears to be
miscast. Black and Green identify his foe as the demon Asag, who was the spawn of An
and Ki, and who produced monstrous offspring with Kur. The remainder of the details of
this story are the same as in Kramer's account, but with Asag replacing Kur. In other
versions, Ninurta is replaced by Adad/Ishkur. Inanna is also described in Hymns as a
destroyer of Kur. If one, as Kramer does, identifies Kur with Mt. Ebih, then we learn that
it has directed fear against the gods, the Anunnaki and the land, sending forth rays of fire
against the land. Inanna declares to An that she will attack Mt. Ebih unless it submits. An
warns against such an attack, but Inanna procedes anyway and destroys it.
Gugalanna (Gugal-ana): he is Ereshkigal's husband, and according to Kramer, the Bull
of Heaven. Black and Green tentatively identify him with Ennugi, god of canals and
dikes, rather than the Bull of Heaven. After Gilgamesh spurned Inanna, she sends the Bull
of Heaven to terrorize Erech.
Huwawa: Guardian of the cedar of the heart in the the "Land of the living", Huwawa has
dragon's teeth, a lion's face, a roar like rushing flood water, huge clawed feet and a thick
mane. He lived there in a cedar house. He appears to have attacked Gilgamesh, Enkidu
and company when they felled that cedar. They then come upon Huwawa and Gilgamesh
distracts him with flatery, then puts a nose ring on him and binds his arms. Huwawa
grovels to Gilgamesh and Enkidu and Gilgamesh almost releases him. Enkidu argues
against it and when Huwawa protests, he decapitates Huwawa. See also the Babylonian
Humbaba

The Sumerians had many other deities as well, most of which appear to have been minor.
Les décrets divins
Another important concept in Sumerian theology, was that of me. The me were universal
decrees of divine authority. They are the invocations that spread arts, crafts, and
civilization. The me were assembled by Enlil in Ekur and given to Enki to guard and
impart to the world, beginning with Eridu, his center of worship. From there, he guards
the me and imparts them on the people. He directs the me towards Ur and Meluhha and
Dilmun, organizing the world with his decrees. Later, Inanna comes to Enki and
complains at having been given too little power from his decrees. In a different text, she
gets Enki drunk and he grants her more powers, arts, crafts, and attributes - a total of
ninety-four me. Inanna parts company with Enki to deliver the me to her cult center at
Erech. Enki recovers his wits and tries to recover the me from her, but she arrives safely
in Erech with them.

Architecture religieuse
Temples
Le temple était l'édifice le plus grandiose des communautés sumériennes. Il était à l'origi
ne de dimensions modestes, et consistait en un bâtiment rectangu lai re comportant une
salle unique, et fait de la même brique de boue que les maisons, mais il était généralement
construit sur une plate-forme qui l'élevait au-dessus des bâtisses voisines. Puis, à mesure
que les agglomérations devinrent plus riches et plus populeuses, les temples furent plus
vastes et s'élancèrent vers le ciel, adoptant la forme de pyramides à étages connues sous le
nom de ziggourats.
The rectangular central shrine of the temple, known as a 'cella,' had a brick altar or
offering table in front of a statue of the temple's deity. The cella was lined on its long
ends by many rooms for priests and priestesses. These mud-brick buildings were
decorated with cone geometrical mosaics, and the occasional fresco with human and
animal figures. These temple complexes eventually evolved into towering ziggurats.
(Wolkstein & Kramer 1983: 119)
There is, however, one temple, at Abu Shahrayn (ancient Eridu), that is no more than a
final rebuilding of a shrine the original foundation of which dates back to the beginning
of the 4th millennium; the continuity of design has been thought by some to confirm the
presence of the Sumerians throughout the temple's history.
Already, in the Ubaid period (c. 5200-c.3500 BC), this temple anticipated most of the
architectural characteristics of the typical Protoliterate Sumerian platform temple. It is
built of mud brick on a raised plinth (platform base) of the same material, and its walls
are ornamented on their outside surfaces with alternating buttresses (supports) and
recesses. Tripartite in form, its long central sanctuary is flanked on two sides by
subsidiary chambers, provided with an altar at one end and a freestanding offering table at
the other.
Typical temples of the Protoliterate period--both the platform type and the type built at
ground level--are, however, much more elaborate both in planning and ornament. Interior
wall ornament often consists of a patterned mosaic of terra-cotta cones sunk into the wall,
their exposed ends dipped in bright colours or sheathed in bronze. An open hall at the
Sumerian city of Uruk (biblical Erech; modern Tall al-Warka', Iraq) contains freestanding
and attached brick columns that have been brilliantly decorated in this way. Alternatively,
the internal-wall faces of a platform temple could be ornamented with mural paintings
depicting mythical scenes, such as at 'Uqair.
The two forms of temple - the platform variety and that built at ground level - persisted
throughout the early dynasties of Sumerian history (c. 2900-c. 2400 BC). It is known that
two of the platform temples originally stood within walled enclosures, oval in shape and
containing, in addition to the temple, accommodation for priests. But the raised shrines
themselves are lost, and their appearance can be judged only from facade ornaments
discovered at Tall al-'Ubayd. These devices, which were intended to relieve the monotony
of sun-dried brick or mud plaster, include a huge copper-sheathed lintel, with animal
figures modeled partly in the round; wooden columns sheathed in a patterned mosaic of
coloured stone or shell; and bands of copper-sheathed bulls and lions, modeled in relief
but with projecting heads. The planning of ground-level temples continued to elaborate
on a single theme: a rectangular sanctuary, entered on the cross axis, with altar, offering
table, and pedestals for votive statuary (statues used for vicarious worship or
intercession).

Ziggourats
Les ziggourats sont nées de la reconstruction des temples. Chaque fois que les murs en
briques s'effondraient en raison de leur vétusté ou d'un accident, leurs ruines servaient de
fondations à un nouveau temple. Ce procédé s'étant répété pendant des siècles, la
superposition d'un bâtiment sur les ruines des autres en vint à ressembler à une succession
de marches géan- tes. Finalement, les architectes sumériens adoptèrent ces structures à
étages, s'appliquant à édifier ainsi des temples de plus en plus imposants qui dominaient
de leur hauteur la plaine environnante.
As with other temples built of unbaked mudbrick, when the Inanna Temple began to age,
it was demolished and a new, larger, more elaborate building was constructed upon its
ruins.
L'intérieur de ces grandes ziggourats n'était pas moins magnifique. Les artistes sumériens
y représentaient leurs concitoyens dans des fresques peintes et de délicates sculptures.
Dans ces scènes la plupart des hommes portaient de longues barbes frisées et de longues
chevelures séparées au milieu par une raie ; le torse nu, ils étaient vêtus d'une sorte de
jupe serrée à la taille. Les femmes portaient leur chevelure nattée et enroulée autour de la
tête ; elles étaient vêtues d'amples tuniques qui s'agrafaient sur l'épaule et qui laissaient
voir le bras droit. .
The temple was built on top of the ruins of the previous temple until in Uruk the temple
of Anu, the god of heaven, rose fifty feet above the plain. Eventually these temples
became man-made mountains, like the ziqqurats of Ur, Uruk, Eridu, and Nippur.

Ziggaraut in the center of the city of Ur

to honor the Moon God Nanna

The Sumerian temple was a small brick house that the god was supposed to visit
periodically. It was ornamented so as to recall the reed houses built by the earliest
Sumerians in the valley. This house, however, was set on a brick platform, which became
larger and taller as time progressed until the platform at Ur (built around 2100 BC) was
150 by 200 feet (45 by 60 meters) and 75 feet (23 meters) high. These Mesopotamian
 temple platforms are called ziggurats, a word derived from the Assyrian ziqquratu,
meaning "high." They were symbols in themselves; the ziggurat at Ur was planted with
trees to make it represent a mountain. There the god visited Earth, and the priests climbed
to its top to worship.
Most cities were simple in structure, the ziggurat was one of the world's first great
architectural structures.

Pratiques religieuses
Pratiques religieuses privées
When it came to more private matters, a Sumerian remained devout. Although the gods
preferred justice and mercy, they had also created evil and misfortune. A Sumerian had
little that he could do about it. Judging from Lamentation records, the best one could do
in times of duress would be to "plead, lament and wail, tearfully confessing his sins and
failings." Their family god or city god might intervene on their behalf, but that would not
necessarily happen. After all, man was created as a broken, labor saving, tool for the use
of the gods and at the end of everyone's life, lay the underworld, a generally dreary place.
(Wolkstein & Kramer 1983: pp.123-124)
Such festivals as the New Year's festival -- and there were others -- fulfilled a multitude
of purposes. It symbolized the divine sanction given the status quo; it increased the
wealth of the temple; it gave the citizens a chance to blow off steam.
But these and other showy examples of civic religion were only a small part of the
religious life of the individual. Ordinary people obviously related in some way to the
official rites, they no doubt made sacrifices and offerings at the major temples at various
times and in various circumstances.
Much happened in the smaller chapels and the homes of the people that was as important
for them as the big stuff. People in Mesopotamia had their own individual and household
gods to which they were devoted.  Each house had its own idols, which were passed
down from generation to generation, and spiritual guardians, for instance statues in the
form of dogs, inscribed with names like "Don't stop to think, bite," and "Loud of bark,"
and buried under the threshold. There was a lot of this magical thinking in ancient
Mesopotamia.
As in most of antiquity, this daily level of religion was something of a free market, as
long as the privileged position of the major gods was not threatened. It was more like
early 20th century U.S.A. or Canada, where the predominance of Christianity was upheld,
but one was reasonably free to follow spiritualism or theosophy, than like the Middle
Ages or the Early Modern Period, where a strict monopoly was exercised by one church
or another. In the ancient Middle East, people did what seemed appropriate without much
obvious interference.
The Mesopotamians were not devoid of ethics.  There is also a Mesopotamian wisdom
literature which sought to instill ideas of right and prudent conduct. There was not,
however, one single official body of sacred law: no Ten Commandments, no Levitical
legislation, no canon law.
Families also had their own special gods or goddesses, and people prayed by clasping
their hands in front of their chests.
Pratiques funéraires privées
La durée de vie à Sumer ne devait pas dépasser quarante ans en moyenne. Certains
faisaient aménager leur sépulture de leur vivant. Dans beaucoup de maisons, un petit
caveau de briques construit en sous-sol attendait de recevoir les membres de la famil le. Il
n'était pas rare que dix personnes ou plus fussent enterrées dans ce petit mausolée.
D'autres Sumériens étaient inhumés dans des cimetières proches des villes. Quel que fût
le lieu où le corps était déposé, le rituel demeurait le même : le mort était enveloppé dans
une natte de roseaux ou, beaucoup plus rarement, placé dans un cercueil de bois ou
d'argile. On l'étendait sur le côté et l'on plaçait un bol d'eau entre les mains près de ses
lèvres. Quelques objets personnels auxquels il était attaché de son vivant - ses armes, ses
outils ou ses bijoux - l'accompagnaient aussi parfois dans la tombe et, presque toujours, la
famille y ajoutait des récipients contenant de la nourriture et de la boisson pour que le
défunt puisse s'alimenter pendant son séjour dans l'autre monde et pour éviter qu'un esprit
affamé ou assoiffé ne vienne hanter les rues et les chemins.
Les tombes royales
La quantité et la qualité des objets déposés dans les tombes dépendaient de la richesse et
de la notoriété du défunt. Les tombes royales de la vil le d'Ur étaient de vastes fosses
contenant des chambres funéraires en briques et en pierres et construites, pour la première
fois peut-être dans l'histoire de l'architecture, selon des formes aussi savantes que celles
de l'arche, de la voûte et de la coupole. La chambre funéraire contenait le corps du roi et
certains de ses objets personnels : bijoux en céramique, figurines en tapis-lazu Ii, vases
d'or et d'argent et d'autres objets en métal d'un art consommé comme, par exemple, des
poignards magnifiquement ciselés.
Les cryptes royales ne contenaient pas seulement de délicates oeuvres d'art mais aussi,
dans certains cas, d'autres personnes humaines. Pendant une brève période de l'histoire
sumérienne, la coutume voulut en effet que des membres de la maison royale - soldats,
musiciens, dames de compagnie, domestiques, par exemple - fussent enterrés vivants
dans une fosse située à côté de la chambre mortuaire du monarque. Dans l'une d'elles, on
a même retrouvé les corps de soixante-quatorze personnes qui, probablement sous l'effet
d'une drogue, avaient accepté d'y être ensevelies. Elles étaient peut-être censées servir le
défunt dans l'au-delà comme elles l'avaient fait ici-bas.
The great Royal Cemetary of Ur seems to be striking evidence for sacred kingship. It
contains sixteen royal tombs dating from before the first recorded dynasty of Ur, before
2550. Kings and queens were buried here in magnificent style, and more to the point,
with an entire retinue of soldiers and court ladies, who marched into the tomb and took
poison or were otherwise quietly killed and were interred with their masters and
mistresses.  This is all reminiscent of Egyptian beliefs about monarchy and the afterlife.
But this custom too is isolated, and may never have been observed outside of Ur, and
only there for a short period.
Of the thousands of graves excavated by Sir Leonard Woolley at Ur in the 1920s, sixteen
were particularly rich. Woolley called them ÔRoyalÕ because he believed they were the
graves of UrÕs queens and kings. The most remarkable aspect of these burials is the large
number of human bodies found in the pits. These are interpreted as sacrificial victims,
accompanying their leader in death, and it would appear that they died relatively
peacefully. The excavations found cups close to some of the bodies: where these perhaps
poison chalices? The victims are identified as soldiers, harpists and serving ladies on their
rich clothes and ornaments - made from gold, lapis lazuli, carnelian and shell.
Queen Shub-Ad reigned from the First Dynasty of Ur. Her grave was excavated by Sir
Leonard Woolley of the British Museum in 1929. She was buried with her King in a vast
tomb complex about 2900 BCE, with the accompaniment of what Woolley called "human
sacrifice on a lavish scale," for along with the King and Queen, numerous male and
female attendants, soldiers, grooms, hand maidens, ladies in waiting, etc. were also
buried; even a harpist and her golden harp, inlayed with lapis. Chariots, carts, and their
animals were also buried with them. The Queen wore the beautiful head-dress of spirals
of gold, terminating in lapis-centered gold flowers (or stars). The Queen also wore large
golden earings of lunate shape which hung to her shoulders; lapis amulets of a bull and a
calf, and strands of lapis, agate, carnelian and gold beads. he Queen's grave was much
more elaborate than that of the King, perhaps indicating her equal or even greater
importance.

Rôle des prêtres

The temple was staffed by priests, priestesses, musicians, singers, castrates and
hierodules. Various public rituals, food sacrifices, and libations took place there on a
daily basis. There were monthly feasts and annual, New Year celebrations. During the
later, the king would be married to Inanna as the resurrected fertility god Dumuzi, whose
exploits are dealt with below.
Venaient ensuite les prêtres ou prêtresses qui avaient pour tâche d'organiser les offrandes
cérémonielles de nourritures et de boissons à la principale divinité du temple et de chanter
ses louanges, accompagnés parfois d'une musique instrumentale.
Goods and services were devoted to satisfying the gods' human-like needs. On a daily
basis they were fed -- real food in large amounts was trucked in and offered to the statues.
A very late text, dating from around 300 B.C., when Macedonian monarchs still honored
the gods of Uruk, shows that those gods ate 500 kg of bread, 40 sheep, 2 bulls, 1 bullock,
8 lambs, 70 birds and ducks, 4 wild boars, 3 ostrich egss, 54 containers of beer and wine,
and dates, figs and raisins every day (Oates). Food was actually set before the god, who
was set apart by a curtain during the meal. When he or she was done, the uneaten food
was sent to the king's table; other excess food went to the temple staff. These kinds of
offerings certainly kept the priests from being out of pocket. The whole process had its
mythological justification: the whole purpose of humanity was to feed the gods in a ritual
manner devised by the immortals themselves
The gods also had their festivals, which included processions and public rituals, including
the parading of the gods through the streets. We have the record of the major spring and
New Years' festival of Babylon in about 600 B.C. Though the Sumerian language and
people had long been forgotten,the religious style they founded survived. The 6th century
festival was eleven days long, and included many elements. There was a public recitation
of the Epic of Creation, which may have been acted out like a medieval mystrery play;
there was the arrival of the god Nabu from the nearby town of Borsippu, to honor
Marduk, Babylon's civic god. There was a ritual humiliation of the king, who had his
regalia removed by the high priest, and then was slapped and pinched and made to crouch
down before Marduk and assure the god that he, the king, had not neglected the god or
temple or committed any sins during the preceding year. The king was then restored to
his state, and later the same day participated in the sacrifice of a white bull. Towards the
end of the festival, the king led Marduk out to another temple in a great ceremony. There
was also a Sacred Marriage, in which Marduk was provided with a wife, a real human
woman who spent the night alone in a chamber at the top of the ziggurat. At least, that is
how Herodotus, a much later Greek historian, says it worked {Oates, 175-176;
Herodotus, 1.181, p. 114}.   (Sacred sex between humans representing the gods and
godesses was a common part of Mesopotamian and Middle Eastern religion from the
 earliest times.  Many temples supported sacred prostitutes, whom male worshippers
consorted with, to encourage fertility.)
Such festivals as the New Year's festival -- and there were others -- fulfilled a multitude
of purposes. It symbolized the divine sanction given the status quo; it increased the
wealth of the temple; it gave the citizens a chance to blow off steam.
But these and other showy examples of civic religion were only a small part of the
religious life of the individual. Ordinary people obviously related in some way to the
official rites, they no doubt made sacrifices and offerings at the major temples at various
times and in various circumstances.

Influence politique du clergé

Each city housed a temple that was the seat of a major god in the Sumerian pantheon, as
the gods controlled the powerful forces which often dictated a human's fate. The city
leaders had a duty to please the town's patron deity, not only for the good will of that god
or goddess, but also for the good will of the other deities in the council of gods. The
priesthood initially held this role, and even after secular kings ascended to power, the
clergy still held great authority through the interpretation of omens and dreams. Many of
the secular kings claimed divine right; Sargon of Agade, for example claimed to have
been chosen by Ishtar/Inanna. (Crawford 1991: 21-24)
Political and social order depended on the approval of the gods, on divine sanction. The
most visible parts of Mesopotamian religion was devoted to shoring up that order. The
god who patronized the city, gods and goddesses who had major temples, were the
recipients of royal treatment -- it seems in fact that the chief statues of the gods, which
were considered to hold the spirit of the divinities they depicted, were treated very much
like the human kings.

Parallèles bibliques
Traces of Sumerian religion survive today and are reflected in writings of the Bible. As
late as Ezekiel, there is mention of a Sumerian deity. In Ezekiel 8:14, the prophet sees
women of Israel weeping for Tammuz (Dumuzi) during a drought.
The bulk of Sumerian parallels can, however be found much earlier, in the book of
Genesis. As in Genesis, the Sumerians' world is formed out of the watery abyss and the
heavens and earth are divinely separated from one another by a solid dome. The second
chapter of Genesis introduces the paradise Eden, a place which is similar to the Sumerian
Dilmun, described in the myth of "Enki and Ninhursag". Dilmun is a pure, bright, and
holy land - now often identified with Bahrain in the Persian Gulf. It is blessed by Enki to
have overflowing, sweet water. Enki fills it with lagoons and palm trees. He impregnates
Ninhursag and causes eight new plants to grow from the earth. Eden, "in the East" (Gen.
2:8) has a river which also "rises" or overflows, to form four rivers including the Tigris
and Euphrates. It too is lush and has fruit bearing trees. (Gen. 2:9-10) In the second
version of the creation of man "The Lord God formed man out of the clay of the ground
and blew into his nostrils the breath of life, and so man became a living being." Enki and
Ninmah (Ninhursag) use a similar method in creating man. Nammu, queen of the abyss
and Enki's mother, bids Enki to "Kneed the 'heart' of the clay that is over the Abzu " and
"give it form" From there the similarities cease as the two create several malformed
humans and then the two deities get into an argument.
Returning to Enki and Ninhursag, we find a possible parallel to the creation of Eve. Enki
consumed the plants that were Ninhursag's children and so was cursed by Ninhursag,
receiving one wound for each plant consumed. Enlil and a fox act on Enki's behalf to call
back Ninhursag in order to undo the damage. She joins with him again and bears eight
 new children, each of whom are the cure to one of his wounds. The one who cures his rib
is named Ninti, whose name means the Queen of months, the lady of the rib, or she who
makes live. This association carries over to Eve. In Genesis, Eve is fashioned from
Adam's rib and her name hawwa is related to the Hebrew word hay or living. The
prologue of "Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Underworld" may contain the predecessor to the
tree of knowledge of good and evil. This tree not only contains a crafty serpent, but also
Lilith, the legendary first wife of Adam. The huluppu tree is transplanted by Inanna from
the banks of the Euphrates to her garden in Uruk, where she finds that:
...a serpent who could not be charmed
made its nest in the roots of the tree,
The Anzu bird set his young in the branches of the tree,
And the dark maid Lilith built her home in the trunk.
It should be noted that Kramer's interpretation that this creature is Lilith has come into
quiestion of late.
The quarrels between herder god and farmer deity pairs such as Lahar and Ashnan or
Enten and Emesh are similar in some respects to the quarrels of Cain and Abel. In the
Sumerian versions death appears to be avoided, although we do not have the complete
Lahar and Ashnan story.
The ten patriarchs in Genesis born prior to the flood lived very long lives, most in excess
of 900 years. The seventh patriarch, Enoch, lived only 365 years before he "walked with
God". (Genesis 5). The account which numbers those Patriarchs as ten is attributed to the
Priestly source. The Yahwist source (J), details only seven Patriarchs prior to Noah, so
that with him included, there are eight antediluvian patriarchs. (Genesis 4: 17-18) The
eight antediluvian kings of in the Sumerian King List also lived for hundreds of years.
(Kramer 1963 p. 328) S. H. Hooke notes another version of the Sumerian King list, found
in Larsa details ten antediluvian kings. (Hooke, p. 130) The clearest Biblical parallel
comes from the story of the Flood. In the Sumerian version, the pious Ziusudra is
informed of the gods decision to destroy mankind by listening to a wall. He too weathers
the deluge aboard a huge boat. Noah's flood lasts a long time, but Ziusudra comes to rest
within seven days and not the near year of the Bible. He does not receive a covenant, but
is given eternal life. (Kramer 1963 pp. 163-164; Kramer 1961 pp. 97-98)

Nippur, the sacred city

History
The importance of the Mesopotamian holy city, Nippur (Fig. 1), is reflected even today in
the great size of the mound, Nuffar (Fig. 2), located between Baghdad and Basra in
southern Iraq. Nippur was one of the longest-lived sites, beginning in the prehistoric
Ubaid period (c. 5000 B. C. ) and lasting until about A. D. 800, in the Islamic era.
From earliest recorded times, Nippur was a sacred city, not a political capital. It was this
holy character which allowed Nippur to survive numerous wars and the fall of dynasties
that brought destruction to other cities. Although not a capital, the city had an important
role to play in politics. Kings, on ascending the throne in cities such as Kish, Ur, and Isin,
sought recognition at Ekur, the temple of Enlil, the chief god of the Mesopotamian
pantheon (Fig. 3). In exchange for such legitimization the kings lavished gifts of land,
precious metals and stones, and other commodities on the temples and on the city as a
whole. At the end of successful wars, rulers would present booty, including captives, to
Enlil and the other gods at Nippur. Most important, kings carried out for the city
elaborate construction and restoration of temples, public administrative buildings,
fortification walls, and canals. Even after 1800 B. C., when the Babylonians made
Marduk the most important god in southern Mesopotamia, Enlil was still revered, kings
continued to seek legitimization at Nippur, and the city remained the recipient of pious
donations. The city underwent periodic declines in importance [Gibson 1992) but rose
again because its function as a holy center was still needed. The greatest growth of the
city (Fig. 2), which occurred under the Ur III kings (c. 2100 B.C), was almost matched in
the time of the Kassites (c. 1250 B.C.) and in the period when the Assyrians, from
northern Iraq, dominated Babylonia (c. 750-612 B.C.).
The strength of Mesopotamian religious tradition, which gave Nippur its longevity, can
be illustrated best by evidence from the excavation of the temple of Inanna, goddess of
love and war. Beginning at least as early as the Jemdet Nasr Period (c. 3200 B.C.), the
temple continued to flourish as late as the Parthian Period (c. A.D. 100), long after
Babylonia had ceased to exist as an independent state and had been incorporated into
larger cultures with different religious systems (Persian, Seleucid, and Parthian empires).
The choice of Nippur as the seat of one of the few early Christian bishops, lasting until
the city's final abandonment around A.D. 800, was probably an echo of its place at the
center of Mesopotamian religion. In the Sasanian Period, 4th to 7th Centuries, A.D., most
of the major features of Mesopotamian cultural tradition ceased, but certain aspects of
Mesopotamian architectural techniques, craft manufacture, iconography, astrology,
traditional medicine, and even some oral tradition survived, and can be traced even today
not just in modern Iraq but in a much wider area.
We realized that there had been a crisis in the history of the city that had resulted in a
total, or almost total, abandonment. The cessation of dated texts at around 1720 B.C.,
noticed by earlier excavators but not discussed [McCown and Haines 1967: 74-76], had
to be correlated with the archaeological evidence. I knew that there was a similar halt in
dated texts at other sites in Babylonia (e. g., Ur, Larsa, Isin) during the reign of
Samsuiluna, and I knew that only those cities lying along or close to the river's western
branches, such as Babylon, Kish, Sippar, Borsippa, and Dilbat, continued to produce
dated texts. I began to suggest in lectures, as early as 1973-74, that there may have been a
general catastrophe in Babylonia at that time, due to a major environmental crisis,
probably the shifting of water away from the main branch of the Euphrates that had
passed through Nippur. Elizabeth Stone, in an important restudy of Tablet Hill [Stone
1977; 1987], summarized the available evidence for the crisis and abandonrnent at
Nippur. Hermann Gasche [1989: 109-43] subsequently laid out the evidence, in very
graphic form, for a general collapse of central and southern Babylonia during the period.
The catastrophic abandonment of the heart of Babylonia, with a subsequent formation of
dunes, was not to be reversed until about 1300 B.C., when irrigation water was brought
back to the center of the country by the Kassite dynasty. As the Kassites began to revive
Nippur and the other cities, they must have done a kind of archaeology to allow them to
identify individual buildings. Only such a procedure can explain how, after hundreds of
years of abandonment, the Kassites could have placed their versions of the Inanna
Temple, the North Temple, the temple in WA, and other buildings, over their Old
Babylonian predecessors. The reconstruction by the Kassites of this holiest of cities on so
grand a scale and with such care for detail is consistent with that dynasty's deliberate
efforts to revive other aspects of ancient Mesopotamian culture, such as a resurrection of
the long-dead Sumerian language and literature.

