Theatre Facades and Facade Nymphaea The

BCH 135
2011
1
Études
É C O L E FR A N Ç A I S E
D ’ AT H È N E S
B U L L E T I N D E C O R R E S P O N D A N C E H E L L É N I Q U E
É c o l e f r a n ç a i s e d ’ a t h è n e s
B U L L E T I N
DE CORRESPONDANCE
HELLÉNIQUE
BCH
135
2011
B U L L E T I N
DE CORRESPONDANCE
HELLÉNIQUE
1
Études
BCH
135
2011
B U L L E T I N
DE CORRESPONDANCE
HELLÉNIQUE
135.1 2011
Comité de rédaction : Alexandre FARNOUx, directeur

Catherine AUBERT puis Géraldine HUE, responsable des publications
COMITÉ DE LECTURE
Le comité de lecture de l’École française d’Athènes est composé de trois membres de droit et de neuf membres désignés par le
conseil scientiique sur proposition du directeur. Sa composition actuelle est la suivante (conseil scientiique de l’École française
d’Athènes du 25 juin 2012) :
Membres - le directeur de l’École française d’Athènes : Alexandre FARNOUx

de droit - le directeur des études : Arthur MULLER, puis Julien FOURNIER
- le responsable des études sur la Grèce et les Balkans aux époques moderne et contemporaine :
Maria COUROUCLI
Membres Sont membres désignés des personnalités scientiiques françaises ou étrangères (mais francophones), reconnues et
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champs disciplinaires concernés. Leur mandat coïncide avec la durée d’un contrat quinquennal.
- Polyxeni ADAM-VELENI, Directrice du musée archéologique de Thessalonique
- Olivier DESLONDES, Professeur des Universités, Université Lyon 2-Lumière
- Emanuele GRECO, Directeur de l’École italienne d’Athènes
- Jean GUILAINE, Professeur au Collège de France
- Miltiade B. HATzOPOULOS, Directeur de recherche, Directeur du Centre de recherche sur
l’Antiquité gréco-romaine (Fondation nationale de la recherche [EIE] - Athènes)
- Catherine MORGAN, Directrice de l’École britannique d’Athènes
- Kosmas PAVLOPOULOS, Professeur à l’Université Harokopio d’Athènes
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- Georges TOLIAS, Directeur de recherche en histoire contemporaine, Institut de recherche néo-
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SOMMAIRE DE LA LIVRAISON
Denis GUILBEAU, Burçin ERDOĞU

Des « lames de Karanovo »
dans le site néolithique d’Uğurlu (île de Gökçeada, Turquie) ...................................................................................................... 1-19
Sylvie MüLLER CELKA, Tobias KRAPF, Samuel VERDAN

La céramique helladique du sanctuaire d’Apollon Daphnéphoros
à Érétrie (Eubée) ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 21-61
Maria ANASTASIADOU, Maia POMADèRE

Le sceau à « la igure féminine aux bras levés » du secteur Pi de Malia ............................................................. 63-71
Maurizio DEL FREO, Julien zURBACH

La préparation d’un supplément au Recueil des inscriptions en linéaire A.
Observations à partir d’un travail en cours ................................................................................................................................................................... 73-97
Raphaël JACOB
Note de sculpture archaïque : raccords récents au musée de l’Acropole ................................................................ 99-117
Christina VLASSOPOULOU
La double offrande de Lysias et Évarchis recomposée au musée de l’Acropole ..................................... 119-135
Isabelle TASSIGNON
Une tête exceptionnelle de koré trouvée au palais d’Amathonte .................................................................................... 137-161
Georgia ARISTODEMOU
Theatre Façades and Façade Nymphaea. The Link between .............................................................................................. 163-197
Jean-François BOMMELAER
Delphica 3. Le monument des « Navarques » .................................................................................................................................................. 199-235
Charles DOyEN
Le salaire de Dexios. Retour sur la frappe du nouvel amphictionique ............................................................. 237-259
Christophe FLAMENT, Patrick MARCHETTI

Un trésor monétaire « tardif » (VI e ou XIII e s.) découvert à Argos ............................................................................ 261-281
Panagiotis KONSTANTINIDIS
Un relief tardo-romain de Mélos au Musée national archéologique d’Athènes ............................... 283-311
Platon PÉTRIDIS
D’un bout du golfe à l’autre : les lampes corinthiennes découvertes à Delphes ................................ 313-349
Catherine VANDERHEyDE, Walter PROCHASKA