Position géographique
The origins of Nippur's sacred character cannot be determined absolutely, but some
suggestions can be made. The city's special role was derived, I would suggest, from its
geographic position on an ethnic and linguistic frontier. To the south lay Sumer, to the
north lay Akkad; the city was open to the people from both areas and probably functioned
as an arbiter in disputes between these potential enemies. The existence of the frontier can
be demonstrated from texts as early as the Early Dynastic III period (c. 2600 B.C.), when
Sumer was the dominant cultural entity. In tablets from Shuruppak, a city 45 kilometers
southeast of Nippur, more than 95% of the scribes had Sumerian names, while the rest
had Akkadian names. In contrast, at Abu Salabikh, 12 kilometers to the northwest of
Nippur, literary and other scholarly texts were written in equal numbers by Sumerian and
Akkadian scribes.
Economie
As is the case with the world's other holy cities, such as Jerusalem, Mecca, and Rome,
Nippur was a vibrant economic center. Besides the economic benefits derived from gifts
and on-going maintenance presented by kings and rich individuals, there was probably a
continuing income from pilgrims. Nippur was the center of an agricultural district, with
much of the land in the possession of temples. The temples produced manufactured
goods, predominantly textiles and finished items, some of which were meant for export.
But the temples were only part of the economic picture [Maekawa 1987]. Even though it
was more dominated by religion than other towns, Nippur, like them, had a mixed
economy, with governmental, religious, and private spheres (see, e.g. Westenholz
[1987]). Steadily accumulating evidence indicates that the public spheres were closely
integrated, with final control in the hands of government officials.
The workforce for much of the large-scale manufacture was probably connected with the
major institutions, especially the temples. As in most countries until modern times, the
temples in Mesopotamia had an important function as social welfare agencies, including
the taking in of widows and orphans who had no families or lineages to care for them
[Gelb 1972]; temples also were the recipients of war prisoners, especially those from
foreign lands, who worked in agricultural settlements belonging to temples or in other
temple service [Gelb 1973]. Such dependent people probably worked for generations in
the service of one temple as workers and soldiers (gurus/erin), rather than as slaves (sag)
Organisation sociale
All institutions, whether the governor's palace, a government-sponsored industry, or a
temple, were not just buildings and not just abstract bureaucratic hierarchies or economic
establishments, but were social organizations within a broader social network. As
happens in most societies, large institutions in ancient Mesopotamia tended to be
dominated by families, lineages, and even larger kinship groups and I would argue that it
is this web of kinship that furnishes the long-term, underlying continuity for civilizations,
making it possible to reassemble the pieces even after disastrous collapses. For
Mesopotamia, the role and power of such kinship organizations is best observed
ironically in the Ur III Period, the most centralized, bureaucratized period in
Mesopotamian history. The abundance of records of administrative minutiae allows the
reconstruction not just of the administrative framework, but of the social network
underlying and imbedded within it. The best reconstruction of such a kin-based
organization within an institution is Zettler's [1992] work on the Inanna temple. One
branch of the Ur-me-me family acted as the administrators of the temple, while another
dominated the governorship of Nippur and the administration of the temple of Enlil.
It is important to note that the Ur-me-me family remained as adminstrators of the Inanna
temple from some time within the Akkadian period to at least as late as the early years of
the Isin dynasty. Thus, while dynasty replaced dynasty and the kingship of Sumer and
Akkad shifted from city to city (Akkad to Ur to Isin) the family remained in charge of the
Inanna temple.
From the listing of members of two and three generations as minor figures on the temple
rolls, it is clear that it was not just the Ur-me-me family that found long-term employment
within the temple's economic and social skucture. Through the continued association of
families with the institution, not only were generations of people guaranteed a livelihood,
but the institution was guaranteed a cadre which would pass on the routines that made the
institution function. The temple could add key personnel not only through a kind of birth-
right (family or lineage inclusion), but also through recruitment; important individuals
within the institution's adrninistration would have acted as patrons not just for nephews,
nieces, and more distant relatives but also for unrelated persons. By incorporating clients
of its important men and women, an institution could forge linkages with the general
population in the city as well as in the supporting countryside and in other cities; these
recruits, in taking up posts within a temple, a municipal establishment, the royal
bureaucracy, or in a large family business, would ensure that the patron had loyal
adherents.
Organisation politique
We know from cuneiform texts found at Nippur and elsewhere that the temples, rather
than controlling the cities through a "Temple Economy," as was proposed earlier in this
century, were under supervision by a king or a royally appointed governor, even in the
Early Dynastic III period (c. 2600 B.C.) [Foster 1981; Maekawa 1987]. In the Akkadian
period (c. 2300 B.C.), the temples of Inanna and Ninurta seem to have been under very
close control of the governor, but the ziggurat complex, dedicated to Enlil, appears to
have been more autonomous, reporting directly to the king in Agade [Westenholz 1987:
29]. During the Ur III period (c. 2100 B.C.) at Nippur, the administrator of the Inanna
temple had to report to his cousin, the governor, on the financial affairs of the temple, and
even had to go to the governor's storehouse to obtain the ritual equipment for specific
feasts of the goddess.
Architecture
As with other temples built of unbaked mudbrick, when the Inanna Temple began to age,
it was demolished and a new, larger, more elaborate building was constructed upon its
ruins.
Economie
Agriculture
Généralités
L'agriculture prit un rapide essor et les paysans inventèrent très vite des techniques
d'irrigation afin de n'être plus tributaires des pluies pour cultiver leurs champs. Les
cultures irriguées ont assuré la subsistance d'importants groupes humains bien avant
l'apparition des premières citées sumériennes dans la plaine de Mésopotamie.
Le long des rives des fleuves, le sol était l'un des plus fertiles du monde, profond et riche
en minéraux dévalant des montagnes où le Tigre et l'Euphrate prenaient leur source.
Dans ces dépôts alluviaux, heureusement exempts des pierres et des souches d'arbres qui
ailleurs faisaient le malheur des paysans, l'orge, le blé et les légumes poussaient
facilement. De plus, le sol s'enrichissait souvent d'une nouvelle couche de limon que les
crues de printemps laissaient derrière elles et qui pourrait être exploitée d'année en année,
de génération en génération, à condition que les jeunes pousses survivent aux étés torrides
et secs de la Mésopotamie.
Since Kurdish mountains are the natural habitats of wild barley, wheat and many other
cereals, and the evidence points at their earliest domestication there and not to Sumerian
marsh lands and deserts where domesticated cereals were introduced much later from the
highland, it is only logical to believe that the fermented product of barley, that is beer, to
have been also introduced there from the highlands.
Before 3000 B.C., the people of the area, encouraged by a drying trend that it less easy
than ever to take water for granted, had invented the most productive agriculture that the
world had yet seen.
Its chief features:
●  the systematic use of irrigation
●  the cultivation of barley as a staple crop
●  the domestication of the date palm
●  the use of the plow
●  the city-state as an organizing principle of economic and political life.
The alluvial plains in Mesopotamia are perfectly suitable for high food production. The
economy was based on agriculture, predominantly the cultivation of barley. Barley was
used as means of payment for wages in kind and dayly rations. Barley was also the basis
for the natural beverage: beer. Other products are oil (sesame seeds, linseed), flax, wheat
and horticultural products. Heards of sheep and goats graze the meadows outside the
season. Cattle pasture when sufficient water is available. Wool production was large and
converted to an assortment of textile fabrics. The extreme south of Mesopotamia has
always had a different economy (dates and fishing).
Précédents
La cité biblique de Jéricho, qui était un centre du commerce du sel, se présentait comme
une ville florissante au cours du septième millénaire avant J.-C. dans le désert proche de
l'extrémité nord de la Mer Morte.
De même, à près de 800 km au nord, en Asie Mineure, les cultures irriguées ont assuré la
subsistance de Çatal Hüyük, qui s'était formé 6500 ans environ avant notre ère, près d'un
champ d'obsidienne, cette roche dont l'aspect rappelle celui du verre et qui était très prisée
pour la fabrication de miroirs, de bijoux et de couteaux. Bien que Jéricho et Çatal Hüyük
aient fini par compter plusieurs milliers d'habitants, l'avenir demeurait incertain pour cette
population qui ne vivait que du rapport d'un seul produit et ne possédait pas les ressources
agricoles nécessaires à un véritable développement.
Irrigation
Les premiers colons ne tardèrent pas à découvrir que les pluies d'hiver faisaient du désert
environnant une terre luxuriante, qui serait de nouveau brûlée par le soleil d'été.
Les premiers efforts accomplis par les Sumériens pour irriguer leurs champs furent
modestes, se réduisant au transport de l'eau dans des récipients, depuis les fleuves
jusqu'aux parcelles cultivées. Plus tard, ils creusèrent d'étroites tranchées dans les digues
naturelles qui s'étaient formées au cours des siècles le long des rives, captant ainsi une
partie du courant. Ils élevèrent également de petits barrages de terre grâce auxquels les
eaux furent captées dans des bassins avant de se déverser dans des canaux d'irrigation peu
profonds au moyen du shaduf, seau monté sur une longue perche munie d'un contrepoids.
Bientôt, ces conduits se multiplièrent dans les champs proches des fleuves ; puis vint le
jour où des équipes se mirent à creuser de longs canaux pour acheminer l'eau jusqu'à des
champs situés à plusieurs kilomètres des rives.
If ancient Iraqis were to leave the marshes and become a more agricultural people,
something had to be done about the water supply. The answer was right at hand:
irrigation from the great rivers. The rivers themselves gave agriculturalists a head start.
Both Tigris and Euphrates are prone to flooding. They carry down clay to the plains of
the south, building up banks until the rivers are often higher than the surrounding
countryside. When the inevitable but unpredictable flood takes place, they can change
course.  Like the lower Mississippi, the Euphrates is flanked by lagoons, marshes, and old
abandoned or semi-abandoned river courses.
Early experiments in irrigation took place along the rivers and their side channels, and
early canals were simply improvements of what nature had provided. 
The irrigation system is attested already in very ancient times, the earliest around 6000
BCE. Through a system of dikes, dams and canals the precipitation in the mountainous
region in the north is used in the south. This required a high level of organization of the
society and collective efforts for the construction, maintenance, supervision and
adjustments of the irrigation network. Over-irrigation and limited drainage gradually
brackished the fields, often causing ecological crisis. Together with the change of river
flow, it stimulates throughout the Mesopotamian history the foundation of new
settlements and cities. Our knowledge about the history of irrigation networks is limited
by the difficulty of dating most of the water works.
The irrigation system is attested already in very ancient times, the earliest around 6000
BCE. Through a system of dikes, dams and canals the precipitation in the mountainous
region in the north is used in the south. This required a high level of organization of the
society and collective efforts for the construction, maintenance, supervision and
adjustments of the irrigation network. Over-irrigation and limited drainage gradually
brackished the fields, often causing ecological crisis. Together with the change of river
flow, it stimulates throughout the Mesopotamian history the foundation of new
settlements and cities. Our knowledge about the history of irrigation networks is limited
by the difficulty of dating most of the water works.
L'araire
Constatant que leurs champs n'étaient plus faits de la boue molle des digues, mais d'une
terre plus dure, les Sumériens inventèrent cet outil rudimentaire mais d'une importance
capitale : l'araire. Auparavant, ils avaient ensemencé en creusant des trous dans le sol à
l'aide de bâtons pointus ou de cornes d'animaux. L'araire primitif des Sumériens consistait
en une branche recourbée en forme d'arc qu'un homme tirait et qu'un autre poussait en
même temps, la forçant à pénétrer dans le sol et à y creuser un sillon. Puis, au cours du
quatrième millénaire, les paysans imaginèrent un araire en cuivre qu'ils attelèrent à un
boeuf, réunissant ainsi en une seule activité ce qui avait été jusqu'alors deux occupations
séparées: la culture et l'élevage. Vers l'an 3000 avant notre ère, ils utilisèrent un
 instrument plus résistant fait de bronze, c'est-à-dire d'un alliage de cuivre et d'étain, qui
leur permit de cultiver de plus grandes surfaces.
Propriété des terres
When we first have detailed information about the social and economic set-up of
Mesopotamian cities, towards the middle of the third millenium (3rd millenium = 3000-
2000 B.C.), there are already vast differences in wealth apparent. The agricultural land
was divided roughly into thirds. The various temples of the cities, which were among
their earliest institutions, had through donations acquired about one third. In the state of
Lagash, the temples owned 673 square miles, land that was in theory sacrosanct and
inalienable.  The revenues from leased and directly managed lands allowed temples to run
many other economic enterprises.  The temples employed artisans and industrial workers
as well as gardeners and servants.
The kings of the third millenium, once established, had similar wealth and economic
influence. He often owned another third of the land, which was worked in a similar way,
and used his produce to support his dependents, who included soldiers. In Shuruppak
around 2600, the ruler maintained six or seven hundred soldiers with equipment, on top
of the artisans on his estates and within his palace.
The last third of the land was held by private citizens. Some of it belonged to proprietors
or perhaps family groups who cultivated their own property themselves or with the help
of a few dependents or employees. Many estates were owned by the rich, members of the
ruling family, palace administrators, and priests. They, too, had their coteries of
dependents and clients.
Thus though the economy of Sumer and Akkad was "free" in one sense of the word, so
that houses, fields, fishponds, livestock and slaves could all be bought and sold, in
another sense it was quite rigid, because small numbers of rich people had a terrific
amount of economic clout. The growth of monopoly ownership helps explain the
Mesopotamian proclivity for bureaucracy, and the development of writing. Most
cunieform tablets we have are concerned with economic matters.
The economic situation I have just sketched explains why the walled cities of Sumer and
Akkad were dominated by large buildings dedicated to divine or royal service. The
domination can be easily illustrated. (Maps and illustrations will be shown in class.)
In Sumer you couldn't own your own land. The land was rented from the temple which
controlled the land on behalf of the gods .All profits were consdtered to belong to the
gods.

Artisans
Métallurgie
The metal worker had a knowledge of metallurgy and technical skill which few ancient
people ever rivaled.
The first half of the 4th millennium (4000-3500 BCE) is sometimes called the
Chalcolithic (Copper-Stone age). Metals and metal ore are already collected and used in
the Neolithic period, predominantly as a curiosity. Metal ore is simply attractive and has
aesthetic properties: they are rare and beautiful. Like other precious stones, metal ore has
been found in the Neolithic far outside the sites where they naturally occur, also as burial
gifts. They were desirable objects, who give the owner a higher status or who emphasize
the current status of the owner. Particularly aesthetic are silver and gold.

Some ore contains unadulterated metals. The pure, native metal is in the form of little
pieces or runs in veins through the stone. They are sometimes found on the earth surface
and may be isolated by hammering.
Mining industry is known from the end of the Paleolithic and is a well developed industry
in Neolithic times. Digging for minerals is a side activity in the flint stone industry.

Copper is soft and can be rolled and flattened. It is easier to shape than stone. Hammering
can make copper harder than mild steel, but pushed to far it becomes brittle and it will
eventually crack. If heated the original properties are restored and hammering may be
continued.

Simple copper artifacts (pins) have been found in a Neolithic village in Turkey and dated
shortly before 7000 BCE. The object is shaped by hammering. It is the earliest siting of
this metal. There is yet no question of metallurgy: the treatment of metals by melting,
smelting, casting or alloying. The earliest findings of molted copper dates back to the
beginning of the 4th millennium and become more numerous to the end of the 4th
millennium.
The melting point of pure copper is 1083 degree C, but to remove stone and slag a
temperature of 1200 is needed. Chemically bound copper is also found in ores. It is green
or black and doesn't look like a metal. To make copper it should me heated to a
temperature of 700-800 C mixed with wood or charcoal. The chemical process is called
reduction and the production method smelting. The temperature in wood fire does not
exceed 600-700 C. In special campfires the maximum attainable temperature is 800 C.
Copper melting cannot have been discovered by accident in a campfire (`campfire
hypothesis'). Larger temperatures require kilns and still larger temperatures (in the Iron
age) can be made with a forced air stream (bellows). How was copper melting
discovered? Many hypothesis exist. It is possible that the discovery of changing
properties of copper with heating, higher and higher temperatures are tried. An other
plausible theory starts with lead as the first metal to be melted and with silver as next
intermediate step.

Lead: Lead has a melting point of only 327 degree Celsius. Lead ore (called galena)
glitters metal like, but has to be roasted with wood or charcoal (reduced to lead) to get the
metal. Native lead is not found in nature. All findings of pure lead thus indicate the
process of melting. Lead beads have been found in Catal Hüyük in Turkey and dated to
6500 BCE. Other findings of lead in the 6th millennium are in Yarim Tepe (Irak). The
findings of lead are thus almost three millennia earlier than that of copper. Ones
confronted with the possibility of melted metals, the next steps are now at least intuitively
better understood.

Silver: The next step must have been silver. Pure silver does occur in nature, but is rare.
Most silver is obtained as byproducts, in particularly from lead ore. Silver comes with the
melting of lead, while other products (like iron) remain in the slag. Silver may be
extracted by oxidizing the lead with a hot air stream (at temperatures of 1100 degree).
The lead compound becomes solid. Silver doesn't oxidize and is fluid. The process can be
recognized by the remaining percentage of lead in silver. It is indeed attested in silver
artifacts dated about 3600 BCE. One could even identify the lead-silver mines from the
ratio of lead-isotopes, that are characteristic for each mine.

Bronze: Physical properties of metals change dramatically when mixed with even small
amounts of other metals. Mixtures (alloys) of copper with other metals are called bronze.
Several types exists, called Arsenic-bronze, tin-bronze etc. The melting point of the alloy
is considerably lower than native copper and even more important: it may be cast from
molds. The invention and spread of tin-bronze took place in historical times. The
Archeological period is called the Bronze Age.
Marchands et commerce
The merchant carried on a far-flung trade facilitated by the development of the wheel and
axle and the sail-driven boat.
Le marchand ambulant, qui appartenait à un autre corps de métier né de la prospérité
agricole, n'était guère moins important que le clergé. Il échangeait l'excédent de grain et
de laine de Sumer contre les matières premières dont cette terre d'abondance était
complètement dépourvue.
Les expéditions commerciales utilisaient tous les modes de transport. Pour descendre les
fleuves avec leurs chargements de bois et de pierres, les négociants venus du nord
attachaient ensemble les grumes pour en faire des radeaux, en amélioraient la flottaison à
l'aide de peaux de bêtes gonflées d'air, puis les chargeaient d'une lourde cargaison de
pierres. D'autres conduisaient des caravanes d'ânes à travers la Syrie jusqu'à la côte
méditerranéenné et, vers l'est, jusque dans les terres des tribus élamites en passant par les
cols de la chaîne de Zagros. Ils naviguaient dans le golfe Persique sur de petits voi1fers
probablement une autre invention sumérienne -, entraient dans la mer Arabique et
poussaient vers le sud jusqu'à Oman. Parfois, certains d'entre eux faisaient route vers l'est
jusqu'à la vallée de l'Indus. Ces marchands intrépides ne rapportaient pas seulement des
matières premières, telles que minerais, pierres et bois d'oeuvre, mais aussi des objets
exotiques comme des peignes en ivoire de la vallée de l'Indus et des perles carnéliennes
de l'Élam. Ils faisaient aussi commerce de marchandises moins tangibles mais non moins
importantes : celui des idées. Ils élargirent l'horizon des Sumériens en leur rapportant des
contes de peuples aux curieuses coutumes, de même qu'ils ouvrirent l'esprit de ces
peuples en laissant derrière eux la marque des coutumes sumériennes.
During Hammurabi's time, traders came to Babylon from as far away as Egypt where the
splendid days of the Middle Kingdom were just ending. From India to the east, traders
brought cotton cloth and elaborate feather work. From the west, the island of Crete
furnished beautiful pottery and unusual beads, while fine wool was imported from
Anatolia. In the Arabian Gulf, the islands of Bahrain were the source of pearls. It is even
thought that Lapis Lazuli was imported from as far away as the borders of western China.
It was beginning to be a truly international world with Babylon as its center.
The requirements of trade needed the refinement of the standards of measurement
introduced by the Sumerians, and gold and silver were increasingly used as standards of
measuring value. Fixed weights and measures also were developed to facilitate commerce
during this period.
I want to end this one by emphasizing that Sumer and Akkad, though perhaps the most
prosperous and advanced urban area in the third millenium, was not isolated in a world
where everyone else was a nomad, a hunter, or a small-time peasant farmer. There were
indeed other cities elsewhere, for instance at Susa in what is now southwestern Iran,
which dates from perhaps 3000 B.C., or Ebla in Syria, which was flourishing by 2500.
Sumer and Akkad traded extensively with these and other towns, indeed may have
sparked foreign urbanism by sending out merchant colonies.
For its very survival, Sumeria had to draw on the resources of other regions. Its soil and
waters were rich in food, and there was all the mud and reeds you would ever need for
building materials. But there was not even timber in Sumeria, and there were no mineral
deposits. The great age of Sumerian urbanism coincided with the introduction of bronze,
but there was no way that Sumer could ever produce its own bronze from native
resources.
Sargon had a conscious policy of directing as much trade as possible through his new
capital. Many ships from India and Arabia docked there. This trade became more
important as Sargon's northern neighbors, upset at his attacks, boycotted him.
The monopoly of trade was a key factor in Sargon's power, but so was loot.
Motivation. The prime motive for trade was profit. The Akkadian terminology for `to
earn' is `to make silver'. It is the most ancient example of a capitalistic structure with
private enterprise in an open society. Earned silver was used for new investments and to
buy the daily necessities of life.
Starting the enterprise: To set up a caravan a merchant in Aur buys his merchandise
with silver. He chooses a carrier (often family) and entrusts the caravan by means of a
contract for transportation. He pays export taxes and gives money for expenses and duties
in transit. The journey lasts for approx. 6 weeks (25 km/day). The merchandise is sealed.
Before departure of the caravan, the merchant writes an extensive letter to his
representative in Kanish (an agent, often family). Goods, prices and intentions are spelled
out. Each spring the caravans depart with a few hundred donkeys. The business of donkey
breeding must have been great those days. The return trip (silver) requires only a few
donkeys.

After 6 weeks the agent in Kanesh accepts the merchandise. He announces by letter
which goods are already sold and adds taxes and expenses. The merchandise sometimes
was resold to the local palace or to other local agents. The local agents, who get credit
against an interest rate of 33%, leave for other parts of the country to sell the goods. The
middleman often runs into financial difficulties. After reaping the profits the return trip
starts with almost exclusively silver and gold. Again import- and export-taxes are raised.

Merchandise: The merchandise concerns mostly imported goods. Aur is a transit center.
Coupons of wool are made in Babylonia. They measure 4x4.5 meter and weigh 2 to 2.5
kg and are sold in Anatolia for a price which is threefold the purchase price. Other items
are tin. Anatolia is a center of metal industry, because wood kilns is abundantly available.
Bronze contains about 10-25% tin. Many hundreds of tons of tin have been exported. The
tin probably originates in Afghanistan. Although Anatolia has copper mines, copper is not
obtained from this part of the country. The high costs of transport make copper out of
Anatolia expensive. One prefers copper from the south, that is supplied by ship.

Financing the trade: The merchants usually form family concerns, with a son in the
caravan business and an other as agent in Kanesh. Investments by other people also are
significant. Partnerships are entered with moneylenders to finance the transactions.
Investment is done in gold through so called zak-contracts (the Akkadian name). A
partnership consists of 14 persons, who collect together 30 mine gold (a mine is about
500 gram). The merchant himself has a double share: the director is the largest
stockholder. The value of 30 mine gold corresponds to the equivalent of 600 slaves or
1000 yearly wages of an average workman. If someone takes a share in a zak-contract he
pays half of it in silver which is booked as the equivalent in gold. Silver is a medium of
exchange. The contractual term is 12 years and one guarantees a profit of 100% (normal
loans have an interests of 30%, so the profit is large). Dividend is paid during the term of
the contract. Special rates apply at half-term withdrawal.
Apart from cereals the inhabitants of Mesopotamia themselves had little to offer. Cereals
were indeed exported but was too bulky for donkey transport over long distances.
Imported material from elsewhere were again exported. Like tin, an important metal for
bronze, that in those times probably came out of Afghanistan (although there are many
Tin-routes). It was exported to Anatolia, a major center of metal industry, where in
extensive forests wood was abundantly available to fuel the furnaces. Other merchandise
were dates, sesame oil and in particular craft materials. Babylonia had an extensive wool
industry. Coupons of 4 by 4.5 meter were in the 19th century BCE transported by the
hundreds. From Anatolia silver and gold was imported.
Ships plied up and down the river and throughout the Persian gulf, carrying pottery and
various processed goods and bringing back fruits and various raw materials from across
the region, including cedars from the Levant.
Rôle économique du clergé
A mesure que les temples s'agrandirent, leur zone d'influence s'accrut elle aussi. On leur
annexa de vastes domaines dont une partie était cultivée par les prêtres ; le reste était soit
offert à de hautes personnalités publiques en échange de faveurs politiques, soit loué
contre une part des récoltes qui, jointes aux dons en nature fournis par les paysans
soucieux de plaire à leurs dieux tutélaires, conférèrent au clergé un rôle prépondérant
dans la vie économique. Le grenier du temple nourrissait les prêtres eux-mêmes et aussi
tous ceux qu'ils jugeaient dans le besoin, comme les veuves et les orphelins.
La subsistance des habitants du temple était à elle seule difficile à assurer, le collège
ecclésiastique ne cessant d'augmenter. Les plus grands temples avaient à la fois un
administrateur, à qui revenait la bonne tenue des lieux et des finances, et un grand prêtre -
ou une grande prêtresse - chargé des affaires moins temporelles. Venaient ensuite les
prêtres ou prêtresses qui avaient pour tâche d'organiser les offrandes cérémonielles de
nourritures et de boissons à la principale divinité du temple et de chanter ses louanges,
accompagnés parfois d'une musique instrumentale.
Mais nous parlons là des commencements. Quand l'économie sumérienne fut très
développée, les temples se transformèrent en cités miniatures. Outre les prêtres et autres
personnages qui participaient aux rites religieux, ils abritèrent des chorales et des
musiciens ainsi que tout un personnel domestique composé de cuisiniers, de servantes, de
tisserands et de balayeurs. Une petite armée d'ouvriers, en majorité des esclaves,
travaillaient dur dans les champs et les greniers du temple. Un personnel laïque assurait
l'administration des exploitations agricoles du temple, des artisans locaux
l'approvisionnaient en poteries, en meubles, outils de métal et autres marchandises. Les
richesses du temple étaient considérables: peu après l'an 3000 avant J.-C. par exemple,
elles fournissaient à 1200 personnes leurs rations quotidiennes de pain et de bière.
. Besides the economic benefits derived from gifts and on-going maintenance presented
by kings and rich individuals, there was probably a continuing income from pilgrims.
Nippur was the center of an agricultural district, with much of the land in the possession
of temples. The temples produced manufactured goods, predominantly textiles and
finished items, some of which were meant for export.
The workforce for much of the large-scale manufacture was probably connected with the
major institutions, especially the temples. As in most countries until modern times, the
temples in Mesopotamia had an important function as social welfare agencies, including
the taking in of widows and orphans who had no families or lineages to care for them
[Gelb 1972]; temples also were the recipients of war prisoners, especially those from
foreign lands, who worked in agricultural settlements belonging to temples or in other
temple service [Gelb 1973]. Such dependent people probably worked for generations in
the service of one temple as workers and soldiers (gurus/erin), rather than as slaves (sag)
Les prêtres avaient besoin d'une méthode leur permettant de savoir à tout moment quels
paysans avaient apporté leurs contributions annuelles d'orge aux greniers des temples.
About a third of the land was owned by the temple which employed many people; some
of their land was loaned out at interest or leased for a seventh or eighth of the harvest.
Ecriture et sciences
La nécessité d'une écriture
Les impératifs de la religion, du commerce et du gouvernement donnèrent naissance à
l'accomplissement le plus remarquable de Sumer: l'invention de l'écriture. Les prêtres
avaient besoin d'une méthode leur permettant de savoir à tout moment quels paysans
avaient apporté leurs contributions annuelles d'orge aux greniers des temples. Les
négociants devaient dresser la liste des denrées exportées. Les administrateurs voulaient
tenir les registres des levers de terrain et des activités civiques. Pour conserver ces
informations, ils gravaient des marques à l'aide de roseaux pointus dans de petites
tablettes d'argi le, matière première que Sumer possédait en abondance. Ils travaillaient
l'argile lorsqu'el le était humide et molle ; une fois sèche, les marques étaient indélébiles.
Tablets measured about 5cm wide and 2cm thick.
Writing was deciphered by Sir Henry Rawlinson after finding the "Rock of Behistun" in
present-day Iran.
Les débuts de l'écriture
The Mesopotamians invented writing (though recent discoveries suggest the Chinese may
have written earlier) and left many records, from inventories to diplomatic
correspondence to epic poetry.
Ce que les premiers scribes inscrivirent sur les tablettes, c'étaient des pictogrammes qui
représentaient des objets et des créatures de la vie courante: gerbes d'orge, bestiaux, mais
aussi des personnes humaines. Les messages transmis par ces pictogrammes étaient pour
la plupart simples et faciles à comprendre, traitant de sujets aussi familiers que les
quantités de grains qui entraient dans une transaction.
Les pictogrammes sumériens dérivent probablement d'un système de représentation
encore plus primitif. Dès 8000 avant notre ère, de petits objets d'argile de différentes
formes étaient utilisés par les agriculteurs du Moyen-Orient, manifestement pour tenir
l'inventaire de leurs récoltes. Un objet conique, par exemple, pouvait indiquer la quantité
d'orge qu'un paysan avait dans son grenier. Beaucoup plus tard, les négociants se
servirent de ces objets comme connaissement pour accompagner les marchandises qu'ils
achetaient ou vendaient. Ils les plaçaient dans des sphères d'argile creuses et scellées. Le
négociant marquait d'un signe numérique cette sphère connue sous le nom de butta pour
indiquer combien d'objets elle contenait. .
Les Sumériens optèrent pour les tablettes d'argile qui remplaçaient avantageusement ce
système compliqué. Sur la tablette, ils gravaient un signe numérique indiquant le volume
des marchandises achetées ou vendues. A côté de ce signe, ils se contentaient de dessiner
l'objet pour indiquer le type de produit concerné. Les pictogrammes auxquels aboutit ce
procédé allaient, avec le temps, suivre une évolution d'une extrême importance.
The first writings, in fact, were records—tons of records: stone tablets filled with
numbers recording distributed goods. These early writings (besides the numerals) were
actually pictures, or rough sketches, you might say, of the words they represented; this
early Sumerian writing was pictographic writing. Individual words were represented by
crude pictorial symbols that resembled in some way the object being represented, as in
the Sumerian word for king, lu-gal :

The first symbol pictures "gal," or "great," and the second pictures "lu," or "man."
The earliest writing we know of comes from clay tablets found in the Mesopotamian city
of Uruk. It dates from between 3500 and 3000 B.C. We cannot be sure what language the
 writing is supposed to represent, because it is a pictographic writing.  These symbols
seem to be abstractions from earlier pictographs, or evidence that the scribes of the time
realized that abstractions would do as well as little pictures. In other words, the Uruk
tablets are not evidence for the very earliest stage of writing. There was period of
development for which we have no evidence. Perhaps we never will. If the earliest
Mesopotamian writing was done on palm leaves, the evidence is gone for good.
It may be, though, that writing developed out of another system of record-keeping. In
Middle Eastern sites from Egypt to Iran, starting from 9000 B.C., archaeologists have
found groups of clay tokens in a variety of shapes: spheres, cones, discs and rods, and
combinations of these shapes. Sometimes the tokens have marks on them. From 4000
B.C., these tokens are found in hollow clay balls, called bullae. The purpose of the tokens
and their containers might be forever obscure, except that a late bulla from 1500 B.C. has
an inscription on the outside: "Stones: 21 breeding ewes, 6 she-lambs, 8 rams, 4 he-
lambs, 6 breeding nanny-goats, 1 billy-goat, w she- kids. Seal of Ziqarru." Inside the
bulla was the corresponding number, not of stones, but of clay tokens. This bulla was a
recording device, which kept together tokens representing a particular herd of animals. A
bulla full of tokens could act as a receipt. The label on the outside made it unnecessary to
open the bulla except for a final accounting.
In 1977, Professor Denise Schmandt-Besserat published a book arguing that the Uruk
pictograms, or at least some of them, originated in the bulla-token method of keeping
track of herds and other agricultural commodities. She argued that some early Uruk
symbols, for instance, the one representing a sheep, were derived from the shape of the
early tokens, and were used in labelling bullae so that the tokens could be read without
opening the package. Eventually labelling superceded the use of tokens, and writing had
come into existence.
This fascinating theory is still unproved.   If right, it suggests that writing had a very long
prehistory.
Writing was used first to keep track of objects.

Evolution de l'écriture
Evolution vers l'abstraction des symboles
Née de la représentation concrète d'objets familiers, l'écriture prit une forme de plus en
plus abstraite. Les combinaisons de pictogrammes finirent par traduire certaines idées:
l'image d'une bouche proche d'une ligne sinueuse figurant l'eau signifiait l'action de boire.
Les scribes sumériens commencèrent alors à faire l'expérience de symboles phonétiques
en utilisant une sorte de jeu de mots. Le symbole écrit d'un mot finit par en désigner un
autre ayant la même consonance mais un sens différent.
Les signes picturaux finirent par représenter des sons et des idées plutôt que des objets
concrets. Ce système était si souple qu'avec un vocabulaire écrit de 600 caractères
environ - soit moins du tiers de l'ancien langage pictographique - les scribes sumériens
purent exprimer par l'écriture pratiquement tout ce qui pouvait être décrit dans leur langue
parlée.
Eventually, the Sumerians made their writing more efficient, and slowly converted their
picture words to a short-hand consisting of wedged lines This writing would be formed
by laying the length of the reed along the wet clay and moving the end nearest the hand
from one side to another to form the hooks. These wedges and hooks are the original
cuneiform and represented in Sumerian entire words (this is called ideographic and the
word symbols are called ideograms, which means "concept writing").
The script the Sumerians invented and handed down to the Semitic peoples who
conquered Mesopotamia in later centuries, is called cuneiform, which is derived from
two Latin words: cuneus , which means "wedge," and forma , which means "shape." This
picture language, similar to but more abstract than Egyptian hieroglyphics, eventually
developed into a syllabic alphabet under the Semites (Assyrians and Babylonians) who
eventually came to dominate the area.
The Semites who adopted this writing, however, spoke an entirely different language, in
fact, a language as different from Sumerian as English is different from Japanese. In order
to adapt this foreign writing to a Semitic language, the Akkadians converted it in part to a
syllabic writing system; individual signs represent entire syllables. However, in addition
to syllable symbols, some cuneiform symbols are ideograms ("picture words")
representing an entire word; these ideograms might also, in other contexts, be simply
syllables. For instance, in Assyrian, the cuneiform for the syllable "ki" is written as
follows:

However, as an ideogram, this cuneiform also stands for the Assyrian word irsitu , or
"earth." So reading cuneiform involves mastering a large syllabic alphabet as well as a
large number of ideograms, many of them identical to syllable symbols. This complicated
writing system dominated Mesopotamia until the century before the birth of Christ; the
Persians greatly simplified cuneiform until it represented something closer to an alphabet.

When these early writers wanted a systemthat could do more than record concrete objects
and the simplest of proper names, they had to move away from the strict pictogram.
In fact the earliest writing we can read (in the Sumerian language)  has signs to represent
grammatical elements.  Sumerian used pictographs that represented one word (the word
"a" meaning water, for instance) also to represent the sound of that word (the sound "a"). 
This is roughly how Chinese characters work.   It takes some  mental juggling to decide if
a symbol means "water" or simply the sound "a," but it can be done. 
The first written signs are pictographic, so they can be read in any language and one can't
infer a particular language. A pictogram of an arrow means `arrow' in any language. A
few centuries later, however, these signs were used to represent Sumerian phonetic values
and Sumerian words. The pictogram for an arrow is now used to represent ti, the
Sumerian word for `arrow', but also for the phonetic sound ti in words not related to
`arrow'. So it is generally assumed that the Sumerians were also responsible for the
pictographic signs, or possibly together with (or with a large influence of) the
contemporaneous Elamites. If the Sumerians aren't the ones who actually invented
writing than they are at least responsible for quickly adopting and expanding the
invention to their economic needs (the first tablets are predominantly economic in
nature).
Evolution vers une écriture syllabique
What now existed in Sumer was what is called logo-syllabic writing. This simply means
that a given sign could be either a word (logos in Greek) or the sound of that word,
usually one syllable of it. Sumerian appears to have been a language where most words
were syllables, as in Chinese languages.
When you start thinking this way about pictograms, the picture element of the sign
quickly becomes less important, and that is what happened in Sumer. To speed up their
writing, they reduced all the signs to simplified forms made up of straight lines, which,
because of the shape of the reeds they used, looked like wedges. This is the cunieform
writing that dominated Mesopotamia and Syria for centuries.
Hieroglyphics, the earliest Egyptian writing, was also logo-syllabic. The Egyptians,
somewhat later than the people of Uruk, began by drawing pictures of objects. When it
became necessary, signs were used for sounds, syllabic sounds. Egyptian script, like
Sumerian cunieform, was a hybrid, unsystematic script. Often a single sign was used for
more than one word. Signs had to be attached to pictograms (or properly speaking,
logograms, symbols that represented a whole word) to show which possible meaning was
represented by the logogram. Often this was a phonetic symbol.
The era following Ur-III is called the Old Babylonian or OB-period. This period is known
from a large number of clay tablets, in particular letters. More and more countries use the
cuneiform writing system, like Mari on the Middle Euphrates and the centers of power in
the east, Elam. In diplomatic contacts and other communications in this age letters are
used between kings.

The language in the OB-period is Akkadian. The dialect in Babylonia is Old Babylonian.
Further upstream on the Euphrates river the dialect is Old Assyrian. Both dialects appear
in writing, but during 2000-1800 BCE (also called Early Old Babylonian) texts for
intellectuals are often bilingual.
Evolution vers l'alphabet
In Sumerian it would have been very easy to create a simple script, to make up an
unambiguous syllabary -- like an alphabet, only with each symbol representing a single
syllable -- out of which every word in the language could be written. The Egyptian
language encouraged scribes to create standard consonant sounds. But simplification of
this sort was not adopted either in Egypt, Sumer, or Akkad.  Why do it the hard way?
Because in both cultures, men who had learned the hard way an arcane skill that gave
them prestige and status did not want to make things easy for everybody else, and
sacrifice what they had won so hard.
Simplification of writing occured instead on the periphery of the slowly widening world
of literacy. When people who spoke other languages figured out that writing was a good
thing, they had difficulties with the existing systems. Sumerian-Akkadian writing
depended on knowledge of one of those languages.  Without that knowledge, guessing the
meaning of logo-syllabic combinations became very difficult indeed.
In Ebla in Syria, sometime before 2200 B.C., would-be scribes faced this problem, and
decided that they must adapt cunieform to their own situation. What they did was choose
Mesopotamian signs that represented syllables that began with a consonant and ended
with a vowel. Thus Eblaites were able to write with many fewer sounds than people in
Mesopotamia -- but still many more than we have.
People farther away from Mesopotamia simplified even more. The language of Crete,
which still cannot be read, must nevertheless have been a simplified syllabic script. That
is evident because they used less than 100 signs to represent everything, which is not
possible for a language with any pictographic or ideographic element.
A similar script was being used for an old form of Greek by 1450 B.C. By 1500 B.C.
then, outside of the oldest centers, syllabic scripts were almost routine.
The next simplification is to create an alphabetic script, where a symbol represents a
single sound, and not some combination of consonants and vowels. Important steps
toward the alphabet were taken by speakers of Semitic languages, mainly Canaanite
languages, in Palestine and Syria. Semitic languages have a particular character that
encourages alphabetic writing. A group of related concepts, is represented by a group of
words all built up on the same consonants. In Hebrew, for instance mlk is associated for
royalty: king is melek, queen is malkah, timlok is "she reigns." It easily becomes clear to
any literate Semitic speaker that vowels and consonants are separable; likewise that the
 consonants are more important than the vowels, which can be guessed from the context.
Hebrew is very often written without any indication of vowels.
Around 1700 B.C. people in Palestine -- or I suppose it should be called Canaan, since
there were no Philistines there yet -- were experimenting with an alphabetic script derived
from pictograms. The little pictures were used to represent the initial consonant of the
word corresponding to the picture.
Similar experiments were done somewhat later, around 1400, in North Syria, at Ugarit, an
important trading town. Here the alphabetic principle was executed using cunieform. The
Ugaritic letters, rather than being adaptations from Canaanite pictograms, were a very
logical progression of a few signs.
The extremely popular Phoenician alphabet, from the coast of Lebanon, was a form of the
old Canaanite alphabet. It stabilized about 1000 B.C., into a non-pictographic script with
22 consonants. It is a direct ancestor of the Hebrew alphabet, and by 750 B.C. it was
being used, in a much adapted form, to write Greek.
The Greeks, with a non-Semitic language, felt a need for vowel signs. These were made
out of Phoenician letters for which there was no need in Greek. Thus aleph, which is a
glottal stop in Phoenician, became Greek alpha, or "a".
Fifteen hundred cuneiform symbols were reduced in the next thousand years to about
seven hundred, but it did not become alphabetic until about 1300 BC.
Cuneiform was the language of politics until the fifth century BC. It died out and was
replaced by the 22 letter Aramaic in about 900BC.
Techniques d'écriture
La forme et le style évoluèrent en même temps que l'écriture. Dans les premières
tablettes, les images étaient gravées en colonnes verticales à partir du coin supérieur droit.
Mais ce système se révéla peu satisfaisant, la main brouillant souvent les signes qu'elle
venait de graver. Finalement, les scribes jugèrent plus commode de suivre la méthode
qu'allaient adopter, ultérieurement, les peuples occidentaux: l'écriture horizontale de
gauche à droite. ' Ils abandonnèrent aussi l'outil pointu dont ils se servaient pour écrire et
qui, en traversant la surface molle de l'argi le, laissait des bosses et des creux
inesthétiques. vers 2500 avant J.-C., la pointe de roseau triangulaire pénétrait plus
facilement dans l'argi le où elle creusait une empreinte bien nette. Les symboles écrits
devinrent de plus en plus stylisés et abstraits et de moins en moins semblables aux
anciens pictogrammes qui représentaient l'objet nommé. Beaucoup plus tard, on qualifia
le système d'écriture sumérien de cunéiforme, du latin qui signifie ii en forme de coin ».
Expansion de l'écriture
Limitée d'abord aux temples et aux palais, l'écriture cunéiforme se propagea rapidement
dans la société sumérienne, puis s'étendit à d'autres régions. En fait, elle put s'adapter à un
grand nombre de langues. Un siècle après la naissance du Christ, une version de cette
écriture était encore utilisée en Mésopotamie par les descendants des Sumériens qui
parlaient l'akkadien.
Dans le pays de Sumer, les tablettes cunéiformes étaient utilisées pour consigner les lois.
Les chefs militaires se saisirent de ce nouveau moyen de communication pour donner
leurs ordres. Les poètes commencèrent à inscrire dans l'argi le les anciens mythes et les
anciens récits qui n'étaient transmis jusque-là que par des récitants ou par des chantres
avec accompagnement de harpe ou de lyre.
Littérature sumérienne
Généralités
La littérature sumérienne connut son apogée avec les recueils de ces mythes et de ces
contes qu'elle transforma en poèmes épiques, dont le plus célèbre est L'Épopée de
Gilgamesh, un poème de trois mil le cinq cents vers inspiré de faits réels, le roi
Gilgamesh ayant été effectivement l'un des monarques de la cité d'Uruk. Cette épopée et
d'autres légendes de la mythologie sumérienne annonçaient les thèmes qu'on retrouverait
plus tard dans la Bible et la littérature hellénique. Gilgamesh, comme Ulysse dans
L'Odyssée d'Homère, parcourt le monde et il est sans conteste le premier des grands héros
«aventuriers» de la littérature mondiale. Un autre mythe sumérien présente un personnage
qui, à l'instar de Noé, survécut à un déluge.
Sumerians are very conscious about their civilization and held a high opinion of it. The
urban revolution starting around 3100 BC has impressed the Sumerians themselves. It
was a heroic age. The circumstances in those times are a source for many myths and
legends. An epic tradition started with heroic poems going back to real social phenomena.
In origin historical events (at least in part) are chanted and told from generation to
generation, adding and deleting with literary freedom. Many centuries later stories from
oral tradition were written down, usually schematically and as loose fragments. Still later
(a millennium, in the Old Babylonian period, 19th century BC) the fragments were
arranged and composed into complete epics. They got standardized into canonical
literature, when they were written and copied by generations of scribes (often in schools).
There is a general analogy with other 'heroic ages' in later times, (Homer, the Indian
Maghabharata, the Germanic Heroic age). The similarity probably shows a common
political and social structure.
The Sumerian epic bear witness to a political structure in which a leader as king of a city
or small state (city with subordinate cities) maintains hegemony by personal courage. The
king has a retinue of armed and loyal supporters. Kings of different city states are in
competition, but basically have a good relation. They form an aristocracy, separated from
ordinary people. The divine world is structured in a similar way.
Les listes des Rois
Some early texts are the Sumerian King Lists, known in ancient times by the first line or
the first few opening words: (Sumerian) nam.lugal meaning `kingship' with lugal `king',
the sign nam introduces an abstract noun in Sumerian (and later in Akkadian compound
logograms). These lists are composed in the 22th century BC, many centuries after the
times they refer to. The lists are copied by generations of scribes and standardized in this
process until in the Old Babylonian time a canonical version exists extended with kings
up to that time period. The Lists are first studied by Jacobsen and published in 1939. It is
a basic tool in the earliest history of Mesopotamia. The purpose of these lists was
probably to show that Sumer and Akkad ``always'' served under one kingship and
consequently may have distored the truth to serve the purpose. The lists sometimes
contradicts other epic stories. E.g. certain kings should be contemporaneous, whereas
they don't show to do so in the King Lists. In the lists Kingship is seen as a divine
institution: it descended from heaven. The opening line of the text is: `When kingship
was lowered from heaven, the kingship was in Eridu.' Because of this, kingship is seen as
an institution that is shared by different cities. Each city takes its turn during a certain
period. The Sumerian sign for `government' or `year(s) of government' is the same sign
for `turn', bala taken as loan word by the Akkadians as palû. It is written with the sign
BAL which in later New Assyrian orthography is . In Akkadian it is used as a logogram.
The sign developed from a pictogram of the shuttle of a loom (the rotating part, to weave
tissue, together with the determinative for `wood' it still means `shuttle of a loom') and
was used for words meaning `to rotate', `turn' and thus also 'government'. The hegemony
of a city in the Sumerian King Lists does not always mean that the cited kings really had
supremacy over kings in neighboring city states.

From the lists an important caesure becomes apparent, the great Flood or Deluge. Names
and events are either antediluvial or postdiluvial. In later epics the Flood signals the end
of mythological times, when things were formed, and inaugurates the beginning of
historical times. About eight (in other versions ten) antediluvial kings are mentioned
together with their periods of government. Extremely large ages were attributed to the
kings before the Flood. Added together they would have ruled for 241200 years..... The
antediluvial period is also seen as the era of divine revelations, such as the invention of
agriculture, the invention of writing etc. Some of the antediluvial cities mentioned are
Eridu, Sippar and urruppak.

Eridu, the first city mentioned, is the city of the water god Enki/Ea (one of the top three
deities in the Sumerian pantheon). It is situated in the extreme south of Mesopotamia near
the sea or a lagoon. It is said that the `principle of agriculture' was revealed by a god to
the first king of Eridu: Emmeduranki.

Sippar was to become the city of the sun god, Sumerian utu, later called ama in
Akkadian. It is said that the secrets of divination were shown to a king of Sippar, also by
divine revelation. Gods make their will, intentions and answers known to the people by
supernatural means: numerous omens and signs that needed explanation. The exegesis of
omens was seen as a discipline (`science') to inquire the gods. It was an official
institution, used by the king to collect information. No decision of any importance was
taken without proper consulting. The sun god utu is in particular connected with the
discipline of divination. He is in a position to oversee everything, so also the future.

Urrupak is a city on the banks of the Euphrates, near modern Fara. The last king of
Urruppak was the hero in the Flood story.

Exactly when the land of Sumer became unified is largely speculation. The main reason
for this is due to the fact that most of the information covering this period comes from
what is known as "The King Lists". The list was put together at the end of the 3rd dynasty
of Ur around 2000 B.C. by Sumerian scribes. The information given in the list covers
names of rulers as well as lengths of reigns. The sources for this information came from
references to events in omens, specific legends, royal inscriptions, as well as the year
names of kings. The list was put together in an attempt to list the past glories of the great
days of the past for posterity. The list gives the names of kings arranged in their
dynasties, the number of the years of the reign of each, and a total number of years for the
dynasty.
The main problems with the King Lists are the fantastic lengths of reign for each of the
rulers. This makes the lists value at least as far as an historical document uncertain at
best. The 10 ancient kings that ruled prior to the "flood" are credited with ruling for a
period of 241,200 years when added together. These figures are recorded in multiples
known as sars, which are cycles of 360 years each. These fantastic sums are further
confused by different systems of notation, but even so it is not difficult to see that these
dates or periods of rule have been modified to conform to some system of astronomy.
Even after the "flood" though the reigns are not recorded in the same manner (reigns are
not determined by sars), the lengths of the reigns is no less exaggerated. For example; of
the kings of Kish one is credited with a rule of 1,500 years, and three with 1,200 years
each, and the 23 kings between them account for 24,510 years and 3 months.
Another point of confusion or criticism that is directed at the list is the fact that names of
certain kings reappear later as gods, heroes, or mythological legends. An example of this
is the famous Gilgamesh of Erech who is the hero of the great epic legend of the Flood. In
fact it is not until the last 7 names of the dynasty of Erech that the kings lose their divinity
and the years of their reigns become more in line with reality and span normal mortal life.

L'histoire du Déluge
The motive of the Flood, a 'word wide' catastrophe, circulates in all of antiquity. All kinds
of versions of the catastrophe are passed down from generation to generation and from
country to country. There are Sumerian, Akkadian, Ugaritic, Hittite versions and probably
independently in much of the world's folklore elsewhere. When the first texts about the
Flood (Akkadian abübum, a devastating storm surge) were discovered in 1872 by George
Smith, it made headline news in all papers, because of the similarities with the story in
the bible (dated almost two millennia later). Fantasy was further stirred by the English
archeologist Sir L. Woolley. He found (1929) in excavations a deposit of silt of a few
meters thickness, under which artifacts were found dated to the 5th millennium. These
deposits, however, are always localized to a small area, as Woolley himself has later
discovered. Time, place and extend of this flood are inconsistent with the literary
tradition. A local breakthrough of the river is a sufficient explanation.

All alluvial plains and river deltas in the world have suffered from major floods. A serie
of floods in the 15th century CE, called the The St. Elisabeth Floods, has shaped part of
the Netherlands in the Rhine delta. Millions of people even now are in constant danger
because of flood threat, so it is not surprising that the story still addresses the
imagination. There is no doubt that floods did have a great impact on the Mesopotamian
civilization and that some of them occurred around 2900 BCE.

The various versions and fragments of the epic point to different traditions in Flood
stories. The Sumerian Flood hero (the early Noah) is called Ubar-Tutu (`Friend of the god
Tutu'), in other versions Ziusudra (`Life of long days') In the Akkadian version he is
called Utnapitim (`he has found (everlasting) life') elsewhere also Atrahasïs (`exceedingly
wise'). The epic named after the latter is very famous and is in Old Babylonian form
dated to 1635 BCE. It exists also in later traditions.
L'épopée de Gilgamesh
The Epic of Gilgamesh stands at the beginning of world literature. Earlier writings of a
character which would be called (in our own terms) 'literary' have survived, notably from
the epic poems, mythological narratives, hymns, and songs composed by the Sumerians.
But the Epic of Gilgamesh holds a unique place, on account of the length of the work and
the relative completeness of the texts which have been found, and of the denseness and
mastery which runs through its whole artistic structure, and on account of its richness and
complexity, and the range and nature of the material which depicts the struggles of its
hero in coming to terms with the unavoidable bounds of the realities of life and death.
This has meant that it is now much the best known work of literature from Ancient
Mesopotamia, and indeed from anywhere in the world of a similar date.
The Epic of Gilgamesh was written in substantially the form in which we know it towards
the end of the Old Babylonian period, in the first half of the second millennium BC. This
is nearly a whole millennium before the epics which open European literature - the Iliad
and the Odyssey. It is far earlier than the writing down of the great Sanskrit epics and
hymns in India. The most complete text of Gilgamesh we have is of a later version,
written probably towards the end of the second millennium BC, and copied for the
famous library in Nineveh of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal around 600 BC.
The Epic of Gilgamesh is written in Akkadian, the Semitic language of the Babylonians
and Assyrians. Akkadian adopted the Sumerian cuneiform script, which was, of course,
the invention of writing. The oldest written literature of any significant amount which we
possess in Sumerian. Knowledge of Sumerian and Akkadian literature is enlarging year
by year as the recovery and restoration of it proceeds.
 The Epic of Gilgamesh starts by introducing its hero to us, and stressing one of his
tangible achievements in building the walls of Uruk. The stories of Gilgamesh's
experiences and strivings in the epic follow. Of the conclusion of the epic, Thorkild
Jacobsen writes:'This late and dearly won resignation (by Gilgamesh), this acceptance of
reality, finds symbolic expression in the epic in a return to where we began, to the walls
of Uruk which stand for all time as Gilgamesh's lasting achievement. Man may have to
die, but what he does lives after him. There is a measure of immortality in achievement,
the only immortality man can seek.
Gilgamesh said to the boatman, Urshanabi: "Go up, Urshanabi, on the wall of Uruk, walk
around! Examine the terrace, look closely at the brickwork! Is not the base of its
brickwork of baked brick? Have not the seven masters laid its foundations? An acre town
and an acre orchards, an acre riverbed, also precinct of the Ishtar temple. Three acres and
the precincts comprises Uruk"
This ends the story
Perhaps the most well-known of these stories is the Epic of Gilgamesh. Gilgamesh  was a
legendary king of Uruk. There may have been a real king of that name around 2700 B.C.,
at the dawn of kingship in Sumeria. In Sumerian times a number of poems clustered
around his name. These stories were among the most popular pieces of Mesopotamian
literature, and they were revised, embellished and translated into the Akkadian and other
Semitic languages, the Hittite language, and others, over a two-thousand year period.
Several Sumerian tales of the legendary Gilgamesh were combined together into an epic
poem more than four thousand years ago. A Semitic Akkadian version was found in the
archives of the Hittite capital at Boghazkoy in Anatolia. It was also translated into Hittite
and Hurrian, and several Akkadian texts were found in Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh
from the seventh century BC. With the exception of the more historical account already
discussed, the twelve tablets of the Gilgamesh cycle will be treated synthesized as they
have been by modern translators into the earliest masterpiece of literature.
Gilgamesh is introduced as knowing all things and countries including mysteries and
secrets who went on a long journey and had his story engraved on stone. He was endowed
with beauty by the sun god Shamash and with strength and courage by the storm god
Adad, making him two-thirds god and one-third man. The seven sages laid the
foundations, and he built the walls and temples of Uruk for Eanna, the heavenly Anu, and
the love goddess Ishtar.
Gilgamesh ruled Uruk so powerfully that his arrogance was resented, for he enjoyed any
virgin or wife that he wanted. The gods heard the people's complaints and decide to create
his equal to challenge him. So the goddess of creation produces Enkidu, who lives with
wild animals. One day a trapper encounters the one who has filled in his pits and torn out
his traps. The trapper's father suggests that he get Gilgamesh to give his son a woman to
tame Enkidu, and he does. When she sees Enkidu in the hills, she strips herself naked and
teaches him her woman's art. Enkidu lays with her for a week.
When Enkidu goes back to the animals, he is weaker; and they run away from him. The
woman says that he is wise and has become like a god. Why should he live with animals?
She offers to take him to the temples of Anu and Ishtar in Uruk, where he could challenge
Gilgamesh. Meanwhile a dream came to Gilgamesh of a star falling from heaven leaving
a meteor so heavy he could not lift it, and his mother Ninsun explains that this was a
strong friend he would meet. In another dream Gilgamesh found in Uruk an ax he loved
like a woman, and Ninsun interprets that this brave man would rescue him.
When Enkidu arrives in Uruk, Gilgamesh is about to exercise his privilege of being the
first to sleep with a bride. But Enkidu blocks his way, and they fight like two bulls locked
together. Gilgamesh throws Enkidu down, and then in mutual respect for each other's
strength they become friends. They decide to confront the monster Humbaba who guards
the cedars in the sacred forest. Gilgamesh prays to the sun god Shamash for protection
and receives an amulet from his mother. After the counselors of Uruk ask Enkidu to bring
their king back safely, they set out on the long journey.
Entering the forest gate, Gilgamesh dreams that a mountain fell on him, but he was saved
by a beautiful light. Then Enkidu has an ominous dream of a rainstorm. When Gilgamesh
chops down a cedar with the ax, Humbaba hears the sound. Knowing the monster, Enkidu
is afraid; but Gilgamesh encourages him. Calling on Shamash, Gilgamesh fells seven
cedars, and each time Humbaba roars louder. When the two heroes reach Humbaba, he
pleads with Gilgamesh for mercy, offering to serve him. Gilgamesh is moved, but Enkidu
convinces him to kill the monster; so they cut off his head.
Gilgamesh cleans himself up and is asked by the divine Ishtar to be her husband, but he
scorns her for having been faithless to so many lovers. Enraged Ishtar retreats to heaven
and asks her father Anu to create a bull of heaven to torment the earth with a famine. The
bull charges Enkidu, and he seizes it by the horns so that Gilgamesh can kill it with his
sword. Ishtar curses them, but Enkidu defiantly tears out the bull's right thigh and throws
it in her face. Enkidu then dreams that the gods have decided that one of them must die
for having killed Humbaba and the bull of heaven. Soon Enkidu gets sick and dies.
Gilgamesh mourns for him for seven days until a worm appears in his nose.
In despair at the death of his friend and realizing now that he must die too, Gilgamesh
decides to find Utnapishtim, who has lived in Dilmun since before the flood. Coming to a
gate guarded by scorpion men, Gilgamesh is allowed to pass where no human has ever
gone. Passing through darkness he enters a garden with bushes like gems. The sun-god
tells him that he will never find eternal life. Gilgamesh comes to a woman of wine who
asks him why he is searching for the wind. He explains that he is afraid of death, and she
suggests that he eat, drink, dance, and enjoy life. He only asks the way to Utnapishtim,
and she tells him that he must take the ferry of Urshanabi across the ocean. Making
Gilgamesh cut six score poles so that his hands won't touch the deadly water, Urshanabi
agrees to take him.
Finally arriving Gilgamesh asks his question of Utnapishtim, but he declares there is no
permanence. When Gilgamesh wonders how he has lived so long, Utnapishtim reveals a
secret of the gods, the story of the deluge. Perturbed by the clamor of humans, the gods
decided to let loose a flood on them, but Ea warned Utnapishtim to build a large boat and
load it with supplies and animals. After the boat was ready, the storm came. The boat
weathered the deluge and rested on a mountain. Sending out a dove, it came back, as did
a swallow, but then a crow was released and did not return.
Enlil was angry that a human had survived, but Ea suggested that he should punish sin
and transgressions, but not with a flood. Utnapishtim, though a mortal, was allowed to
live in the distance. Utnapishtim challenges Gilgamesh to stay awake for a week, but
instead he falls asleep for that long, which is proved to him by the decaying seven loaves
of bread baked each day by Utnapishtim's wife. Utnapishtim does offer Gilgamesh an
herb, which eaten, will bring youth back. Gilgamesh dives underwater to get it, but on his
way back to Uruk a serpent steals it from him, eats it, and sheds its skin. Gilgamesh
returns to Uruk and must realize that he too is not exempt from death.
One can imagine the influence of such an archetypal story. Gilgamesh represents the
achievements of mankind who now wonders about death. His arrogance is criticized, and
the primordial custom of the dominant male being allowed sexual license seems to be a
throwback from our pre-ethical evolution as primates. Dreams are perceived to be
symbolic guides and often prophetic. A woman, his mother, seems to be most skilled at
interpreting them. Another strong male is needed to challenge a strong male, but female
charms are able to tame him. The shift from living in the wild is accomplished by sexual
lovemaking, which leads Enkidu to civilization after he is no longer one with the animals.
The invention of the ax enabled humans to use timber for building, but once again a
oneness with the spirit of the forest is lost in the process. The love goddess is not treated
very sympathetically in this story, perhaps because she has become a goddess of battles in
the human strife that now abounds. Enkidu's throwing of a bull's thigh into her face may
be an implied criticism of the ancient rites of animal sacrifice. Of course the keeping of
animals was a hedge against famine, because they could be slain and eaten in an
emergency.
Enkidu is the one to die, perhaps because he was the one who insisted on killing
Humbaba and the bull of heaven. The worm coming out of his corpse is a graphic symbol
of the grim reality of physical death. Gilgamesh going through a scorpion-guarded gate
and passing through darkness before emerging into a paradise symbolizes the spiritual
side of death, as he comes out in a kind of astral world where even the plants glow. To
really find out the secrets Gilgamesh must be willing to transcend hedonistic temptations.
His passage across the ocean to learn Utnapishtim's story of the flood is suggestive of
Atlantis, since it was separated by an ocean from the land mass of Europe, Asia, and
Africa. His account is quite similar to the Hebrew story of Noah. Unable to find
immortality, a magical herb is offered as a consolation; but the serpent which seems able
to rejuvenate itself by shedding its skin steals this away from humanity. Sleep and
Gilgamesh's inability to stay awake is an analog of death, suggesting that life, like waking
consciousness, needs a time of rest and renewal in death and rebirth.

The 'Gilgamesh Epic' is generally regarded as the greatest literature prior to the O.T. Epic
poem centered around the heroic tales of a great king.
Several Sumerian tales of the legendary Gilgamesh were combined together into an epic
poem more than four thousand years ago. A Semitic Akkadian version was found in the
archives of the Hittite capital at Boghazkoy in Anatolia. It was also translated into Hittite
and Hurrian, and several Akkadian texts were found in Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh
from the seventh century BC. With the exception of the more historical account already
discussed, the twelve tablets of the Gilgamesh cycle will be treated synthesized as they
have been by modern translators into the earliest masterpiece of literature.
Gilgamesh is introduced as knowing all things and countries including mysteries and
secrets who went on a long journey and had his story engraved on stone. He was endowed
with beauty by the sun god Shamash and with strength and courage by the storm god
Adad, making him two-thirds god and one-third man. The seven sages laid the
foundations, and he built the walls and temples of Uruk for Eanna, the heavenly Anu, and
the love goddess Ishtar.
Gilgamesh ruled Uruk so powerfully that his arrogance was resented, for he enjoyed any
virgin or wife that he wanted. The gods heard the people's complaints and decide to create
his equal to challenge him. So the goddess of creation produces Enkidu, who lives with
wild animals. One day a trapper encounters the one who has filled in his pits and torn out
his traps. The trapper's father suggests that he get Gilgamesh to give his son a woman to
tame Enkidu, and he does. When she sees Enkidu in the hills, she strips herself naked and
teaches him her woman's art. Enkidu lays with her for a week.
When Enkidu goes back to the animals, he is weaker; and they run away from him. The
woman says that he is wise and has become like a god. Why should he live with animals?
She offers to take him to the temples of Anu and Ishtar in Uruk, where he could challenge
Gilgamesh. Meanwhile a dream came to Gilgamesh of a star falling from heaven leaving
a meteor so heavy he could not lift it, and his mother Ninsun explains that this was a
strong friend he would meet. In another dream Gilgamesh found in Uruk an ax he loved
like a woman, and Ninsun interprets that this brave man would rescue him.
When Enkidu arrives in Uruk, Gilgamesh is about to exercise his privilege of being the
first to sleep with a bride. But Enkidu blocks his way, and they fight like two bulls locked
together. Gilgamesh throws Enkidu down, and then in mutual respect for each other's
strength they become friends. They decide to confront the monster Humbaba who guards
the cedars in the sacred forest. Gilgamesh prays to the sun god Shamash for protection
and receives an amulet from his mother. After the counselors of Uruk ask Enkidu to bring
their king back safely, they set out on the long journey.
Entering the forest gate, Gilgamesh dreams that a mountain fell on him, but he was saved
by a beautiful light. Then Enkidu has an ominous dream of a rainstorm. When Gilgamesh
chops down a cedar with the ax, Humbaba hears the sound. Knowing the monster, Enkidu
is afraid; but Gilgamesh encourages him. Calling on Shamash, Gilgamesh fells seven
cedars, and each time Humbaba roars louder. When the two heroes reach Humbaba, he
pleads with Gilgamesh for mercy, offering to serve him. Gilgamesh is moved, but Enkidu
convinces him to kill the monster; so they cut off his head.
Gilgamesh cleans himself up and is asked by the divine Ishtar to be her husband, but he
scorns her for having been faithless to so many lovers. Enraged Ishtar retreats to heaven
and asks her father Anu to create a bull of heaven to torment the earth with a famine. The
bull charges Enkidu, and he seizes it by the horns so that Gilgamesh can kill it with his
sword. Ishtar curses them, but Enkidu defiantly tears out the bull's right thigh and throws
it in her face. Enkidu then dreams that the gods have decided that one of them must die
for having killed Humbaba and the bull of heaven. Soon Enkidu gets sick and dies.
Gilgamesh mourns for him for seven days until a worm appears in his nose.
In despair at the death of his friend and realizing now that he must die too, Gilgamesh
decides to find Utnapishtim, who has lived in Dilmun since before the flood. Coming to a
gate guarded by scorpion men, Gilgamesh is allowed to pass where no human has ever
gone. Passing through darkness he enters a garden with bushes like gems. The sun-god
tells him that he will never find eternal life. Gilgamesh comes to a woman of wine who
asks him why he is searching for the wind. He explains that he is afraid of death, and she
suggests that he eat, drink, dance, and enjoy life. He only asks the way to Utnapishtim,
and she tells him that he must take the ferry of Urshanabi across the ocean. Making
Gilgamesh cut six score poles so that his hands won't touch the deadly water, Urshanabi
agrees to take him.
Finally arriving Gilgamesh asks his question of Utnapishtim, but he declares there is no
permanence. When Gilgamesh wonders how he has lived so long, Utnapishtim reveals a
secret of the gods, the story of the deluge. Perturbed by the clamor of humans, the gods
decided to let loose a flood on them, but Ea warned Utnapishtim to build a large boat and
load it with supplies and animals. After the boat was ready, the storm came. The boat
weathered the deluge and rested on a mountain. Sending out a dove, it came back, as did
a swallow, but then a crow was released and did not return.
Enlil was angry that a human had survived, but Ea suggested that he should punish sin
and transgressions, but not with a flood. Utnapishtim, though a mortal, was allowed to
live in the distance. Utnapishtim challenges Gilgamesh to stay awake for a week, but
instead he falls asleep for that long, which is proved to him by the decaying seven loaves
of bread baked each day by Utnapishtim's wife. Utnapishtim does offer Gilgamesh an
herb, which eaten, will bring youth back. Gilgamesh dives underwater to get it, but on his
way back to Uruk a serpent steals it from him, eats it, and sheds its skin. Gilgamesh
returns to Uruk and must realize that he too is not exempt from death.
One can imagine the influence of such an archetypal story. Gilgamesh represents the
achievements of mankind who now wonders about death. His arrogance is criticized, and
the primordial custom of the dominant male being allowed sexual license seems to be a
throwback from our pre-ethical evolution as primates. Dreams are perceived to be
symbolic guides and often prophetic. A woman, his mother, seems to be most skilled at
interpreting them. Another strong male is needed to challenge a strong male, but female
charms are able to tame him. The shift from living in the wild is accomplished by sexual
lovemaking, which leads Enkidu to civilization after he is no longer one with the animals.
The invention of the ax enabled humans to use timber for building, but once again a
oneness with the spirit of the forest is lost in the process. The love goddess is not treated
very sympathetically in this story, perhaps because she has become a goddess of battles in
the human strife that now abounds. Enkidu's throwing of a bull's thigh into her face may
be an implied criticism of the ancient rites of animal sacrifice. Of course the keeping of
animals was a hedge against famine, because they could be slain and eaten in an
emergency.
Enkidu is the one to die, perhaps because he was the one who insisted on killing
Humbaba and the bull of heaven. The worm coming out of his corpse is a graphic symbol
of the grim reality of physical death. Gilgamesh going through a scorpion-guarded gate
and passing through darkness before emerging into a paradise symbolizes the spiritual
side of death, as he comes out in a kind of astral world where even the plants glow. To
really find out the secrets Gilgamesh must be willing to transcend hedonistic temptations.
His passage across the ocean to learn Utnapishtim's story of the flood is suggestive of
Atlantis, since it was separated by an ocean from the land mass of Europe, Asia, and
Africa. His account is quite similar to the Hebrew story of Noah. Unable to find
immortality, a magical herb is offered as a consolation; but the serpent which seems able
to rejuvenate itself by shedding its skin steals this away from humanity. Sleep and
Gilgamesh's inability to stay awake is an analog of death, suggesting that life, like waking
consciousness, needs a time of rest and renewal in death and rebirth.

Littérature babylonienne
A creation story known by its first words as Enuma Elish, meaning "when above" was
recited on the fourth day of Babylon's New Year's Festival held annually at the beginning
of spring. Its seven tablets are almost complete and reveal a Babylonian cosmogony still
influenced by the Sumerians but clearly new in its assertion of the new god Marduk.
This epic began on high when nothing existed but Apsu, Tiamat, and their son Mummu.
These parents brought forth Lahmu and his sister Lahamu and then Anshar and his sister
Kishar. The latter pair surpassed the previous in stature and gave birth to Anu the sky-god
who engendered Nudimmud, also known as Enki or Ea, a god of wisdom. The younger
gods were noisy and rambunctious, disturbing the rest of their grandparents, Apsu and
Tiamat. Unable to sleep Apsu wanted to destroy them, but Tiamat cried out in anguish,
though Mummu agreed with Apsu.
Ea understood everything, and using magic he caused Apsu to sleep so that he could
remove his crown and splendor. Then Ea killed the subdued Apsu, locked up Mummu,
and established his abode on Apsu with his wife Damkina. She gave birth to Marduk,
who Ea made equal to the gods. Clothed with the rays of ten gods, Marduk was powerful
and majestic.
Anu created four winds which caused waves and disturbed Tiamat, upset at hearing that
Apsu was slain. Tiamat was restless and put Kingu in charge of an army of gods to
avenge Apsu. When Ea heard of it, he went to his grandfather Anshar who told him to go
to battle. In the destroyed portion of the text apparently Ea failed. So Anshar turned to his
son Anu, advising him to speak to Tiamat; but perceiving her plans he had to turn back.
Then Anshar, the father of the gods, told the assembly that the valiant Marduk would be
the avenger of his father, Ea, who called Marduk into his private room and told him the
plan of his heart.
Marduk assured Anshar that he would trample on the neck of Tiamat and asked him to
convene the assembly of gods to proclaim his new supremacy. Anshar sent Kaka to
Lahmu and Lahamu to bring the gods to him for a banquet. Having enjoyed the food and
swelled with wine, they declared that Marduk's destiny was unequaled and his commands
not to be changed, giving him kingship over the whole universe. They told him to
preserve the life of those who trust in him but not those who espouse evil. Marduk
demonstrated his new power by destroying a garment and restoring it in front of them by
the power of his word. Rejoicing they did homage to Marduk as their king, saying, "Go
and cut off the life of Tiamat."15
Taking the weapons they gave him, Marduk harnessed his terrible storm chariot and went
to challenge Tiamat to single combat. He enmeshed her in his net; when she opened her
mouth, he drove in the evil wind which distended her belly. Then he shot an arrow which
split her heart. When her life was destroyed, he stood on her carcass. Marduk imprisoned
her followers and broke their weapons. Then binding Kingu and taking from him the
tablet of destinies, Marduk put his seal on it and fastened it on his breast. He split Tiamat
into two parts, half in place as the earth and half for a roof as the sky. He crossed the
heavens, and as the counterpart of Apsu he established Esharra where Anu, Enlil, and Ea
could live.
Marduk created stations for the great gods, setting up the stars in the signs of the zodiac,
dividing the year into twelve months with three constellations in each. He caused the
moon to shine as the ornament of the night. He set up humans so that they could serve the
gods. Marduk assembled the gods, and they decided to punish Kingu for having caused
the revolt. With his blood they created humanity, imposing services to set the gods free.
For a sanctuary they made Babylon. Then they all enjoyed a banquet with music and
praised the fifty names of the divine Marduk.
This war of the gods is a terrible projection of human strife. The younger generation of
gods is favored to justify Babylon's having overthrown those who came before. Once
again woman is trampled under the foot of male dominance, Tiamat in this case
symbolizing the primordial chaos which has been overcome by divine power. This violent
poem was surely used to foster Babylonian patriotism and the worship of their god
Marduk.
The origin of astrology is indicated by the twelve signs of the zodiac plus the additional
thirty-six constellations which represent the ten-degree decanates, making a total of forty-
eight constellations which have been passed on to this day as the basis of astrology. The
Sumerians had been observing omens for centuries and comparing human experience to
their astronomical observations from their ziqqurats. Adding the sun and moon to the five
planets they observed, the number seven became significant, and they were used for the
days of the week.
The planet Venus was represented by Ishtar whose positive attributes are praised in a
hymn from about 1600 BC which contains the following lines:
Ishtar is clothed with pleasure and love.
She is laden with vitality, charm, and voluptuousness.
In lips she is sweet; life is in her mouth.
At her appearance rejoicing becomes full.
She is glorious; veils are thrown over her head.
Her figure is beautiful; her eyes are brilliant.
The goddess - with her there is counsel.
The fate of everything she holds in her hand.
At her glance there is created joy,
power, magnificence, the protecting deity and guardian spirit.
She dwells in, she pays heed to compassion and friendliness.
Besides, agreeableness she truly possesses.
Be it slave, unattached girl, or mother, she preserves her.
One calls on her; among women one names her name.17
The story of Adapa tells how Ea created a sage to whom he gave the divine plan but not
eternal life. Adapa was not only the best priest in Eridu but their baker and fisherman as
well. Once during a new moon Adapa's boat was blown by the south wind which sent him
overboard. Adapa vowed to break the wing of the south wind, and for seven days the
wind didn't blow.
The lord Anu heard about this and ordered Adapa to be brought before him. Ea knowing
the ways of heaven predicted how he would be met by Tammuz and Gizzida whom he
could win over by noting that two gods had disappeared from the land, pleasing them so
that they would cause Anu to favor him; but when Adapa is offered the bread and water
of death, Ea advised him not to eat nor drink, though he was to wear the garment and
anoint himself with the oil they offered him.
When Adapa arrived in heaven and was greeted by Tammuz and Gizzida, he flattered
them by noting that two gods seemed to be missing on earth. The king Anu asked Adapa
why he broke the south wind's wing and was told by him how the wind had submerged
him while he was fishing so that in anger he cursed it. Speaking up, Tammuz and Gizzida
put in a good word for him. Anu wondered why Ea had shared the plan of heaven and
earth with Adapa, but he ordered that the bread and water of life be brought to him along
with a garment and oil. However, Adapa did not eat nor drink but put on the garment and
anointed himself with the oil, explaining to Anu when asked why that Ea had so
commanded him. Then Anu ordered him to be taken away and returned to his earth,
laughing at Ea for making his commands exceed those of Anu.
The fragmentary ending indicates that in this way Adapa brought humanity ill and disease
upon their bodies, though the goddess of healing would allay them. This ironic story
laments how an opportunity to gain eternal life was missed by following the advice of a
god who was not the god who had eternal life to give.
An ancient Akkadian text gives some counsels of wisdom which include religious
exhortations to worship your god every day, give offerings, pray and supplicate so that
you will be in harmony with your god. Let us conclude this section then with a few of its
wise remarks.
Let your mouth be restrained and your speech guarded;
That is a man's pride - let what you say be very precious.
Let insolence and blasphemy be an abomination for you;
a talebearer is looked down upon....
Do not return evil to your adversary;
requite with kindness the one who does evil to you;
maintain justice for your enemy;
be friendly to your enemy....
Give food to eat, beer to drink;
grant what is requested; provide for and treat with honor.
At this one's god takes pleasure.
It is pleasing to Shamash, who will repay him with favor.
Do good things; be kind all your days.
Mythe de création
The Babylonian/Mesopotamian creation myth, Enuma Elish, When on high, was written
no later than the reign of Nebuchadrezzar in the 12th century B.C.E. But there is also
little doubt that this story was written much earlier, during the time of the Sumerians.
Drawing some new light on the ancients, Henry Layard found within the ruins of the
library of Ashurbanipal in Nineveh, texts that were not unlike the Genesis creation in the
Bible.
George Smith first published these text in 1876 under the title, The Chaldean Genesis,
Akkadian text written in the old Babylonian dialect.
The Babylonian god finished his work within the span of 6 tablets of stone. The last and
7th stone exalted the handiwork and greatness of the diety's work.
Thus the comparison must be made that the 7 days of creation found in the Bible,
borrowed its theme from the Babylonians and them form the Sumerians.
Heaven and Earth were once a mountain that rose out of the primeval Sea. The
mountain's peak reached into Heaven and its base was the Earth. An was heaven, and Ki
was Earth. Nammu is the Sea goddess that surrounded the Earth. She was also the
original dark chaos out of which everything formed. The mountain rose up out of the
blackness of the deep sea. Enlil, the Air god, seperated Heaven and Earth and gave birth
to the dawn. Enlil raped Ninlil the Air Goddess, and she gave birth to the Moon god,
Nanna. Nanna and Ningal, his consort, gave birth to Utu, the Sun. Thus the Moon was
 born out of the darkness, before the Sun. This may be an indicator of the earlier
matriarchal religion. Nanna and Ningal also gave birth to Inanna, the Evening Star.
The so called "Seven Tablets of Creation", because written on a series of seven very
mutilated tablets in the Kouyunshik Library. Happily the lacunae can here and there be
filled up by fragments of duplicates found elsewhere. Borrowing an expression from the
early Teuton literature, this might be called the "saga of the primeval chaos". Assyrian
scribes called it by its first words "Enuma Elish" (When on high) as the Jews called
Genesis "Bereshith" (in the beginning). Although it contains an account of the world's
origin, as above contrasted with the account given in the Bible, it is not so much a
cosmogony as the story of the heroic deeds of the god Marduk, in his struggle with the
Dragon of Chaos. Though the youngest of the gods, Marduk is charged by them to fight
Tiamtu and the gods on her side. He wins a glorious victory; he takes the tablets of fate
from Kimgu, her husband; he splits open her skull, hews asunder the channels of her
blood and makes the north wind carry it away to hidden places. He divides the corpse of
the great Dragon and with one half makes a covering for the heavens and thus fixes the
waters above the firmament. He then sets about fashioning the universe, and the stars, and
the moon; he forms man. "Let me gather my blood and let me set up a man, let me make
then men dwelling on the earth." When Marduk has finished his work, he is acclaimed by
all the gods with joy and given fifty names. The gods are apparently eager to bestow their
own titles upon him. The aim of the poem clearly is to explain how Marduk, the local god
of as modern a city as Babylon, had displaced the deities of the older Babylonian cities,
"the gods his fathers".
Ecrits profanes
D'autres écrits donnent des conseils pratiques. Une dizaine de tablettes et de fragments
d'argile découverts près de la cité de Nippur constituent, par exemple, le premier «
almanach du fermier » qui commence par ces mots : « Jadis, un paysan donna des
instructions à son fils. » Viennent ensuite plus de cent lignes de conseils sur la façon de
réussir dans l'agriculture. Il y est recommandé notamment de protéger les jeunes pousses
en adressant une prière à la déesse Ni nki lion qui éloigne des champs les souris et les
animaux nuisibles, et de ne pas attendre, à l'époque des moissons, que l'orge ploie sous
son propre poids, mais de la couper au moment propice, c'est-à-dire « le jour où elle est
en pleine force ».
On peut affirmer avec une quasi-certitude que l'auteur de ce traité n'était pas un paysan, la
plupart d'entre eux, comme les autres Sumériens, étant illettrés.
Apprentissage de l'écriture
L'apprentissage de la lecture et de l'écriture cunéiforme exigeait de longues années
d'étude dans l'edubba (la maison des tablettes), qui fut la plus ancienne école du monde.
L'edubba était une annexe du temple ou du palais royal destinée à former des scribes.
Les frais de scolarité payés par les élèves assuraient la subsistance du directeur de l'école,
l'ummia (expert ou professeur), et celle des enseignants que l'on désignait sous le nom de
« grands frères ». Les élèves venaient surtout de fami1les de haut rang et fortu nées et,
pour autant que l'on sache, il s'agissait uniquement de garçons.
Ils fréquentaient l'edubba depuis le plus jeune âge jusqu'au début de l'âge adulte. Les
premiers cours consistaient à recopier de longues listes de signes et à apprendre par coeur
ce qu'ils représentaient. L'une de ces listes était faite de noms d'animaux, une autre des
parties du corps et une troisième d'objets en bois. Une fois qu'i ls pouvaient reproduire de
mémoire des centaines de signes, ils passaient à l'étude de la grammaire puis à la
construction de phrases, à la rédaction d'histoires et finalement à celle de contrats et
d'autres documents de caractère pratique.
Le travail était monotone et la discipline sévère. Un écolier d'une ces edubba a écrit qu'i1
fut fouetté au moins quatre fois en un seul jour pour avoir flâné dans la rue, pour avoir
 parlé sans autorisation et n'avoir pas imprimé des signes cunéiformes dans l'argile molle
avec suffisamment d'habileté pour contenter son « grand frère».
Si les maîtres étaient prompts à se servir des verges, ils n'étaient cependant pas
insensibles à la flatterie et à la corruption. Une histoire écrite par un enseignant anonyme
vers l'an 2000 avant J.-C. nous éclaire sur les faiblesses humaines : un élève, las d'être
fouetté par son maître d'école pour diverses infractions à la discipline, demande à son
père d'inviter celui-ci à la maison. Le père y consent. On va donc chercher le maître à
l'école, on le conduit dans la demeure et on l'installe à la place d'honneur. Le garçon le
sert et fait part à son père de tout ce qu'il a appris dans l'art d'écrire sur des tablettes.
Le père insiste pour que le maître accepte un vêtement neuf, lui offre un cadeau et met
une bague à son doigt. Le maître est à ce point charmé par tant de générosité qu'il en
oublie l'inconduite du garçon et les corrections qu'il lui a administrées. «Tu as bien profité
de tes leçons, lui dit-11, et tu es devenu un homme de grand savoir. » L'histoire eut un tel
succès qu'il en existe une vingtaine de variantes.
By 2500 BC libraries were established at Shuruppak and Eresh, and schools had been
established to train scribes for the temple and state bureaucracies as well as to legally
document contracts and business transactions. Schools were regularly attended by the
sons of the aristocracy and successful; discipline was by caning.
Copying texts at school was a duty, writing (additional) lines was used as school
punishment. Subject matters on exams at school could be mathematical problems and
Sumerian grammatical texts. Well known schools are those at Ur and at Nippur.
Schools were regularly attended by the sons of the aristocracy and successful; discipline
was by caning.
Les mathématiques
Les futurs scribes recevaient également un enseignement poussé en mathématiques. Le
système de calcul sumérien, qui reposait sur le chiffre soixante, avait une uti lité pratique,
soixante étant divisible par douze, et convenant par conséquent pour la répartition des
rations alimentaires et la subdivision de la terre. Les étudiants sumériens affinaient leur
aptitude au calcul sexagésimal en se montrant capables de résoudre des problèmes
pratiques tels que le calcul des salaires.
Le système sumérien a peut-être été le précurseur du système décimal arabe en vigueur
aujourd'hui. Quoi qu'il en soit, on en retrouve la trace dans des applications aussi
courantes que l'heure de soixante minutes et le cercle de 360 degrés.
By about 3000 BC, the Sumerians were drawing images of tokens on clay tablets.
At this point,different types of goods were represented by different symbols, and multiple
quantities represented by repetition.
Three units of grain were denoted by three 'grain-marks', five jars of oil were denoted by
five 'oil-marks' and so on.
There are two important limitations to such a system.
Firstly, every different type of good for which you want to make a record must have its
own distinctive sign.
We saw how the increasing complexity of economic life led to a great proliferation of
styles of tokens.
Each of These tokens now had to be rendered by its own sign, and, of course, all the signs
had to be learned.
The second Limitation concerns not the range of goods available, but their quantity.
Recording a delivery or disbursement of three jars of oil by writing the oil-jar symbol
three times is simple and convenient.
Recording a delivery or disbursement of several hundred jars of oil the same way is no
longer so convenient and is also a system to prone to error.
The large temple complexes that developed in the late fourth millennium, such as the
temple of Inanna at Uruk, were considerable economic enterprises, dealing in large
quantities of goods and labor. Gradually, a new system had to be developed.
The first great innovation after the act of writing was the separation of the quantity of the
good from the symbol for the good.
That is, to represent three units of grain by a symbol for 'three' followed by a symbol for
'grain-unit' in the same way that we would write 3 sheep or 3 cows or, more generally, 3
liters or 3 kilometers.
A system of this sort is a metrological numeration system, a system of weights and
measures. The 'three' symbol is not completely abstract, but is given value by its context,
by having the units appended.
The development of this concept over the third millennium is a fascinating and extremely
complex story that is as yet only partially understood.
Whereas we use the same number signs, regardless of their metrological meaning (the '3'
for sheep is the same sign as the '3' for kilometers or jars of oil), the Sumerians used a
wide variety of different symbols.
Nissen, Damerow and Englund have identified around 60 different number signs, which
they group into a dozen or so metrological systems.
Any metrological system contains a number of different-sized units with fixed conversion
factors between them, so that, for example, there are 12 inches in a foot and three feet in a
yard, and so on.
Just as in our old weight and measure systems, Sumerian metrology featured all sorts of
conversion factors, although it is notable that they were all simple fractions of 60.
In the basic sexagesimal system used for counting most discrete objects, a single object, a
sheep or cow or fish, is denoted by a small cone.
Ten cones equaled one small circle, six small circles equaled one big cone, ten big cones
equaled was a big cone with a circle inside it, six of those was a large circle and ten large
circles was given by a large circle with a small circle inside.
This last unit was then worth 10x6x10x6x10 = 36000 base units.
Note that the circle and "cone-shape" could be easily made by a stylus pressing on the
clay, either vertically for the circle or at an angle for the cone.
For discrete ration goods a 'bisexagesimal' system was used with conversion factors 10, 6,
2, 10 and 6, so that the symbol for the Largest quantity, this time a large circle containing
two small circles, denoted 6x10x2x6x10=7200 base units.
Yet another system was used for measuring grain capacity. Here the conversion factors
were 5, 10, 3, and 10, so that the largest unit, a large cone containing a small circle, was
worth 10x3x10x5=1500 of the small units.
Adding to the confusion for modern scholars attempting to unravel these complex
metrological systems was the fact that a single sign might be used in several systems,
where it could mean different multiples of the base unit.
In particular, the small c ircle could mean 6, 10 or 18 small cones, depending on context
(as well as other multiples of base units denoted by other symbols).
Gradually, over the course of the third millennium, these signs were replaced by
cuneiform equivalents so that numbers could be written with the same stylus that was
being used for the words in the text.
The final step in this story, occurring probably some time in the Ur III period, right at the
end of the third millennium, was the introduction of a sexagesimal place value system.
The number of signs was reduced to just two: a vertical wedge derived from the small
cone often used for the base unit, and a corner wedge, derived from the small circle.
 The corner wedge had a value of ten vertical wedges. In the sexagesimal counting system
described above, the next size unit was the large cone, worth six circles.
In the place value system, this unit was denoted by the same-sized vertical wedge as the
base unit, and it was worth six corner wedges. Now the pair of symbols could be repeated
in an indefinitely larger alternating series of corner and vertical wedges, always keeping
the same conversion factors of 10 and 6.
The price paid was that a vertical wedge could now mean 1, or 60 (6x10), or 3600
(60x60), and so on. It's actual value was determined by its place.
The sexagesimal place-value system greatly facilitated calculations, but, of course, at the
end of the day, the final answer had to be translated back into the underlying metrological
system of units.
So a problem would be stated in proper units and the solution would be given in proper
units, but the intermediate calculations were carried out in the new sexagesimal place
value system.

Record-keeping pushes the human mind in other directions as well. In particular, record-
keeping demands that humans start doing something all humans love to do: calculating.
Numbers have to be added up, subtracted, multiplied, divided, and sundry other fun
things. So the Sumerians developed a sophistication with mathematics that had never
been seen before on the human landscape. And all that number crunching led the
Sumerians to begin crude speculations about the nature of numbers and processes
involving numbers—abstract mathematics.
Literary arts, architecture, sculpture. and the sciences all flourished. In geometry and
mathematics the Babylonians had formulated theories which were in much later times
ascribed to Euclid and Pythagoras. They used first and second degree algebraic formulae,
and set the foundations of Logarithms. Medicine and surgery were highly developed,
along with astronomy and astrology.
Le calendrier
All this administration of agriculture required much more careful planning, since each
farmer had to produce a far greater excess of produce than he would actually consume.
And all the bureaucratic record keeping demanded some kind of efficient system of
measuring long periods of time. So the Sumerians invented calendars, which they divided
into twelve months based on the cycle of the moon. Since a year consisting of twelve
lunar months is considerably shorter than a solar year, the Sumerians added a "leap
month" every three years in order to catch up with the sun. This interest in measuring
long periods of time led the Sumerians to develop a complicated knowledge of astronomy
and the first human invention of the zodiac in order to measure yearly time.
Throughout the Mesopotamian history various methods for designating the year were in
use. Up to the era of Sargon a system was used by giving the year the name of a local
official, the so called eponym or year-eponym. The eponym system remained in use later
by the Assyrians for a long time. Other rulers use the regnal year counted from the start of
their enthronement. Sargon started to call the year by the name of a significant event in
that year. This system of year names provide historians with a list a principle events (of
which unfortunately only a fraction is known).
The Sumerians of Babylonia were probably the first people to make a calendar. They
used the phases of the moon, counting 12 lunar months as a year. To make up for the
difference between this year and the year of the seasons, they inserted an extra month in
the calendar about every four years. The early Egyptians, Greeks, and Semitic peoples
copied this calendar. Later the Egyptians worked out a calendar that corresponded almost
exactly to the seasons.
 The early Romans also used a calendar that was based on the moon. The year in this
calendar was 355 days long. The months corresponding to March, May, July, and October
each had 31 days; February had 28 days; and the rest had 29. An extra month was added
about every fourth year.
The high priest regulated the calendar. On the calends, or day of the new moon, he
announced to the people the times of the nones (first quarter) and ides (full moon) for that
month. The word calendar is from the Latin word kalendae.
The priests, however, performed their calendar-keeping duties poorly, and by Julius
Caesar's time they had summer months coming in the spring. Caesar corrected this
situation in 46 BC in the Julian calendar. He adopted the plan of the Egyptian astronomer
Sosigenes--a 365-day year, with one day added every fourth, or "leap," year. He
distributed the extra ten days among the 29-day months, making them identical with the
months today.
In ancient Sumer there were two "seasons" in the Sumerian year - a "summer" season
Emesh which began on the Vernal Equinox - and a "winter" season, Enten, which began
on the Autumnal Equinox. New Year’s day was an important holiday (when the sacred
marriage rite was performed); this was celebrated around the Vernal Equinox, depending
on the synchronization of the lunar and solar calendars. (The new year and month would
begin on the first New Moon, after the completion of the old lunar year.) The day began
and ended at sunset and contained twelve "hours." It is important to note the similarity of
the old Sumerian calendar and the Hebrew calendar, including the timing of the Hebrew
Passover (around the same time as the Sumerian New Year), and the beginning of the
Hebrew Sabbath (at sundown).
Their calendar was lunar, consisting of 12 lunar months or a 354 day lunar year. Each
month was begun on the New Moon.
The month began at sunset, with the first visible (thinnest) crescent of the New Moon,
which is visible about 18 hours after conjunction or about 36 hours after the
disappearance of the Old Moon's thinnest crescent, (under certain circumstances this can
be as short as 22 to 24 hours after disappearance of the Old Moon, with a clear western
horizon). The lunar calendar was synchronized with the solar year (the seasons) by
intercalation of a leap month every few years.
L'astronomie
Sumerian astronomy was primitive compared to later Babylonian standards. They
recognized and cataloged the brightest stars, outlined a rudimentary set of Zodiacal
constellations, and noted the movements of the five visible planets (Mercury, Venus,
Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn), as well as the Sun and Moon amongst the stars of the Zodiac.
Sumerians also developed a rudimentary system of astrological divination for use in
foreseeing the future of city-states and battles, but not for predicting personal futures.
Inventions
Sumerian scientific achievements were important to the modern world.
● Sumerians invented the wheel C. 3700 BC.
● Sumerians developed a math system based on the numeral 60 which was the basis of
time in modern world.
● Earliest concepts in algebra and geometry were formulated
● Leather - Evidence exists for the use of leather by the ancient Sumerians as far back
as 6000 BC. Preserved specimens of leather dating to 5000 BC have been found.
Egyptian stone carvings of about the same date show leather workers. Egyptian
leather sandals more than 3,300 years old and an Egyptian queen's funeral tent of
gazelle hides made in 1100 BC are in museums.
● A system of weights and measures were developed which served the ancient world
until the Roman period.
● Many of the constellations were mapped by the Sumerians
● Sumerians developed a complex system of sewers and flush toilets to rid cities of
waste and unhealthy affects of swamps.
● Bronze metal
Arts et architecture
Arts
Généralités
From Sumeria have come examples of fine works in marble, diorite, hammered gold, and
lapis lazuli. Of the many portraits produced in this area, some of the best are those of
Gudea, ruler of Lagash.
Some of the portraits are in marble, others, such as the one in the Louvre in Paris, are cut
in gray-black diorite.
Dating from about 2400 BC, they have the smooth perfection and idealized features of the
classical period in Sumerian art.
Sumerian art and architecture was ornate and complex. Clay was the Sumerians' most
abundant material. Stone, wood, and metal had to be imported.
Art was primarily used for religious purposes.
Painting and sculpture was the main median used.
Sculpture
THE WARKA VASE

The detailed drawing above was made from tracing a photograph (from Campbell,
Shepsut) of the temple vase found at Uruk/Warka, dating from approximately 3100 BCE.
It is over one meter (nearly 4 feet) tall. On the upper tier is a the figure of a nude man
which may possibly represent the sacrificial king. He approaches the robed queen Inanna.
Inanna wears a horned headdress.
The Queen of Heaven stands in front of two looped temple poles or "asherah," phallic
posts, sacred to the goddess. A group of nude priests bring gifts of baskets of gifts,
including, fruits to pay her homage on the lower tier. This vase is now at the Iraq
Museum in Bagdad.
"The Warka Vase, is the oldest ritual vase in carved stone discovered in ancient Sumer
and can be dated to round about 3000 B.C. or probably 4th-3rd millennium B.C. It shows
men entering the presence of his gods, specifically a cult goddess Innin (Inanna),
represented by two bundles of reeds placed side by side symbolizing the entrance to a
temple.
Inanna - Female Head from Uruk, c. 3500 - 3000 B.C., Iraq Museum, Baghdad.

Inanna in the Middle East was an Earth and later a (horned) moon goddess; Canaanite
derivative of Sumerian Innin, or Akkadian Ishtar of Uruk. Ereshkigal (wife of Nergal)
was Inanna's (Ishtar's) elder sister.
Inanna descended from the heavens into the hell region of her sister-opposite, the Queen
of Death, Ereshkigal. And she sent Ninshubur her messenger with instructions to rescue
her should she not return. The seven judges (Annunaki) hung her naked on a stake.
Ninshubar tried various gods (Enlil, Nanna, Enki who assisted him with two sexless
creatures to sprinkle a magical food and water on her corpse 60 times).
She was preceded by Belili, wife of Baal (Heb. Tamar, taw-mawr', from an unused root
meaning to be erect, a palm tree). She ended up as Annis, the blue hag who sucked the
blood of children. Inanna in Egypt became the goddess of the Dog Star, Sirius which
announced the flood season of the Nile."
Practically all Sumerian sculpture served as adornment or ritual equipment for the
temples. No clearly identifiable cult statues of gods or goddesses have yet been found.
Many of the extant figures in stone are votive statues, as indicated by the phrases used in
the inscriptions that they often bear: "It offers prayers," or "Statue, say to my king (god). .
. ."
Sumerian Statuettes, from the Temple of Abu,
Tel Asmar, c. 2700 - 2600 B.C., Iraq Museum,
Baghdad and Oriental Institute, University of Chicago.
Male statues stand or sit with hands clasped in an attitude of prayer. They are often naked
above the waist and wear a woolen skirt curiously woven in a pattern that suggests
overlapping petals (commonly described by the Greek word kaunakes, meaning "thick
cloak"). A togalike garment sometimes covers one shoulder. Men generally wear long
hair and a heavy beard, both often trimmed in corrugations and painted black. The eyes
and eyebrows are emphasized with coloured inlay. The female coiffure varies
considerably but predominantly consists of a heavy coil arranged vertically from ear to
ear and a chignon behind. The hair is sometimes concealed by a headdress of folded
linen. Ritual nakedness is confined to priests.
It has been thought that the rarity of stone in Mesopotamia contributed to the primary
stylistic distinction between Sumerian and Egyptian sculpture. The Egyptians quarried
their own stone in prismatic blocks, and one can see that, even in their freestanding
statues, strength of design is attained by the retention of geometric unity. By contrast, in
Sumer, stone must have been imported from remote sources, often in the form of
miscellaneous boulders, the amorphous character of which seems to have been retained
by the statues into which they were transformed.
Beyond this general characteristic of Sumerian sculpture, two successive styles have been
distinguished in the middle and late subdivisions of the Early Dynastic period. One very
notable group of figures, from Tall al-Asmar, Iraq (ancient Eshnunna), dating from the
first of these phases, shows a geometric simplification of forms that, to modern taste, is
ingenious and aesthetically acceptable. Statues characteristic of the second phase, on the
other hand, though technically more competently carved, show aspirations to naturalism
that are sometimes overly ambitious. In this second style, some scholars see evidence of
occasional attempts at portraiture.
Yet, in spite of minor variations, all these figures adhere to the single formula of
presenting the conventional characteristics of Sumerian physiognomy. Their provenance
is not confined to the Sumerian cities in the south. An important group of statues is
derived from the ancient capital of Mari, on the middle Euphrates, where the population
is known to have been racially different from the Sumerians. In the Mari statues there
also appears to have been no deviation from the sculptural formula; they are distinguished
only by technical peculiarities in the carving.
 Deprived of stone, Sumerian sculptors exploited alternative materials. Fine examples of
metal casting have been found, some of them suggesting knowledge of the cire perdue
(lost-wax) process, and copper statues more than half life-size are known to have existed.
In metalwork, however, the ingenuity of Sumerian artists is perhaps best judged from
their contrivance of composite figures.
The earliest and one of the finest examples of such figures--and of Sumerian sculpture as
a whole--comes from a Protoliterate level of excavation at Tall al-Warka'. It is the
limestone face of a life-size statue (Iraqi Museum, Baghdad), the remainder of which
must have been composed of other materials; the method of attachment is visible on the
surviving face.
Devices of this sort were brought to perfection by craftsmen of the Early Dynastic period,
the finest examples of whose work are to be seen among the treasures from the royal
tombs at Ur: a bull's head decorating a harp, composed of wood or bitumen covered with
gold and wearing a lapis lazuli beard (British Museum);
Sumerian Bull's Head, Lyre from Tomb of Paubi, c. 2600 B.C.

A rampant he-goat in gold and lapis, supported by a golden tree (University Museum,
Philadelphia) -

Ram (Billy Goat) and Tree, Offering Stand from Ur (to male fertility god, Tammuz),
2600 B.C.,
The composite headdresses of court ladies (British Museum, Iraqi Museum, and
University Museum); or, more simply, the miniature figure of a wild ass, cast in electrum
(a natural yellow alloy of gold and silver) and mounted on a bronze rein ring (British
Museum).
The inlay and enrichment of wooden objects reaches its peak in this period, as may be
seen in the so-called standard or double-sided panel from Ur (British Museum), on which
elaborate scenes of peace and war are depicted in a delicate inlay of shell and
semiprecious stones. The refinement of craftsmanship in metal is also apparent in the
famous wig-helmet of gold (Iraqi Museum), belonging to a Sumerian prince, and in
weapons, implements, and utensils.
Relief carving in stone was a medium of expression popular with the Sumerians and first
appears in a rather crude form in Protoliterate times. In the final phase of the Early
Dynastic period, its style became conventional. The most common form of relief
sculpture was that of stone plaques, 1 foot (30 centimetres) or more square, pierced in the
centre for attachment to the walls of a temple, with scenes depicted in several registers
(horizontal rows).
The subjects usually seem to be commemorative of specific events, such as feasts or
building activities, but representation is highly standardized, so that almost identical
plaques have been found at sites as much as 500 miles (800 kilometres) apart. Fragments
of more ambitious commemorative stelae have also been recovered; the Stele of Vultures
(Louvre Museum) from Telloh, Iraq (ancient Lagash), is one example. Although it
commemorates a military victory, it has a religious content. The most important figure is
that of a patron deity, emphasized by its size, rather than that of the king. The formal
massing of figures suggests the beginnings of mastery in design, and a formula has been
devised for mutiplying identical figures, such as chariot horses.
In a somewhat different category are the cylinder seals so widely utilized at this time.
Used for the same purposes as the more familiar stamp seal and likewise engraved in
negative (intaglio), the cylinder-shaped seal was rolled over wet clay on which it left an
impression in relief. Delicately carved with miniature designs on a variety of stones or
shell, cylinder seals rank as one of the higher forms of Sumerian art.
Prominent among their subjects is the complicated imagery of Sumerian mythology and
religious ritual. Still only partially understood, their skillful adaptation to linear designs
 can at least be easily appreciated. Some of the finest cylinder seals date from the
Protoliterate period (see photograph). After a slight deterioration in the first Early
Dynastic period, when brocade patterns or files of running animals were preferred (see
photograph), mythical scenes returned. Conflicts are depicted between wild beasts and
protecting demigods or hybrid figures, associated by some scholars with the Sumerian
epic of Gilgamesh. The monotony of animated motifs is occasionally relieved by the
introduction of an inscription.
Votive Statues, from the Temple of Abu, Tell Asmar,c.2500 BC, limestone, shell, and
gypsum

CYLINDER SEALS

Sumerian/Elamite Cylinder Seals (French Sceaux-cylindres, German Zylindersiegel) are

small (2-6 cm) cylinder-shaped stones carved with a decorative design in intaglio
(engraved).
The cylinder was rolled over wet clay to mark or identify clay tablets, envelopes,
ceramics and bricks. It so covers an area as large as desired, an advantage over earlier
 stamp seals. Its use and spread coincides with the use of clay tablets, starting at the end of
the 4th millennium up to the end of the first millennium.

After this time stamp seals are used again. Cylinder seals are important to historians. The
seals were needed as signature, confirmation of receipt, or to mark clay tablets and
building blocks.

The invention fits with the needs caused by the general development of city states.
Inscriptions are mostly carved in reverse, so as to leave a positive image on the clay with
figures standing out. Some are directly carved and leave a negative imprint.
Regarding the clay tablets found at Uruk: The language of these texts is not known so
they cannot be 'read'. However, as the script is largely pictographic, they can at least be
partly understood.
Whether the elaborate writing system of the early Uruk texts with its large number of
signs was the result of a l ong development or of a rapid breakthrough, perhaps by a
single individual, is not known.
Already, in earlier periods there were tablets with signs that had been impressed on them
rather than written with a stylus. The signs corresponded to the measures of quantity that
appeared on the Uruk tablets.
Stamp and cylinder seals for identifying ownership of property, and tokens for recording
commodities, were other possible sources.

Architecture
Généralités
Theirs was an urban civilization in which architects were familiar with all the basic
architectural principles known to us today, the artist possessed the highest skills and
standards of excellence
The structures should be smallish, with flat roofs and plaster type or simple brick walls.
The Sumerians did use sun-dried convex mud bricks for construction that proved to be
quite strong. Structures in small towns should be painted in simple neutral colors with
very little or no decoration or ornamentation.
The beginnings of monumental architecture in Mesopotamia are usually considered to
have been contemporary with the founding of the Sumerian cities and the invention of
writing, in about 3100 BC. Conscious attempts at architectural design during this so-
called Protoliterate period (c. 3400-c. 2900 BC) are recognizable in the construction of
religious buildings.

Maisons d'habitation
Les maisons des Sumériens aisés étaient généralement des édifices confortables
comportant une dizaine de pièces ou plus ; dans la plupart des demeures, toutes les pièces
donnaient sur une cour intérieure par de hauts couloirs voûtés. A l'intérieur, les murs de
briques étaient le plus souvent revêtus de boue et blanchis à la chaux; des nattes de
roseaux ou des tapis de laine recouvraient les sols en briques. Certaines maisons
comportaient des salles réservées à la prière et munies d'autels en briques. Des niches
aménagées dans les murs abritaient des statuettes en argile représentant les divinités
tutélaires de la maisonnée.
The structures should be smallish, with flat roofs and plaster type or simple brick walls.
The Sumerians did use sun-dried convex mud bricks for construction that proved to be
quite strong. Structures in small towns should be painted in simple neutral colors with
very little or no decoration or ornamentation.
Most of the buildings even in larger cities had flat roofs, though the peaked roof along
with the dome were known. Narrow lanes were sheltered by colorful awnings and open
stalls or booths and reminded one of a Middle Eastern bazaar.
The average Sumerian house was one or two stories high and consisted of several rooms
around an open courtyard. The typical house was white washed both inside and outside.
Early Sumerian homes were huts built from bundles of reeds, which went on to be built
from sun-baked mud bricks because of the shortage of stone.

Les villes
If modeling larger cities then much more creative freedom can be exercised. The focal
point or outstanding feature of a city was the temple or ziggurat. The temple was situated
on a high terrace, which was gradually developed into a massive staged tower (ziggurat).
The sacred and royal sections of Sumerian cities were the only areas that were organized
along reasonable lines. The rest of the city was largely unorganized having no rhyme or
reason as to how streets or sections of town were to be laid out. The unpaved streets were
very narrow and winding often ending in blind alleys that led to well hidden houses. A
typical city block may have large houses and small mixed together along with one, two,
or three storied structures.
If streets were paved it was usually in the town squares of the more wealthy city-states.
The town square was very appealing to the young as well as the pleasure seeker. Feasts
and other celebrations were often held in these areas, and during the day an open air
market was set-up here.
Massive walls and large gates always protected large and important Sumerian cities. The
walls of these cities were usually painted in plain and drab colors with no decoration.
Common defenses of city walls in this period are limited to the ramparts being manned
by slingers and javelineers.
Since trade was of monumental importance to the Sumerians well protected roads and
rivers were a must. Roads leading into major cities will be busy with caravan or regular
trade traffic. Port areas are usually located out of the walls of cities but are sometimes
inside the city walls. The various ports will be busy and a large number of sea going
vessels will always be present.
The capitol [City-State] of the Mesopotamian Civilization was Ur - Uruk [3500 BC].

The city is believed to have been surrounded by a great moat.

Palais
Aucune résidence de l'aristocratie ne pouvait rivaliser avec celle du roi. Les palais des
souverains devinrent de plus en plus somptueux, égalant même par leurs dimensions et
leur élégance les ziggourats voisines. Le palais du roi de Mari s'étendait sur plus de trois
hectares et comportait près de trois cents pièces. Au milieu de cette splendeur, le iugai, de
son trône placé sur une plate-forme surëievée, àirigeait les affaires àe 1"État, recevait les
émissaires d'autres cités-États, prenait plaisir à entendre de la musique jouée à la harpe et
à la lyre et des hymnes spécialement composés à sa louange.
Another central feature in these cities was the royal palace. These structures were always
built from brick, and lavishly decorated partly to help take away from the bricks plain and
drab appearance. Patterns of zigzags, lozenges, and triangles can be painted onto these
structures, and the base colors are always brighter than those of standard buildings. The
most common base colors used on palaces and temples were various shades of blue, along
with brownish or red brown earth tones. All of the trim on these structures is of a bright
contrasting color or more often gold. Large mosaics and paintings of Sumerian life were
also used to decorate the walls of these structures. The temple was at one time the most
lavishly decorated building in the city, but with an increase in the secular powers and
wealth of the king and other nobles the palace soon began to rival the temple in size and
lavish ornamentation.
Considerably less is known about palaces or other secular buildings at this time. Circular
brick columns and austerely simplified facades have been found at Kish (modern Tall al-
Uhaimer, Iraq). Flat roofs, supported on palm trunks, must be assumed, although some
knowledge of corbeled vaulting (a technique of spanning an opening like an arch by
having successive cones of masonry project farther inward as they rise on each side off
the gap)--and even of dome construction--is suggested by tombs at Ur, where a little stone
was available.
Organisation politique
Evolution vers la monarchie
Jusqu'en 2800 environ avant J.-C., les affaires des cités-États étaient conduites par un
conseil des anciens dont les membres appartenaient à l'aristocratie. En période de crise,
comme en temps de guerre, le conseil désignait un chef unique, le lugal - littéralement le
« grand homme » - qui était chargé de diriger la communauté pendant toute la durée du
conflit et retournait ensuite en héros vénéré à ses anciennes occupations. Les périodes de
paix devenant de plus en plus courtes, le lugal eut tendance à rester plus longtemps au
pouvoir et à étendre son autorité de chef militaire à tous les domaines de la vie
communautaire, supplantant même le conseil des anciens qui l'avait nommé. Le mot lugal
devint peu à peu synonyme de roi. Avec le temps, celui-ci prit l'initiative de désigner son
successeur. C'est ainsi que naquirent à Sumer diverses dynasties qui allaient régner plus
tard sur les cités-États.
The most impressive ruins in any Sumerian or Akkadian city are always the temple and
palace districts. Gods and kings are an important part of Sumerian literature, too. It is a
bit surprising, then, that the original organization of the city was not monarchical. The
cities were thriving by 3000 B.C., while unambiguous signs of kingship appear only
about 2700. Nor were the cities necessarily dominated by the priests, though religion was
an important part of Sumerian life. Traces in the literature, which presents kingship as a
divine institution dating back into the immemorial past, nevertheless allow us to say that
originally the cities were republics governed by citizen-landholders, or, perhaps more
precisely, by landholding households, which were in turn governed by the head of the
household.  In the original cities, the heads of families made the decisions about
community action.
A story from around 2700 B.C. about an early, legendary king, Gilgamesh of Uruk, gives
us a concrete picture of how these republics worked at a later stage. According to the tale,
Gilgamesh was faced with a demand for submission by the powerful king of Kish. He
wished to resist, but was not authorized to make the decision on his own. He had to
consult with a council of city elders, no doubt important landowners. They feared war
more than Gilgamesh, and opted for submission. Unwilling to do this, Gilgamesh
appealed to an assembly of all male citizens of fighting age, who overruled the elders.
The implied constitution is much like that of city- states in other eras. The fighting free
men are the ultimate basis of authority, but a smaller group holds day-to-day authority. In
this story, Gilgamesh is not an absolute sovereign, if he is sovereign at all, but an official,
one who has to deal with various bodies of citizens to implement his plans for war or
peace.
This is a late stage of Sumerian republicanism, and one can easily understand why it was
about to fail. There are big differences of wealth and influence between the citizens in
2700 B.C., and may have been even greater between citizens and non-citizens. War-
leaders in many societies, including Rome and the cities of the Italian Renaissance, have
acquired dynastic kingship by taking a strategic position between rich and poor citizens.
In early Uruk, the ruler was called an en, which elsewhere and later meant "high priest." 
A ruler was called a lord (en) and was often deified. Each city had a governor (ensi) or a
king (lugal meaning literally "great man") who lived in a great house (egal), and they
often had religious duties as well, particularly to build and maintain temples. The wife of
the king was called a lady or queen (nin), and she might take on important projects such
as managing the affairs of a temple goddess.
When a town or village was being settled the building of a temple to a particular god from
the Sumerian pantheon who was in favor with the settlers as well as being recognized as
the patron saint of the community gave a definite religious sanction to the idea of local
autonomy. The chief priest or patesi of a temple was believed to be the patron god's
 principal representative on earth. Since the Sumerians were chiefly a theocratic society,
this led to the priest being given the powers and the position of being a civil governor.
From the very earliest of dates Mesopotamia had become a land of many small and
independent city-states.

Gouvernement monarchique
The Sumerians seem to have developed one of the world's first systems of monarchy; the
early states they formed needed a new form of government in order to govern larger areas
and diverse peoples. The very first states in human history, the states of Sumer, seemed to
have been ruled by a type of priest-king, called in Sumerian, a ; among their duties were
leading the military, administering trade, judging disputes, and engaging in the most
important religious ceremonies. The priest-king ruled through a series of bureaucrats,
many of them priests, that carefully surveyed land, assigned fields, and distributed crops
after harvest. This new institution of monarchy required the invention of a new
legitimation of authority beyond the tribal justification of chieftainship based on concepts
of kinship and responsibility. So the Sumerians seemed to have at first justified the
monarch's authority based on some sort of divine selection, but later began to assert that
the monarch himself was divine and worthy of worship. This legitimation of monarchical
authority would serve all the later peoples who settled or imitated Mesopotamian city-
states; the only exception were the Hebrews who imitated Mesopotamian kingship but
construed the monarchy not as a divine election but as disobedience to Yahweh, the
Hebrew god.
Choix du monarque
The normal Sumerian word for king was lugal, and the lugal was a ruler in a pretty
secular sense of the word. Perhaps originally he was an elective war-leader, but very soon
the position became hereditary
Couronnement

Approbation
Although not a capital, the city had an important role to play in politics. Kings, on
ascending the throne in cities such as Kish, Ur, and Isin, sought recognition at Ekur, the
temple of Enlil, the chief god of the Mesopotamian pantheon (Fig. 3). In exchange for
such legitimization the kings lavished gifts of land, precious metals and stones, and other
commodities on the temples and on the city as a whole. At the end of successful wars,
rulers would present booty, including captives, to Enlil and the other gods at Nippur.
Rôles du roi
Les rois élargirent considérablement le champ d'activité des pouvoirs publics de la cité-
État. Ils lancèrent de vastes programmes de travaux publics, tels que la construction àe
nouveaux canaux et de routes, et l'agrandissement des temples. Certaines cités
possédaient même des services postaux rudimentaires. Il fallut créer des administrations,
des postes de régisseurs, d'inspecteurs, de collecteurs d'impôts ainsi que des postes de
scribes pour tout consigner par écrit.
Des innombrables responsabilités du roi, la promulgation et l'application des lois était la
plus importante.
The normal Sumerian word for king was lugal, and the lugal was a ruler in a pretty
secular sense of the word. Perhaps originally he was an elective war-leader, but very soon
the position became hereditary and concerned with justice, too. He was a 'judge' in the
Old Testament sense, a `righter of wrongs,' an ultimate authority to be appealed to. As we
 have seen, he acquired wealth to rival the temples. Later, he also regained a religious role,
as intercessor with the gods for good weather and harvests.
Undoubtedly, war leadership was the key attribute of the king.
Kings owed their power to the favor of the gods, were expected to give them offerings, to
rebuild or improve their temples, but there were always living priests who did most of the
holy work and controlled the temples and their property.
There were monthly feasts and annual, New Year celebrations. During the later, the king
would be married to Inanna as the resurrected fertility god Dumuzi, whose exploits are
dealt with below.
Many of the secular kings claimed divine right; Sargon of Agade, for example claimed to
have been chosen by Ishtar/Inanna.
Le pouvoir de ces souverains rivalisa bientôt avec celui des temples, mais ils eurent soin
d'entretenir des relations cordiales avec le clergé. Même lorsqu'une monarchie était
solidement implantée, le roi recherchait le soutien des prêtres; en retour il était considéré
comme le représentant sur terre de la divinité, comme un souverain de droit divin, le
caractère semi-divin du roi d'Ur a été consacré par un certain nombre de rites, dont le plus
important avait lieu le premier jour de la nouvelle année. Le roi, à la tête d'une procession
solennelle, montait jusqu'au sommet de la principale ziggourat de la ville où
s'accomplissait un mariage symbolique qui l'unissait, en tant que substitut de l'un des
dieux, à une prêtresse représentant Inanna, la déesse de la fécondité.
Interdépendance entre religion et politique
We know from cuneiform texts found at Nippur and elsewhere that the temples, rather
than controlling the cities through a "Temple Economy," as was proposed earlier in this
century, were under supervision by a king or a royally appointed governor, even in the
Early Dynastic III period (c. 2600 B.C.) [Foster 1981; Maekawa 1987]. In the Akkadian
period (c. 2300 B.C.), the temples of Inanna and Ninurta seem to have been under very
close control of the governor, but the ziggurat complex, dedicated to Enlil, appears to
have been more autonomous, reporting directly to the king in Agade [Westenholz 1987:
29]. During the Ur III period (c. 2100 B.C.) at Nippur, the administrator of the Inanna
temple had to report to his cousin, the governor, on the financial affairs of the temple, and
even had to go to the governor's storehouse to obtain the ritual equipment for specific
feasts of the goddess.
Administration
Bureaucratie
The principal character of Sumerian government was bureaucracy; the monarchy
effectively held power over great areas of land and diverse peoples by having a large and
efficient "middle management." This middle management, which consisted largely of
priests, bore all the responsibility of surveying and distributing land as well as
distributing crops. For city living greatly changes the human relation to food production:
when people begin to live in cities, that means a large part of the human population
ceases to grow or raise its own food, which means that all those people who do grow and
raise food need to feed all those who don't. This requires some sort of distribution
mechanism, which requires the greatest of all inventions of civilizations, the bureaucrat.
And to make sure that the entire mechanism works, the newly urbanized needs to invent a
tool to make the bureaucrat's life easier: record-keeping. And record-keeping means
writing in some form or another.
The Sumerians were quite bureaucratic, documenting major transactions and legal
agreements of all kinds, being the first to develop a system of laws, which influenced the
law codes of Eshnunna and Hammurabi.
Les scribes
S'il persévérait dans ses études, malgré les rigueurs de l'edubba, l'élève s'en trouvait
largement récompensé. L'obtention de son diplôme le placerait dans les classes
privilégiées de la société sumérienne. Il lui serait possible de travail Ier dans un temple ou
dans la fonction publique, comme comptable, secrétaire ou archiviste, ou encore d'obtenir
un poste dans le commerce avec l'étranger.
Le scribe frais émoulu de l'école pouvait même se faire une clientèle privée, être
rémunéré pour écrire des lettres et des contrats à la demande de ses clients illettrés. Les
tablettes d'argi le avaient valeur de documents juridiques dès lors que l'intéressé les avait
signées en y imprimant son propre sceau. Ces sceaux étaient des oeuvres d'an minuscules,
de petits fragments cylindriques de pierre dure dans lesquels étaient gravés des
pictogrammes qui identifiaient leur propriétaire. Tout Sumérien adulte, même il lettré,
avait donc la possibilité d'apposer de façon élégante l'empreinte de son nom.

Recrutement
From the listing of members of two and three generations as minor figures on the temple
rolls, it is clear that it was not just the Ur-me-me family that found long-term employment
within the temple's economic and social skucture. Through the continued association of
families with the institution, not only were generations of people guaranteed a livelihood,
but the institution was guaranteed a cadre which would pass on the routines that made the
institution function. The temple could add key personnel not only through a kind of birth-
right (family or lineage inclusion), but also through recruitment; important individuals
within the institution's adrninistration would have acted as patrons not just for nephews,
nieces, and more distant relatives but also for unrelated persons. By incorporating clients
of its important men and women, an institution could forge linkages with the general
population in the city as well as in the supporting countryside and in other cities; these
recruits, in taking up posts within a temple, a municipal establishment, the royal
bureaucracy, or in a large family business, would ensure that the patron had loyal
adherents.
Législation
L'invention de la législation
La société sumérienne devenant plus complexe, il fallut édicter des lois précises aussi
bien pour le commerce que pour les affaires civiles et criminelles. Les rois, en
promulguant des codes, répondirent à cette nécessité.
The proximity of villages makes communication and interaction easier. It stimulates the
cultural and economic exchange on the one hand, but enlarges the possibility of conflicts
on the other hand. Making rules and agreements to avoid and solve conflicts is seen as an
important factor in the process of civilization and considered as more important than the
administrative necessity for cooperation in the irrigation works.
Les premières lois
Le plus ancien que l'on ait découvert jusqu"à présent date du règned'Ur-Nammu,
souverain'delà cité'd'Ur, au début du XXle siècle avant notre ère ; il est sans doute
l'oeuvre de son fils Shulgi. Des décrets royaux avaient certainement été promulgués
plusieurs siècles auparavant ; il n'en reste pas moins que le code d'Ur-Nammu précède
d'un millénaire environ ce guide de conduite beaucoup mieux connu que sont les Dix
Commandements de la Bible.
Ur-Nammu is credited with freeing the land of thieves, robbers, and rebels, and using
"principles of equity and truth" he promulgated the oldest known code of laws. According
to the ancient text Ur-Nammu established "equity in the land and banished malediction,
violence, and strife."7 Not as harsh as later laws of Hammurabi and Moses, crimes
involving physical injuries were not always punished by death or mutilation but often by
paying compensation in silver instead. However, the double standard of sexism was
already established:
4. If the wife of a man followed after another man
and he slept with her, they shall slay that woman,
but that male shall be set free.
5. If a man proceeded by force,
and deflowered the virgin slavewoman of another man,
that man must pay five shekels of silver.8
If a defending witness refuses to testify by oath, the lawsuit must be paid; and the fine for
perjury was fifteen shekels of silver, a shekel being a half ounce.

Hammurabi's fame is so great because he was found at an early stage in Middle Eastern
archaeology. He particularly impressed people in the early part of this century because he
left, carved on a stele, what has often been called the first code of laws. The code bears a
resemblance to another Semitic body of laws from ancient times, the Mosaic law of the
ancient Hebrews. The two codes both emphasize retribution. For instance, law 229-30: If
a builder has constructed a house for a free man but has not made his work strong, with
the result that the house which he built collapsed and so caused the death of the owner of
the house, that builder shall be put to death. If it has caused the death of the son of the
owner of the house, they shall put to death the son of the builder..
The resemblance to the laws of Moses and the early date much impressed the finders of
the stele, and Hammurabi's time was at first advertised as an important era in the progress
of human civilization. Subsequent research tended to cast doubt on that early notion. For
one thing, at least one earlier code, from the previous Ur Three period [Ur-Nammu's], has
been found, and it makes Hammurabi's emphasis on an eye for an eye look "more
primitive" than it used to.
Lipit-Ishtar, whose moderate law code regulated inheritance, real estate business, hiring
contracts, and privately owned slaves, described himself as "the humble shepherd of
Nippur, the stalwart farmer of Ur." Here is an example of one of his laws showing how
responsibility was based on awareness:
If a man without authorization bound (another) man
to a matter to which he (the latter) had no knowledge,
that man is not affirmed;
he (the first man) shall bear the penalty
in regard to the matter to which he has bound him.13
Two centuries before Hammurabi the law codes of Eshnunna were formulated by its King
Bilalama. These laws fixed the prices of barley, sesame oil, and wool, and for hiring a
wagon or a boat. If a boatman was negligent he must pay for what he caused to be sunk.
A man must get permission of a woman's parents to marry, and the sentence for raping
her without it was death, as it was for a wife who committed adultery. Depriving another
man's slave-girl of her virginity was punished by a fine. Business transactions must be
established legally, or the person was considered a thief. Injuring another person's body
parts were compensated for by fines in silver instead of by retaliatory maiming.
Compared to later laws capital punishment seems to have been rare, and all capital cases
were brought before the king. People were responsible for vicious dogs and oxen known
to be dangerous, but even if an ox gored a man or a dog caused his death, the penalty was
still only a fine. However, if the authorities made the builder aware that a wall was
threatening to fall and he did not strengthen it but it fell and killed someone, then it was a
capital case under the king's jurisdiction. Once again increased awareness brought added
responsibility.
Le code d'Hammurabi
Hammurabi is best known for the code of laws he promulgated near the beginning of his
reign and had carved in stone in temples shortly before he died. The noble purposes of
these laws were
to cause justice to prevail in the country,
to destroy the wicked and the evil,
that the strong may not oppress the weak.14
The actual precedents of real cases which made up the code will show us more clearly
what his concept of justice was. The code referred to three classes of people: awelu who
were free, mushkenum or commoners who were dependent on the state, and wardu who
were slaves. Crimes against awelu were more severely punished, but an awelu also was
expected to be more responsible. The first law is that if an awelu accused an awelu of
murder but did not prove it, the accuser was to be put to death. Similarly with a charge of
sorcery, but in this case the proof was determined by throwing the accused into the river.
If he survived this, the accuser was put to death; and the accused took over his estate.
Those who steal property from the temple or the state were put to death as were those
who received such property from the thief. In some cases the thief could pay thirtyfold
restitution to the temple or state or tenfold to an individual, but if he did not have it he
was put to death. The penalty for having property without a witnessed contract or for
cheating or lying about it was death.
Death was also the penalty for harboring a slave or helping one to escape. A soldier could
be executed for hiring a substitute. A priestess could be burned for entering a wineshop. If
an awelu could not pay an obligation and had to sell the services of his wife, daughter,
son, or himself, three years were required before their freedom was reestablished.
Adulterers were bound and thrown into the water; but if the husband spared the woman,
the king might spare his subject. If an awelu committed incest with his widowed mother,
both were burned. If an adopted son denied his foster father or foster mother, his tongue
was cut out. If a son struck his father, his hand was cut off.
If an awelu destroyed the eye of a noble, his eye was to be destroyed; or if he broke an
awelu's bone, his bone was broken. Yet if it was the eye or bone of a commoner, the fine
was one mina of silver, which equaled sixty shekels. If it was a slave's, he must pay half
his value. The same pattern holds for a tooth, except the fine was only one-third of a
mina.
If an awelu struck a superior awelu, he was given sixty lashes in the assembly; but if they
were of the same rank, he paid one mina. However, if a commoner struck a commoner, he
paid only ten shekels. If a slave struck a noble, his ear was cut off. However, if an awelu
injured another awelu in a brawl, he could swear it was not deliberate and pay only for
the physician; and even if the man died he only had to pay a half mina or a third for a
commoner. If an awelu struck an awelu's daughter and caused a miscarriage, he paid ten
shekels for her fetus; but if she died, his daughter was put to death. Yet if she was a
commoner's daughter, the fine for miscarriage was five shekels and for her death only
one-half mina and even less for a slave.
If a physician while performing surgery caused an awelu's death or loss of his eye, his
hand was cut off. If a builder constructed a house that collapsed and killed the owner, that
builder was put to death. If it caused the owner's son to die, the builder's son was put to
death.
Such crude retaliations appear absurd to us today, and it is obviously unjust to punish the
children for the crimes of their parents. This law code is more severe than previous
Sumerian ones. Originally the laws were to settle quarrels and private conflicts by means
of arbitration; now the king's decisions had become law for everyone, instituting a system
to resolve private conflicts by generally recognized and published standards. Yet the laws
reflected the social and economic inequalities as well as the penchant for using retaliatory
violence as a reaction to problems.
The Code has 282 provisions which dealt with many aspects of life, including family
rights, trade, slavery, tariffs, taxes, prices and wages. The Code tells us much about
Babylonian society.
The Code of Hammurabi is inscribed on a stone slab over 2 metres (6ft) high. At the top,
the King is shown receiving laws from the Babylonian sun god, Shamash.
The laws are not the same for rich and poor, but the weak were given some protection
against the tyranny of the strong.
The Code was not the only law code in Mesopotamia, but the only one written in stone.
The code was based on retribution, not justice and varied unfairly between social classes.

Les caractéristiques de la loi

Laws apparently were devised to prevent abuses and as a way to settle disputes.
Among the inventions of the Sumerians, the most persistent and far-reaching was their
invention of law. While all cultures have some system of social regulation and conflict
resolution, law is a distinct phenomenon. Law is written and administered retribution and
conflict resolution. It is distinct from other forms of retribution and conflict resolution by
the following characteristics:
● Administration: law is retribution that is administered by a centralized authority.
This way retribution for wrongs does not threaten to escalate into a cycle of mutual
revenge. Sumerian law sits half way between individual revenge and state-
administered revenge: it is up to the individual to drag (quite literally) the accused
party into the court, but the court actually determines the nature of the retribution to
be exacted.
● Writing: law is written; in this way, law assumes an independent character beyond
the centralized authority that administers it. This produces a sociological fiction that
the law controls those who administer the law and that the "law" exacts retribution,
not humans.
● Retribution: law is at its heart revenge; the basic cultural mechanism for dealing
with unacceptable behavior is to exact revenge. Unacceptable behavior outside the
sphere of revenge initially did not come under the institution of law: it was only
much later that disputes that didn't involve retribution would be included in law.
Although we don't know much about Sumerian law, scholars agree that the Code of
Hammurabi, written by a Babylonian monarch, reproduces Sumerian law fairly exactly.
Sumerian law, as represented in Hammurabi's code, was a law of exact revenge, which
we call lex talionis. This is revenge in kind: "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, a life
for a life," and reveals to us that human law has as its fundamental basis revenge.
Sumerian law was also only partly administered by the state; the victim had to bring the
criminal to court. Once there, the court mediated the dispute, rendered a decision, and
most of the time a court official would execute the sentence, but often it fell on the victim
or the victim's family to enforce the sentence. Finally, Sumerian law recognized class
distinctions; under Sumerian law, everyone was not equal under the law. Harming a priest
or noble person was a far more serious crime than harming a slave or poor person; yet,
the penalties assessed for a noble person who commits a crime were often far harsher than
the penalties assessed for someone from the lower classes that committed the same crime.
This great invention, law, would serve as the basis for the institution of law among all the
Semitic peoples to follow: Babylonians, Assyrians, and, eventually, the Hebrews.

Lois commerciales
Avant même que la monarchie ne devînt le régime courant de gouvernement, les
particuliers avaient instaurés un systérne d'accords juridiques, pratique qui vit le jour au
moins dès 2700 avant J.-C. et qui, comme l'écriture cunéiforme, était dictée par les
besoins du commerce. Des tablettes de cette époque témoignent des transactions
qu'impliquait la vente de terres, de maisons et d'esclaves.
Cinq lois seulement du code d'Ur-Nammu sont encore lisibles, car le seul exemplaire qui
ait survécu - une tablette d'argile de dix centimètres sur vingt, gravée des deux côtés - est
très endommagé. Sur ces cinq lois, trois présentent un intérêt particulier parce qu'elles
semblent refléter une philosophie remarquablement éclairée sur le plan judiciaire. A une
époque où régnait encore l'antique loi du talion, les lois d'Ur-Nammu prescrivaient des
amendes à la place de mutilations ou de châtiments corporels pour punir les blessures
infligées à autrui. L'un de ces édits stipule que ii si un homme a brisé avec une arme les
os d'un autre homme, il paiera une mina d'argent ». Sumer a, semble-t-11, fait preuve
d'originalité non seulement en élaborant des codes de lois écrites mais aussi en leur
donnant un caractère humain.
Mode de fonctionnement de la justice
Le fonctionnement du système judiciaire se révèle lui aussi très éclairé. Il n'y avait pas de
jurés, mais l'accusé était jugé par une commission de plusieurs juges - généralement
choisis parmi les anciens de la communauté - et les dépositions des témoins avaient lieu
sous serment. Le condamné pouvait faire appel du jugement auprès du roi.
Lois régissant le mariage
Outre son rôle sur le plan commercial et en matière de justice pénale, le code juridique
régissait l'institution du mariage. Au cours de la cérémonie des noces, un scribe gravait
sur une tablette le contrat convenu entre les époux, et ceux-ci le signaient en y apposant
leur sceau. Le contrat spécifiait notamment les devoirs de chaque con joint et les pénalités
auxquelles l'époux s'exposerait s'il décidait de divorcer.

La loi et la coutume autorisaient le mari à prendre une ou plusieurs concubines, à divorcer

si sa femme était stérile, voire même à la louer comme esclave pendant une période
pouvant aller jusqu'à trois ans afin de se procurer la somme d'argent nécessaire au
remboursement de ses dettes.
De tous les textes juridiques de Sumer que l'on possède, le plus remarquable est peut-être
gravé sur une tablette qui précède d'environ 200 ans le code d'Ur-Nammu. Ce document
raconte une histoire qui éclaire la notion de justice. Il décrit les réformes entreprises vers
2350 avant J.-C. par le roi Urukagina dans la cité-État de Lagash.
Il commence par dénoncer les abus du régime précédent. Les lourds impôts et les lois
oppressives imposés à l'origi ne par la guerre avaient été maintenus en temps de paix. Les
collecteurs d'impôts et les autres fonctionnaires royaux corrompus sévissaient partout : ils
confisquaient les ânes et les moutons des paysans et pénétraient jusque dans les
cimetières pour s'emparer du pain et de l'orge que les familles apportaient sur les tombes
de leurs parents défunts.
Le roi Urukagina, nous dit cette tablette, changea tout cela. Il congédia les collecteurs
d'impôts malhonnêtes et les fonctionnaires corrompus, accorda l'amnistie aux individus
injustement emprisonnés et édicta surtout des ordonnances qui protégeaient les citoyens
contre toute exploitation éventuelle de la part du gouvernement. Dans le récit de cet
auteur inconnu apparaît, pour la première fois dans l'Histoire écrite, le mot ii liberté».
Organisation sociale
Urbanisation
Au cours de sa progression, la civilisation sumérienne subit de profondes mutations. Vers
l'an 3000 avant J.-C., on dénombrait seulement une dizaine d'agglomérations de plusieurs
milliers d'habitants. Cinq siècles plus tard, la population de Sumer comptait au total plus
de soc ooo âmes et l'on estime que les quatre cinquièmes se pressaient en foule vers les
vil les pour profiter des facilités et des agréments offerts par la vie citadine et pour
échapper aux pi1lards étrangers et aux envahisseurs.
Peu à peu, les villes se transformèrent en des entités juridiques de plus en plus
importantes: les cités-États, qui englobaient les villages d'agriculteurs situés à leur
périphérie. La première de ces cités-États, Uruk, servit de modèle à d'autres cités de
l'Antiquité. En l'an 2700 avant J.-C., Uruk réunissait soixante-seize villages et la ville
proprement dite s'étendait sur plus de quatre cents hectares et comptait près de soooo
habitants. Pour se protéger de ses ennemis, Uruk était entourée d'un rempart de briques
cuites d'environ dix kilomètres de long qui, sous l'ardeur du soleil sumérien, avait « l'éclat
du cuivre » comme il est dit dans L'Épopée de Gilgamesh.
Classes sociales
Génératliés
L'isolement de la monarchie et son caractère autoritaire accentuèrent les différences entre
les classes sociales. Au cours du troisième millénaire, trois groupes sociaux distincts
firent leur apparition.
En haut de l'échel le se trouvait l'aristocratie, c'est-à-dire le roi et les membres de son
gouvernement, le haut clergé, les marchands les plus riches et les propriétaires terriens.
Au bas de l'échel le figuraient les esclaves tenus en servitude par les circonstances
politiques ou économiques. Entre ces deux extrêmes,- se répartissait la grande majorité de
la population, c'est-à-dire les citoyens libres tels que paysans, pêcheurs, artisans et
scribes.
Thus though the economy of Sumer and Akkad was "free" in one sense of the word, so
that houses, fields, fishponds, livestock and slaves could all be bought and sold, in
another sense it was quite rigid, because small numbers of rich people had a terrific
amount of economic clout. The growth of monopoly ownership helps explain the
Mesopotamian proclivity for bureaucracy, and the development of writing. Most
cunieform tablets we have are concerned with economic matters.
The economic situation I have just sketched explains why the walled cities of Sumer and
Akkad were dominated by large buildings dedicated to divine or royal service. The
domination can be easily illustrated. (Maps and illustrations will be shown in class.)
Below the king or governor society had three distinct classes: aristocratic nobles who
were administrators, priests, and officers in the army rewarded with large estates; a
middle class of business people, school teachers, artisans, and farmers; and the lowest
being slaves, who had been captured in war or were dispossessed farmers or those sold by
their families.
L'aristocratie
Ceux qui occupaient le sommet étaient évidemment ceux qui vivaient le mieux. Les
propriétaires fonciers les plus riches possédaient parfois des domaines de plusieurs
centaines d'hectares. Comme les temples, un grand nombre de ces Humai nes royaux et
provinci aux ressemblaient à de petites vil les avec (eu rq ateliers et leurs dortoirs réservés
aux artisans et aux esclaves.
Les artisans
 Le mode de vie de la classe moyenne offrait de multiples aspects. Les artisans qui
vivaient dans les palais ou sur de grands domaines en dépendaient pour leur nourriture et
leur habillement. Certains vendaient leurs services ou leur production ou les troquaient
contre d'autres produits, et habitaient de modestes maisons basses dans les ruelles
sinueuses de la ville. Beaucoup d'autres, en dehors des agriculteurs, possédaient
ouvertement un lopin de terre, même s'il ne s'agissait que d'un jardinet.
Les esclaves
Les esclaves peinaient dans les palais, les temples et les grands domaines. Certains étaient
des citoyens ordinaires punis pour avoir commis quelque délit. D'autres étaient des
prisonniers de guerre; en fait, le mot sumérien pour « esclave ii était tiré du terme
empjoy,é pour désjgner "~ j,étrjnger»_ La guerre opposant surtout jes cjtés-[rats entre
elles, la plupart des esclaves prisonniers étaient des Sumériens.
Un grand nombre d'entre eux entraient volontairement en servitude. Les paysans sans
terre, par exemple, se vendaient parfois dans le seul but de se procurer nourriture et
logement. La loi autorisait les parents à vendre leurs enfants comme esclaves. Celui qui
se trouvait dans une situation financière désespérée pouvait, pour acquitter sa dette, se
vendre lui-méme et tous les membres de sa famille - animaux inclus-à son créancier,pour
une période convenue.
L'esclave était légalement la propriété du maître qui était libre de le marquer au fer rouge,
de le fouetter ou de le châtier d'autre manière s'il avait, par exemple, tenté de s'enfuir.
Mais il possédait aussi certains droits, comme celui de faire des affaires et d'emprunter de
l'argent. S'il épousait une femme libre, tous ses enfants naissaient libres et il ne lui était
pas interdit d'acheter sa propre liberté.
The monopoly of trade was a key factor in Sargon's power, but so was loot. One type of
loot that was particularly important was human loot. Big-time wars created big-time
slavery. Slaves had been fairly rare in Sumer and Akkad, and few passed into private
hands even now. But Sargon and his descendents acquired thousands. His son Rimush
took 4000 prisoners on a single campaign, and except for six whom he gave to the god
Enlil, kept the rest as state slaves. This is the documented beginning of a practice that
continued throughout antiquity -- defeated peoples in war were condemned to labor for
the victors, and especially the war-lords themselves.
Slavery was not stigmatized by race but was considered a misfortune out of which one
could free oneself through service, usually in three years.
Conflits sociaux
The conflict between men who want their own households and men who try to prevent
them from having viable households is an important social conflict in many historical
societies, especially where land is the main source of wealth. To be free, for many men,
has meant to have their own households and be boss in them. Much of the historic
resistance to aristocratic privilege has come from this type of male competition, a
competition in independence -- for to have a household, to have a wife, rather than to be a
member of someone else's household and be denied a wife, is to be a respectable male
member of society. To be a bachelor, or a vagrant, or a servant is to be nothing, at best a
dependent, at worst a pauper.
Rôle social du clergé
The workforce for much of the large-scale manufacture was probably connected with the
major institutions, especially the temples. As in most countries until modern times, the
temples in Mesopotamia had an important function as social welfare agencies, including
the taking in of widows and orphans who had no families or lineages to care for them
[Gelb 1972]; temples also were the recipients of war prisoners, especially those from
foreign lands, who worked in agricultural settlements belonging to temples or in other
 temple service [Gelb 1973]. Such dependent people probably worked for generations in
the service of one temple as workers and soldiers (gurus/erin), rather than as slaves (sag)
Dignités héréditaires
All institutions, whether the governor's palace, a government-sponsored industry, or a
temple, were not just buildings and not just abstract bureaucratic hierarchies or economic
establishments, but were social organizations within a broader social network. As
happens in most societies, large institutions in ancient Mesopotamia tended to be
dominated by families, lineages, and even larger kinship groups and I would argue that it
is this web of kinship that furnishes the long-term, underlying continuity for civilizations,
making it possible to reassemble the pieces even after disastrous collapses. For
Mesopotamia, the role and power of such kinship organizations is best observed
ironically in the Ur III Period, the most centralized, bureaucratized period in
Mesopotamian history. The abundance of records of administrative minutiae allows the
reconstruction not just of the administrative framework, but of the social network
underlying and imbedded within it. The best reconstruction of such a kin-based
organization within an institution is Zettler's [1992] work on the Inanna temple. One
branch of the Ur-me-me family acted as the administrators of the temple, while another
dominated the governorship of Nippur and the administration of the temple of Enlil.
It is important to note that the Ur-me-me family remained as adminstrators of the Inanna
temple from some time within the Akkadian period to at least as late as the early years of
the Isin dynasty. Thus, while dynasty replaced dynasty and the kingship of Sumer and
Akkad shifted from city to city (Akkad to Ur to Isin) the family remained in charge of the
Inanna temple.
Clientélisme
From the listing of members of two and three generations as minor figures on the temple
rolls, it is clear that it was not just the Ur-me-me family that found long-term employment
within the temple's economic and social skucture. Through the continued association of
families with the institution, not only were generations of people guaranteed a livelihood,
but the institution was guaranteed a cadre which would pass on the routines that made the
institution function. The temple could add key personnel not only through a kind of birth-
right (family or lineage inclusion), but also through recruitment; important individuals
within the institution's adrninistration would have acted as patrons not just for nephews,
nieces, and more distant relatives but also for unrelated persons. By incorporating clients
of its important men and women, an institution could forge linkages with the general
population in the city as well as in the supporting countryside and in other cities; these
recruits, in taking up posts within a temple, a municipal establishment, the royal
bureaucracy, or in a large family business, would ensure that the patron had loyal
adherents.
Vie courante
Les valeurs
Intellectually the Sumerians were quite advanced. They were levelheaded and clear-
sighted and rarely confused fact with fiction. On the material side they prized possessions
such as wealth, full and well-stocked granaries, rich harvests, and stalls filled with cattle.
Psychologically they put a great importance on ambition and success as well as prestige,
honor, and recognition. The Sumerian was deeply aware of his personal rights, and
resented any encroachment on them whether by his King, superior, or his equal. From this
evidence it is of absolutely no wonder that the Sumerians were the first to compile laws
and law codes, and put everything down into "black and white" in order to avoid any
form of misrepresentation and/or arbitrariness.
Costume
L'intérieur de ces grandes ziggourats n'était pas moins magnifique. Les artistes sumériens
y représentaient leurs concitoyens dans des fresques peintes et de délicates sculptures.
Dans ces scènes la plupart des hommes portaient de longues barbes frisées et de longues
chevelures séparées au milieu par une raie ; le torse nu, ils étaient vêtus d'une sorte de
jupe serrée à la taille. Les femmes portaient leur chevelure nattée et enroulée autour de la
tête ; elles étaient vêtues d'amples tuniques qui s'agrafaient sur l'épaule et qui laissaient
voir le bras droit.
La vie familiale
Le mariage
Le mariage était arrangé par les parents, et les fiançailles légalement prononcées lorsque
le futur marié faisait un don en argent au père de la fiancée, vestige d'une ancienne
coutume selon laquelle l'homme achetait son épouse. Ce don avait valeur d'engagement,
et si le jeune homme venait à y manquer, il perdait l'argent qu'il avait versé. Par contre, si
la fiancée changeait d'avis, son prétendant pouvait récupérer le double de ce qu'il avait
donné.
Les droits et devoirs des femmes
Que les femmes fussent mariées ou célibataires, la loi sumérienne leur conférait plusieurs
droits importants : posséder des biens, traiter des affaires et témoigner devant les
tribunaux. Mais elles étaient à d'autres égards considérées comme des citoyens de second
ordre. La filiation, par exemple, était patrilinéaire, c'est-à-dire que les biens se
transmettaient de père en fils et les devoirs du mariage semblent avoir été unilatéraux.
By this stage, by the 3rd millenium B.C. in Mesopotamia, men and women are in a much
different situation than they were in the hunter-gatherer groups. The division of society
into a man's world and a woman's world is much advanced by the advent of organized
warfare. Men were the hunters and warriors in the far past -- now they were the soldiers
and generals.
The earliest political records, including that story of the historical Gilgamesh, underlines
this. The public institutions of Uruk were based on a war-leader king, his chief advisers in
council, and a general assembly of the fighting manpower of the city. Women have no
part in this. In fact, women are actually or potentially part of the loot of war. There is no
doubt which of the two worlds, men's and women's, rules over the other.
Women as slaves helped make up the big concentrations of property, as a crucial part of
the staff of the biggest institutions, palaces and temples.
Control of these slave women had its sexual element. Not only were their productive
efforts at the disposal of their masters, but their reproduction as well. Owning a slave, for
a man, meant having her at his sexual disposal (the same applied to men owning male
slaves, for that matter). The idea that men controlled women's reproduction was very
much enhanced.
This situation of female subordination, which came into existence in Mesopotamia in the
third millenium B.C., between 3000 and 2000 B.C., did not mean, of course, that all men
dominated over all women, or that all  women were miserable and all men were happy.
Even if slavery is wrong, not all slaves are miserable.
Nor were all women slaves, not by any means. There were a good number of privileged
and wealthy women. For instance, the great conqueror Sargon of Agade made his
daughter Enkheduanna high- priestess of both the temple of the Moon-God at Ur and the
temple of An, the father of the Gods, at Uruk. This made her a major religious and
political figure at the time. Enkheduanna was also a poet, and her writings were read and
admired for centuries after her death. Early in the second millenium, between 1790 and
1745 B.C., in the western city of Mari, we know from royal correspondence that the
king's first wife was the administrator of his main palace, and his secondary wives
managed more distant palaces. Thus these royal ladies were important parts of the royal
power structure, the mistresses of many slaves.
Mesopotamian kings also married their daughters to their important vassals, as much to
keep the vassals in line as to reward them. One such wife, Kirum, was married to the ruler
of the city of Ilansu by her father, the King of Mari, who also appointed her mayor of
Ilansura.
At the same time, being a man was not necessarily a bed of roses. There was tension
between those who had many women and those who had few or none -- in other words,
the rich and the poor. Men who had no households of their own were dependent on those
who did, and men with small, poor households fell under the domination of larger
households. Resentments grew up, resentments that were sometimes directed at the
women.
The Sumerian king Urukagina, for instance, decreed that "women of former times
married two men, but women of today have been made to give up this crime."  The
penalty for this crime was stoning.
The conflict between men who want their own households and men who try to prevent
them from having viable households is an important social conflict in many historical
societies, especially where land is the main source of wealth. To be free, for many men,
has meant to have their own households and be boss in them. Much of the historic
resistance to aristocratic privilege has come from this type of male competition, a
competition in independence -- for to have a household, to have a wife, rather than to be a
member of someone else's household and be denied a wife, is to be a respectable male
member of society. To be a bachelor, or a vagrant, or a servant is to be nothing, at best a
dependent, at worst a pauper.
Which brings us back to our main point -- by the third millenium B.C., women were quite
clearly subordinate in Mesopotamian society. Even the privileged and powerful women
were subordinate. Enkehduanna was a double high priestess because her father was lord
of Sumer and Akkad, and when he died, she was pitched out by one of her brothers and
replaced. The queens of Mari were powers in the realm only as long as they kept the
favor of their husbands. Kirum the queen and mayor of Ilansu, gained the resentment of
her husband and -- here's the interesting part -- of her sister, who was also married to her
husband, and eventually asked her father to get her a divorce. These women were
subordinate because they owed their position to a man.
Between 2000 and 1000 B.C. (= the second millenium) , we see one further step in the
subordination of women.
In the Mesopotamian law codes of this period, we see that the regulation of women and
especially of their sexual conduct, something that had been around for a long time,
 became subject to formal legal codification, and was a subject that kings, who sought to
impress their subjects and the gods with their justice, legislated on at great length.
The important aspect of the laws are these:
 
● First, the male head of the family was confirmed in his power over all the members
of his household. This power was extreme. He could kill his children if they
displeased him. He could surrender them into slavery to satisfy his debtors.
● Second, the sexual honor of women, and their reproductive behavior, was controlled
both by the male householder and by the royal government. The Code of Hammurabi
prescribed the death penalty for rape, incest, abortion and adultery committed by
wives. Adultery committed by husbands was not punished. Sexual attacks on women
were treated primarily as offenses against their husbands or families.
● A third and last point is that these second millenium law codes were very intent on
sorting women out into the respectable and the unrespectable.
The measurement of respectability was one that is not exactly exotic: a  respectable
woman was one who was attached sexually exclusively to one man. According to  the
Middle Assyrian Laws, #40: "Neither wives of lords nor widows nor Assyrian women
who go out on the street may have their heads uncovered. The daughters of a lord ...
whether it is a shawl or a robe or a mantle, must veil themselves ... when they go out on
the street alone, they must veil themselves. A concubine who goes out on the steet with
her mistress must veil herself. A sacred prostitute whom a man married must veil herself
on the street, but one whom a man did not marry must have her head uncovered on the
street; she must not veil herself; her head must be uncovered. [Likewise a slave girl must
not veil herself.]"
As Gerda Lerner says, the sorting is not between rich and poor or free or unfree -- a
concubine, whose freedom was not great, wears the veil of respectability when with her
respectable mistress. What are separated are the "domestic women, sexually serving one
man and under his protection," from the public women, "not under one man's protection
and sexual control." [p. 135]
The punishment for trying to pass as respectable when one was not was severe: a veiled
harlot was flogged and had pitch poured on her head, and a veiled slave had here ears cut
off. To top it all off, men associating with women trying to pass as respectable were also
harshly punished. Again, these laws may never have been enforced. But the intent to
control women and their sexuality, to define them in terms of their sexual relations with
men, is clear. It is clear that part of the control is to divide women among themselves, and
part is to make all men responsible for  policing women.
This is precisely the era where prostitution, which once may have been primarily a sacred
service, becomes a routine part of the commercial life of the city.
Some of the young women were married to the god in the temple and were not celibate;
some were prostitutes, and their children were often legally adopted. Laws made clear
distinctions between the three classes. Though women had some rights, they were not
equal to men. Thus from the beginning of civilization the sexism of patriarchal rule in the
state and families is seen in the oppression by male dominance.
La nourriture
Pour le riche et le pauvre, la nourriture de base était la céréale, parfois le blé mais surtout
l'orge qui prospérait mieux dans les sols alcalins et salins de Sumer. Le grain d'orge était
soit battu et cuit comme du flocon d'avoine, soit réduit en farine et cuit au four pour en
faire ce pain sans levain qui se consomme encore dans tout le Moyen-Orient. L'orge
servait aussi à la fabrication de la boisson la plus populaire, la bière, ou plutôt l'aie
anglaise, car les plantes comme le houblon utilisées pour fabriquer la vraie bière n'ont fait
leur apparition que quatre mille ans plus tard. Cette bière blonde était brassée et vendue
 par les femmes dans leur demeure. Une déesse présidait à sa préparation. Elle avait nom
Ninkasi (littéralement: « la dame qui remplit la bouche»).
Ce nom était tout indiqué. Environ 48 pour cent de la production de grain sumérienne
finissaient dans les cuves des brasseurs. Le simple ouvrier du temple recevait une ration
de deux pintes par jour et les hauts dignitaires avaient droit à cinq fois plus. La masse des
citoyens était si friande de cette boisson que les Grecs prétendirent plus tard que
Dionysos, pourtant le dieu des libations, s'enfuit de la terre de Sumer.
Le régime alimentaire des Sumériens se composait aussi de légumes variés: pois chiches,
lentilles et haricots, oignons et laitues. Il y avait également du poisson à profusion. Les
tablettes n'énumèrent pas moins de cinquante espèces que l'on pêchait dans le Tigre et
l'Euphrate. Dans les rues des cités, à Ur, par exemple, les marchands de poissons étaient
omniprésents, certains vendant leurs poissons crus, d'autres les faisant frire pour être
consommés sur place. Les vaches et les chèvres étaient élevées pour leur lait, que l'on
transformait en fromage, en beurre et en yoghourt. Les riches étaient sans doute les seuls
à manger régulièrement de la viande, en particulier du mouton. Peut-être les Sumériens
étaient-1ls les descendants de bergers nomades, car leur langue possédait plus de deux
cents mots pour décrire les variétés de mouton.
L'un des plus prolifiques pourvoyeurs de nourriture était le palmier dattier. Enraciné sur
les rives des fleuves et des canaux d'irrigation, qu'il fût sauvage ou cultivé, il produisait
chaque année environ 50 kilos de dattes qui se mangeaient fraîches, séchées, ou pressées
pour confectionner un épais sirop qui remplaçait le miel comme édulcorant (le sucre était
encore inconnu au Moyen-Orient). Les noyaux avaient leur utilité : broyés, ils servaient à
nourrir le bétail ; brûlés, ils tenaient lieu de charbon de bois.

La santé
Pour prendre soin de leur santé, les Sumériens eurent d'abord recours aux remèdes
spirituels. Ceux qui tombaient malades s'adressaient généralement à des exorcistes qui
chassaient les démons tenus pour responsables de leurs maux. Mais, vers 2Soo avant j,-
C., d'autres traitements leur furent proposés. Entre temps, on avait formé des médecins
qui disposaient de toutes sortes de remèdes dont quinze ont été consignés sur une tablette
d'argile. Les ordonnances prescrivent l'usage de composés de produits naturels plantes et
minéraux tels que le sel et le salpêtre. La bière y figure aussi -fréquemment, soit comme
élément actif, soit pour faci liter l'ingestion des médicaments. Voici l'une des formules
conseillées au médecin : « Verser de la bière sur un peu de résine, chauffer le tout au-
dessus du feu, mélanger ce liquide à de l'huile de bitume et le donner à boire au malade. ii
Malheureusement, la tablette ne dit pas quels maux ce remède et les autres étaient censés
guérir ou soulager. Plusieurs des ingrédients énumérés donnent à penser que l'expérience
en recommandait l'usage. Le sel, par exemple, est un antiseptique efficace et le salpêtre
un bon astringent. Deux des baumes inscrits sur la tablette sont composés de cendres de
soude, probablement alcaline, mélangées à une forte dose de graisse naturelle, préparation
qui donnait une substance savonneuse particulièrement efficace contre les infections.
Malgré ces remèdes et toute la science des exorcistes, les Sumériens mouraient jeunes.
Mesopotamian diseases are often blamed on pre-existing spirits: gods, ghosts, etc.
However, each spirit was held responsible for only one of what we would call a disease in
any one part of the body. So usually "Hand of God X" of the stomach corresponds to
what we call a disease of the stomach. A number of diseases simply were identified by
names, "bennu" for example.
Also, it was recognized that various organs could simply malfunction, causing illness.
Gods could also be blamed at a higher level for causing named diseases or
malfunctioning of organs, although in some cases this was a way of saying that symptom
X was not independent as usual, but was caused in this case by disease Y.
It can also be shown that the plants used in treatment were generally used to treat the
symptoms of the disease, and were not the sorts of things generally given for magical
purposes to such a spirit. Presumably specific offerings were made to a particular god or
ghost when it was considered to be a causative factor, but these offerings are not
indicated in the medical texts, and must have been found in other texts.
By examining the surviving medical tablets it is clear that there were two distinct types of
professional medical practitioners in ancient Mesopotamia. The first type of practitioner
was the ashipu, in older accounts of Mesopotamian medicine often called a "sorcerer."
One of the most important roles of the ashipu was to diagnose the ailment. In the case of
internal diseases, this most often meant that the ashipu determined which god or demon
was causing the illness.
The ashipu also attempted to determine if the disease was the result of some error or sin
on the part of the patient. The phrase, "the Hand of..." was used to indicate the divine
entity responsible for the ailment in question, who could then be propitiated by the
patient.
The ashipu could also attempt to cure the patient by means of charms and spells that were
designed to entice away or drive out the spirit causing the disease. The ashipu could also
refer the patient to a different type of healer called an asu. He was a specialist in herbal
remedies, and in older treatments of Mesopotamian medicine was frequently called
"physician" because he dealt in what were often classifiable as empirical applications of
medication. For example, when treating wounds the asu generally relied on three
fundamental techniques: washing, bandaging, and making plasters. All three of these
techniques of the asu appear in the world's oldest known medical document (c. 2100
BCE).
The knowledge of the asu in making plasters is of particular interest. Many of the ancient
plasters (a mixture of medicinal ingredients applied to a wound often held on by a
bandage) seem to have had some helpful benefits.
Beyond the role of the ashipu and the asu, there were other means of procuring health
care in ancient Mesopotamia. One of these alternative sources was the Temple of Gula.
Gula, often envisioned in canine form, was one of the more significant gods of healing.
While excavations of temples dedicated to Gula have not revealed signs that patients were
housed at the temple while they were treated (as was the case with the later temples of
Asclepius in Greece), these temples may have been sites for the diagnosis of illness. In
his book Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East: the Role of the Temple in
Greece, Mesopotamia, and Israel, Hector Avalos states that not only were the temples of
Gula sites for the diagnosis of illness (Gula was consulted as to which god was
responsible for a given illness), but that these temples were also libraries that held many
useful medical texts.
The primary center for health care was the home, as it was when the ashipu or asu were
employed. The majority of health care was provided at the patient's own house, with the
family acting as care givers in whatever capacity their lay knowledge afforded them.
Outside of the home, other important sites for religious healing were nearby rivers. The
Mesopotamian believed that the rivers had the power to care away evil substances and
forces that were causing the illness. Sometimes a small hut was set up for the afflicted
person either near the home or the river to aid in the families centralization of home
health care.
La guerre
Les causes
Sumer vivait dans un état de guerre permanent, principalement en raison de sa situation
géographique. La Mésopotamie n'opposait aucune barrière naturelle à l'invasion des
peuples barbares établis sur ses flancs est et ouest. En outre, les différends qui éclataient
entre les cités sumériennes elles-mêmes étaient une source de conflits nombreux. A
mesure que les cités-États se développaient, les querelles se multipliaient au sujet de leurs
frontières communes et, de plus en plus fréquemment, à propos des problèmes causés par
le détournement de l'eau des fleuves pour l'irrigation. Tout nouveau canal creusé en
amont diminuait en effet le débit dont pouvaient disposer les villes en aval et, étant donné
l'importance de l'irrigation, tout ce qui concernait l'eau devenait souvent, au sens propre
du terme, une question de vie ou de mort.
Le défaut tragique de la civilisation sumérienne a été son incapacité de vivre en paix et de
résoudre les cruels conflits qui éclataient entre les cités-États. Pendant une grande partie
du troisième millénaire, la plaine située entre les fleuves, fut en effet, ravagée par la
guerre. Alors qu'une langue et une culture communes auraient dû les unir, les habitants de
cette région s'entre-tuaient.
Sumer was relatively crowded, with many major cities competing for arable land and
access to water, and there were many disputes between them, some of which were settled
by fighting. There was also the potential threat of nomadic raiders. Sumerian cities were
therefore walled, and their citizens, at least at one point, obligated to fight. Time went on,
kings became more powerful, wars more wide-ranging and more intense.
In their relations with the outside world, the Sumerians were as often enough the
aggressors. They needed many resources from the outside world, most particularly timber
and minerals. The timber came from the highlands all around Mesoptamia, and the
minerals, including decorative lapis lazuli and the copper and tin needed to make bronze,
from farther away, to the northeast. The Sumerians sometimes traded for these resources,
but sometimes took them by force
A well-documented example of the latter method is the relations between the Sumerians
and the mountaineers. The mountain people were considered barbaric, and were certainly
less organized than the Sumerians. It was not considered easy or convenient, or perhaps
necessary to trade with these hicks. So often when the timber that grew in their country
was needed in the lowlands, the Sumerians mounted an expedition to take it away from
them.
The Epic of Gilgamesh dramatizes one such operation. In it, Gilgamesh, the king of Uruk,
the man credited in legend with building its great walls, decides to make his name by
building a great temple. For this he needs timber. He tells his friend and servant Enkidu,
"I have not established my name stamped on bricks [in other words he has not built
anything worth remarking on]...therefore I will go to the country where the cedar is
felled." Enkidu tries to discourage Gilgamesh by telling him about the ferocious giant
Humbaba who controls the forest. But Gilgamesh gets divine approval for his ambitions,
and makes the appropriate preparations: "He went to the forge and said, `I will give
orders to the armorers; they shall cast us our weapons [out of bronze] while we watch
them.'" The armorers proceed to make prodigious weapons.
With these and divine help, Gilgamesh beats Humbaba into submission. Humbaba then
begs for mercy, saying he will send as much timber as Gilgamesh requires. But
Gilgamesh does not trust him, and kills him, taking the timber home afterwards.
Is it too fanciful to see this as a reflection of the city people stealing from their wilder
neighbors? Well, there is less ambiguous evidence. The Sumerian words for male and
female slaves were compounds of the word "mountain" with the words "man" and
"woman." This underlines the point that war in Sumerian times paid, at least it paid for
the winners. The Sumerians recognized this and their kings were not shy of boasting
about it: the one thing we know about the first authenticated king, Mebaragesi, is that "he
carried away as spoil the weapons of Elam [that is, Susa]"
Some of the best recorded wars were not with outsiders, but within Sumer and Akkad
themselves. These wars, which may have begun as border skirmishes over water rights,
became in the course of the Early Dynastic period (roughly 2700 to 2300) wars for
hegemony of one city over another, even wars of conquest. A political structure evolved,
with certain titles becoming valued prizes:  King  of Kish, recognition by the priest of
Nippur.
But if outsiders, villagers or nomads, were weak compared to the insiders in the urban,
agricultural heartland, they did have two advantages.
● First, they were hungry for the goodies that civilization produces.
● Second, they know who they were.
Let's look at these points one at a time.
When I said the outsiders were hungry, I was not talking about greed for luxuries, or
palaces, or a pocket full of silver and a night on the town in decadent Babylon. Of course,
some of the outsiders were greedy for just those things. Others were not. But as a group,
the outsiders who clustered civilized Mesopotamia were hungry all the time for things
they needed but could not produce. The outsiders were not the self-sufficient hunter-
gatherers of old. They were either villagers living in marginal areas, or  nomads who
lived in desert or semi-desert areas and followed their flocks from one grazing area to the
next. Both groups were different from the old hunter-gatherers in that they could not
freely roam from place to place, feeding off the best that the land could provide,
competing only with animals and other small human groups like their own. No: that was
the lost Eden. The fat lands were now monopolized by city-folk. Their neighbors were
left with unproductive land and poverty, both relative and absolute.
Nomadism, or pastoralism, is a way of life in which small human communities depend on
herds. Nomadism was invented after agriculture, and is a poorer way to make a living.
Nomads must live almost entirely on what their animals produce.  It can't really be done.
Nomads are forced to be parasites on their agricultural neighbors and urban. That is why
nomadism is newer than agriculture.
Nomads have a tough time trading with farmers. Farmers and city people often want
things that the nomads have, but not nearly as often as the nomads need tools or grain or
fruit or cloth from them. This disparity pushes nomads to become raiders -- something
that they eventually can become very good at. Nomads have at various times invented
superior weapons and tactics that magnify their strength.  Nomads of 1500 B.C. invented
the war-chariot.  Nomads of 500 A.D. the Central Asians invented the stirrup.  At the
same time the Arabs perfected the military use of the camel.
Here is where a disadvantage becomes an advantage. I've been telling you about the
disadvantages of being hungry nomad neighbors of farmers and Seldom can nomads
actually overrun and conquer a civilized state by sheer brute force -- only perhaps just
after a major tactical innovation like chariots or stirrups, before everyone else has caught
up. But they can extort tribute. Even more importantly, nomadic groups can sell their
military services to rulers. As mercenaries, they worm their way into the existing
establishment, and, in a moment of weakness, take over.
Throughout the whole land the Sumerians were the predominant culture, and therefore to
a certain extent a homogenous population existed. They had imposed everywhere the
same basic type of civilization. The Sumerian language, which was used exclusively in
the south of the land, also had its fashionable users in the north. The laws and customs of
the land were uniform as well as the "national religion"; despite the fact of the emphasis
that was placed on individual deities that served separate city-states. The next logical step
in the evolution of the Sumerian government would be the all too necessary unification of
 the land. This unification was needed in order to help protect the state from would be
outside attack.
However two clear and distinct things hindered this from occurring.
1): The never ending quarreling over land and water. Since the land was a nation of
independent city-states, segregation of each community was the logical result of this
system. Each community would attempt to put as much land as possible under the plow
for cultivation, and then cut-off any neighbors by vast reaches of barren marshland. Of
course as the marshlands dried up, this not only brought the separate communities within
proximity with one another, but also led to competition. Each city-state became blinded
with the desire and need for more and more land. As the land became fertile due mainly
to the irrigation of the land through canals, the reclamation of the so called "no-man's
land" led to violent conflicts between the city-states. Canals that were dug to water a
larger expanse of land would often pass through another cities territory, and this city
would simply tap off of this canal for the benefit of their own crops rather than digging
their own canal system. Cattle stealing was also very common as it was quicker to steal
the cattle you needed rather than breed them yourselves. As we can see the causes of
never ending conflict made it necessary for men within the various city-states to band
together for protection against enemies all around them.
AND
2): A potent local patriotism, which grew up in the population of the various city-states.
The clash of these two factors helps to explain the history of Sumer. The ordinary citizen
demanded primarily from his government peace, and respect for the rights of property.
Since most of the conflicts between independent city-states were over land, the surest
ways to stop these conflicts was to remove or suppress this independence and bring them
under the control of one central government. This gave a ready made opening for the
ambitions of local governors, and just because there was so much in common between the
peoples of the various city-states the vanquished might surrender without too much
difficulty in the domination of a kindred neighbor. A change in government need not
involve oppression and it did help to secure peace. But domination of this sort rested
entirely on the use of force, and this power was unstable at best. Let the ruling monarch
become weakened by some intrigue at home or from a blow caused by a foreign enemy
and there was no loyalty in place to help prop up his authority. Every city had as good a
claim to rule as any other city, and if its governors had the ambition for empire, they
could usually count on the old sectarian spirit to back and make strong the rebellion. Yet
another cause for this loyalty was the fact that most of the ruling monarchs or nobles were
often deified. These nobles were often worshipped and at times became the patron saints
of these city-states. This coupled along with the aforementioned reasons made the very
real prospects of civil war the rule rather than the exception.

Les soldats
La plupart des soldats qui se battaient pour les cités-États semblent avoir été recrutés pour
la durée du conflit. Quand la guerre éclatait, les ouvriers de certains métiers - la
menuiserie, l'orfèvrerie par exemple - formaient souvent des contingents commandés par
leur patron dans la vie civile. Mais d'autres troupes étaient constituées de soldats de
métier. Une tablette nous apprend que la maison royaledesargon, le fondateur d'un empire
sémitique et l'un des rois les plus puissants de Sumer, ne comptait pas moins de cinq
mille quatre cents hommes - presque tous probablement des soldats de métier « qu'il avait
chaque jour à sa table. »
Ses soldats, coiffés de casques de cuivre et armés de piques et de haches, forment une
phalange de six rangs serrés protégée à l'avant par une rangée d'hommes portantde grands
boucliers rectangulaires.
What kind of armies fought the Sumerian wars? This was before the real advent of the
most colorful war weapon of Mesopotamian antiquity, the chariot, and the horse was not
ridden in Sumer. Thus infantry, bearing bronze weapons and wearing at least bronze
helmets, made up the bulk of the army. Note the necessary connection between long-
distance exchange and kingship right here: all the raw materials for weaponry had to be
imported. We have a few illustrations from the period of what the soldiers and their
equipment looked like.
The Sumerian infantry went into battle wearing large conical helmets with fixed cheek
pieces and chinstraps. The straps were most often made of leather but examples of silver
chains have also been found. The helmet is the only actual metal armor that Sumerian
soldiers wore. The common soldier is depicted as wearing over his body kilts cut in
points and having leather strips that were sewn to a belt. Some indications that the kilts
were actually made from wool or long tassels of goat hair have also been made. Over the
kilts were worn long and heavy cloaks that were made of leather or felt. Spots or
decorations depicted on these cloaks indicate either spots from a leopards skin, or metal
roundels or other embosses that were used for added protection. These cloaks provided a
fair amount of protection for the soldier. The cloak was fastened at the neck by a toggle
and hung open down the front. If the warrior was part of a skirmisher line or light infantry
then the heavy cloak was often replaced, and a shorter cloak or shawl was worn that went
around the waist and then over the left shoulder.
The Sumerian warrior carried a short thrusting spear, a battle-axe, and a dagger or
scimitar into battle. Examples of pear shaped stone maces have been found but by the
time of the major wars this weapon was largely abandoned and only used as a symbol of
rank. Another weapon, which may be regarded as a survivor from an earlier period, is the
scimitar. The scimitar blade was manufactured of thin copper sheets and then attached to
a crooked wooden handle. The blade was secured to the handle by copper bolts and a
band of gold. Examples of arrowheads as well as decorated bows have also been found in
Sumerian graves despite the fact that archers were not employed for use in the military. It
is believed that archery was only used for hunting purposes and lacked the necessary
prestigious overtones for military use. The main body of the Sumerian army was made up
of heavy infantry units that were organized into phalanxes. In fact it is widely believed
that the Sumerians were the inventors of the infantry phalanx. Sumerian artists have
illustrated the phalanx as being 6 files or columns wide, and 10 ranks or rows deep. By
executing a simple left or right hand turn the march-column became a battleline 10 files
wide and 6 ranks deep. The use of a phalanx requires a great deal of training and
discipline, and the fact that standards were carried implies that regiments and units
organized on a territorial or clan basis were used. These units were well equipped and
organized and the armies of the various city-states were capable of giving a good
accounting of themselves. The wars fought by these armies were not bloodless skirmishes
they were serious affairs. Figures in inscriptions indicate casualties suffered at the hands
of these armies ranged from 3,600-12,000 killed and 5,000-7,000 taken prisoner per
battle. An account of an invasion of Elamites in the year 2750 B.C. by a force of 600 men
on the city of Lagash states that only 60 of them escaped death at the hands of the
Sumerians. Although this should not be regarded as a serious invasion attempt, the fact
that only 60 survived should give us some indication that the armies of the city-states
were quite large, well equipped, and capable of taking the field at short notice. The front
rank of troops in the phalanx carried large rectangular shields covered in hides and
decorated with metal studs or other designs. For wargame purposes you may elect to have
all of your troops protected by shields. It is simply impossible to determine if the
depiction of soldiers in the front ranks as being the only soldiers that carried shields is
fact, or simply an artists rendering. It is widely believed that shields were often not used,
because it restricted the soldier to one less weapon.
A specific color of uniforms and/or units is not known. When putting units together, each
unit should be painted in such a way as to be able to differentiaite them from one another.
 Each unit may have cloaks or armor or shields of varying colors, which are different for
each unit. It is also possible to paint different color rings around the edges of shields for
each unit.
Histoire militaire
Le troisième millénaire vit les victoires et les défaites successives des cités de Sumer
déchirées par la guerre. Au cours des premiers siècles de ce millénaire, le pouvoir
suprême paraît s'être déplacé d'abord vers le sud, de la cité de Kish à celle d'Uruk, puis
vers Ur. Après 2500 avant J.-C., les principaux antagonistes semblent avoir été Lagash, à
cinquante kilomètres environ au nord-est d'Uruk, et Umma, situé légèrement plus au
nord. Les villes voisines ne cessèrent de se disputer l'accès aux eaux du Tigre pour
l'irrigation de leurs champs. Les autres cités-États prirent parti soit pour Lagash soit pour
Umma et formèrent des al liances rivales, élargissant ainsi le champ de leurs querelles qui
n'avaient eu jadis qu'un caractère local.

Mais bientôt la fortune se retourna : Eannatum, qui s'était emparé du pouvoir et régnait
sur toute la région de Sumer, perdit la vie au combat et, quelques générations plus tard,
vers 2375 avant J.-C., la cité voisine qu'i1 avait humiliée prit sa revanche. Le nouveau roi
d'Umma, Lugalzaggesi, envahit Lagash, massacrant ses habitants et brûlant ses temples,
puis plusieurs autres cités importantes, notamment le principal centre religieux de Sumer,
avant de subir lui-même une écrasante défaite. Il finit ses jours attaché à un pilori aux
portes de Nippur et ceux qu'il avait jadis dominés l'abreuvaient d'injures lorsqu'ils
venaient à passer à côté de iuï.
Les techniques
Fortifications
Pour se protéger de ses ennemis, U ru k était entourée d'un rempart de briques cuites
d'environ dix kilomètres de long qui, sous l'ardeur du soleil sumérien, avait « l'éclat du
cuivre » comme il est dit dans L'Épopée de Gilgamesh.
Les -fragments qui- -nous--sont-parvenus- -d'une stèle connue sous le nom de stéledes-
Vautours, un monument de pierre que le roi Eannatum avait fait ériger vers 2450 avant J.-
C. à Lagash pour commémorer une victoire sur Umma, nous donne une idée de ce qu'était
la cruauté des affrontements de cette époque. L'u ne des scènes de ce monument montre
le roi, vêtu d'une jupe et d'une ample casaque, menant ses troupes au combat.
Massive walls and large gates always protected large and important Sumerian cities. The
walls of these cities were usually painted in plain and drab colors with no decoration.
Common defenses of city walls in this period are limited to the ramparts being manned
by slingers and javelineers.

Tactiques
Ses soldats, coiffés de casques de cuivre et armés de piques et de haches, forment une
phalange de six rangs serrés protégée à l'avant par une rangée d'hommes portantde grands
boucliers rectangulaires.
D'autres scènes du monument représentent les lendemains cruels de la bataille, les soldats
de Lagash massacrant les prisonniers tandis que s'envolent des vautours emportant les
têtes coupées des vaincus. Le roi Eannatum se vanta d'avoir tué trois mille six cents
ennemis et d'avoir enterré « vingt monceaux » de ses propres morts.
Après avoir réduit à merci Lugalzaggesi, il engagea ses phalanges de lanciers et d'archers
et ses chariots de guerre tirés par des ânes contre les autres grandes cités de Sumer.
Les chariots
 The Sumerians are our earliest depicted and recorded examples of organized warfare.
Having said this the Sumerians are credited with two distinctive military developments.
The first is the introduction of bronze into warfare, and the second is the use of the wheel
to develop battlewagons or war chariots. As stated earlier in this article very little on the
Sumerian military system is known. What is known comes mainly from the stele of the
Vultures as well as the Royal standard of Ur, and from armor and weapons that have been
unearthed in grave sights. The royal standard of Ur is a mosaic inlay of shell and lapis
lazuli, it shows a scene from a war and has been dated to 3500 B.C. The first and most
obvious piece of military equipment depicted is a Sumerian battlewagon. These
battlewagons were low to the ground and had for wheels of solid wood. Each wheel was
constructed by clamping three planks together. A hole was pierced in the center of the
wheel and an axle was secured in place onto the wheels. The axle would turn in place
with the wheels and made for a very rough ride. Tires on these wheels found in grave
sights indicate that they were manufactured from leather. The wheels of these
battlewagons were quite large and came up over the bottom of the wagons platform and
would not allow the front axle to swing under the platform, for this reason the turning arc
of one of these vehicles was quite large (12 inches in the Melees Gloriosus system). The
body of the battlewagon was roughly square made of woven breastwork that was
mounted to the wagon platform. On the rear of the vehicle was a low slung step to help
facilitate entering and exiting the wagon. For the protection of the crew and driver the
front panels of the battlewagon were built higher in two round topped shields. Between
these shields there was a V-shaped depression which the reins passed through. The reins
were ornamentally decorated with beads of silver and lapis lazuli. These passed through a
silver ring that was attached to the chariot pole and to this were attached silver headstalls.
There were no bits used and the only other element of the harness that has been
discovered is a broad collar of metal over leather. The large battlewagons were pulled by
what appear to be four donkeys or onagers. The onager however is reputed to be
undomesticatable and the donkey was not quite this large. Suffice it to say that four beasts
that were mule like hybrids pulled the battlewagons. In each battlewagon there was a
driver and a fighting man; the weapons of the latter are light throwing spears carried in a
quiver that was attached to the front of the vehicle. It is believed that there were 4 spears
carried two with pronged ends for use with throwing thongs, and two for use in close
quarters combat or melee.
Later in Sumerian history notably in or around the year 2,700 B.C. the clunky four
wheeled battlewagon gave way to a lighter and smaller two-wheeled car. It is believed
that these cars were simply used as a royal shuttle service for the CIC and his
subordinates as well as a messenger service.
Composition des armées

WEAPONS
UNIT SIZE OF DESCRIPTION UNITS TROOP MORALE COMBAT MORALE
CLASS UNIT OF UNIT ARMED RATING RATING MODIFIER MODIFIER
WITH
Royal mace,
Royal chariot of
Battlewagon 1 2 quivers of Elite Special +2 +2
the King (CIC)
spears
1 for each Chariot of the 2 quivers of
Battlewagon Elite Special +1 +1
Subordinate Generals spears
2 quivers of
Battlewagon 4 Royal guard unit Veteran 9 +1 N/A
spears each
Battlewagon 4 Regular chariot 2 quivers of Regular 7 0 N/A
 unit spears each
Heavy
18 Royal guard unit Spear/Shield Elite 11 +2 +1
Infantry
Heavy
24x6 Regular troops Spear/Shield Regular 7 0 N/A
Infantry
Light
18x2 Regular troops Slings/dagger Regular 7 0 N/A
Infantry
Messenger
10 Raw Slings/dagger Raw 5 0 N/A
Corps
The royal command stand shall consist of 1 standard bearer, one trumpeter, and one
drummer. These are attached to the royal battlewagon and all figures are on foot or may
be in a chariot of their own.
Each sub-commander is allowed a personal standard as well as a musician.
Each unit of infantry above also requires a command stand of one standard bearer, one
officer, and one musician.
Total number of figures for the Sumerian army listed above are:
● 10 Battlewagons with 20 total crew 2 men per wagon
● 162 Heavy infantry
● 36 Light infantry
● 10 Messengers
● 10 Command stands 1 royal, and 9 unit commands
● 248 total castings worth 1,612 points
Akkadian armies should be similar in make up substituting archers for slingers.

Organisation politico-militaire
Cette hostilité permanente entre les villes modifia aussi le mode de gouvernement.
Jusqu'en 2800 environ avant J.-C., les affaires des cités-États étaient conduites par un
conseil des anciens dont les membres appartenaient à l'aristocratie. En période de crise,
comme en temps de guerre, le conseil désignait un chef unique, le lugal - littéralement le
« grand homme » - qui était chargé de diriger la communauté pendant toute la durée du
conflit et retournait ensuite en héros vénéré à ses anciennes occupations. Les périodes de
paix devenant de plus en plus courtes, le lugal eut tendance à rester plus longtemps au
pouvoir et à étendre son autorité de chef militaire à tous les domaines de la vie
communautaire, supplantant même le conseil des anciens qui l'avait nommé. Le mot lugal
devint peu à peu synonyme de roi. Avec le temps, celui-ci prit l'initiative de désigner son
successeur. C'est ainsi que naquirent à Sumer diverses dynasties qui allaient régner plus
tard sur les cités-États.
The kings of the third millenium, once established, had similar wealth and economic
influence. He often owned another third of the land, which was worked in a similar way,
and used his produce to support his dependents, who included soldiers. In Shuruppak
around 2600, the ruler maintained six or seven hundred soldiers with equipment, on top
of the artisans on his estates and within his palace.
The organization of the army is pretty standard. An overall CIC and several sub-
commanders command the army as a whole. The CIC is always the ruling monarch of a
city-state or the kingdom as a whole after unification. Each unit is further commanded by
separate unit command stands that must be represented for proper command function of
the unit. A typical unit command stand will have an officer, a standard bearer, and a
musician.
 All commanders are to be represented on the tabletop battlefield in battlewagons.
Messengers are necessary to relay orders or changes of orders to other sub-commanders
or units. Keep in mind the extreme slowness of the battlewagons when commanding your
Sumerian armies. Messengers will need to be foot messengers, as the horse was not
known in Sumeria at this time.
Akkadian armies were also formed into units and the command structure was similar to
that used by the Sumerians. The phalanx was not used by the Akkadians however,
primarily because they were from mountainous country, and this did not facilitate this
type of formation. Weapons used by the Akkadians are the javelin, the battle-axe, and the
bow.
There was no regular standing army in Sumeria. Every citizen was a potential soldier and
all were liable to be conscripted. The king always led his people personally into battle,
fighting in the fore. A permanent organization existed for this citizen army and there were
officials that were responsible for calling out the levies. In the third dynasty of Ur and
earlier under the Hamurabi code a system of the military is reflected that was used to
safeguard the throne or to be used for sudden emergency expeditions. This army is
separate and distinct from the levee en masse of the standard army. The regulars were
recruited from the higher ranks of private society. These regulars were paid in the form of
land grants. This land was to be cultivated by the recipients; failure to do so meant
forfeiture of the land. This land if properly cared for by the recipient was inalienable and
could be passed down to the son. However when this occurred the same military duties
that were bestowed on the father were now the responsibility of the son. One third of the
profits obtained from the land went directly to the landholders wife or son of the holder
who cared for the land whilst the father was on campaign. The soldier "ate at the Kings
cost" when mustered under the colors. If he was captured the ransom was paid from his
private fortune. If a poor soldier was captured the temple where he worshipped paid the
ransom, and failing the temple, then the State would pay. The soldier also enjoyed
protection from the civil authorities; this was a very necessary protection for a man that
was away from home for long periods of time. In return for these rights and protections
he was absolutely at the kings disposal. A man could not get out of performing his
military duties, and the procuring of a substitute to serve for him was against the law, and
considered a capital offence. The levee en masse was filled by the middle-class of
society. The burgher classes were not professional soldiers and performed mainly camp
duties and possibly a light infantry arm of the military service. Slaves of course were
exempt from military duty as an armed slave was considered a dangerous slave.

Après la bataille
Sumerian victories in battle were usually celebrated by a wholesale slaughter of prisoners.
Those that were spared were taken off and enslaved or held for ransom. If a town was
taken it meant its pillage and destruction. When the Sumerian Rim-Sin took the town of
Isin the entire population that had survived scattered and left the city desolate. The
ruthless character of the wars between the city-states is one of the reasons that led to the
eventual decay of Sumerian power and the disappearance of its culture.