Le marbre en Bulgarie à la période byzantine :
l’apport de l’étude des sculptures architecturales de Sozopol ................................................................................................... 351-375
Véronique FRANçOIS, Akın ERSOy

Fragments d’histoire :
la vaisselle de terre dans une maison de Smyrne au XVIII e s. ................................................................................................ 377-419
Theatre Façades and Façade Nymphaea.
The Link between
Georgia ARISTODEMOU*
SUMMARy This article examines the resemblance between theatre façades and the façades of monumental
nymphaea and is mainly concerned with the “façade nymphaea” in direct comparison with the
scaenae frons of a Roman theatre. The research presented here is based on four parameters: (a)
the similarities of form and structure between both kinds of monuments (e.g., the common
use of specific architectural features); (b) the function and the use of these public monuments
within the city landscape and in conjunction with the social, political and cultural life of the
citizens; (c) the iconography––that is, the study of the sculptural decoration which deploys on
the monumental façades of both theatres and nymphaea. Both types of monuments used sim-
ilar sculptural programmes that followed certain display rules to project particular messages;
and (d) the sacral symbolism conferred on both theatres and nymphaea. A large number of
theatres and nymphaea were built within or close to sanctuaries, while many theatres contained
nymphaea within their grounds.
RÉSUMÉ Fronts de scène de théâtres et nymphées à façade théâtrale
Cet article étudie la ressemblance entre les façades des théâtres et celles des nymphées monu-
mentaux. La discussion porte essentiellement sur les nymphées « à frons scænæ », directement
comparés avec les théâtres romains. La recherche s’appuie sur quatre paramètres : a) la mor-
phologie telle qu’elle apparaît dans les ressemblances des deux monuments, par exemple
l’utilisation de certains éléments architecturaux ; b) la fonction et l’usage de ces édifices publics
dans le paysage urbain – en liaison avec la vie sociale, politique et culturelle des citoyens ;
c) l’iconographie, c’est-à-dire l’étude du décor sculpté qui se déploie à la fois sur les façades
monumentales des théâtres et sur celles des nymphées, ces deux édifices accueillant des pro-
grammes iconographiques comparables qui suivent des règles bien précises, et cherchent aussi à
faire passer des messages ; d) les liens avec le sacré que l’on retrouve aussi bien dans les théâtres
que dans les nymphées, bon nombre de ces bâtiments ayant été construits à l’intérieur ou près
de sanctuaires, tandis que beaucoup de théâtres abritent aussi des nymphées.
ΠEPIΛHΨH Προσόψεις θεάτρων και Νυμφαία θεατρικής πρόσοψης. Η σχέση μεταξύ τους
Το άρθρο αυτο μελετά τις ομοιότητες ανάμεσα στις προσόψεις των θεάτρων και των μνημειακών
νυμφαίων. Η συζήτηση αφορά κυρίως στα λεγόμενα νυμφαία με ευθύγραμμη πρόσοψη, τα οποία
συγκρίνονται άμεσα με τη scaenae frons ενός ρωμαϊκού θεάτρου. Η έρευνα βασίζεται σε τέσσερις
παραμέτρους: α. τη μορφολογία, όπως φαίνεται μέσα από τις ομοιότητες των δύο μνημείων,
λ.χ. τη χρήση συγκεκριμένων αρχιτεκτονικών στοιχείων, β. τη λειτουργία και τη χρήση αυτών
των δημοσίων μνημείων εντός του αστικού τοπίου – σε σχέση με την κοινωνική, πολιτική και
πολιτισμική ζωή των πολιτών, γ. την εικονογραφία, δηλαδή τη μελέτη του γλυπτού διακόσμου,
ο οποίος αναπτύσσεται στις μνημειακές προσόψεις και των θεάτρων και των νυμφαίων· και τα
δύο αυτά μνημεία φιλοξενούν παρόμοια εικονογραφικά προγράμματα, τα οποία ακολουθούν
συγκεκριμένους κανόνες, αποβλέποντας ταυτόχρονα στην προβολή συγκεκριμένων μηνημάτων,
δ. τη σχέση με το ιερό στοιχείο, το οποίο ενέχεται τόσο στα θέατρα όσο και στα νυμφαία· ένα
μεγάλο μέρος των θεάτρων και των νυμφαίων έχουν κατασκευαστεί εντός ή πλησίον ιερών, ενώ
πολλά θέατρα φιλοξενούν νυμφαία στους χώρους τους.
* Academic Assistant, School of Humanities, International Hellenic University, Thessaloniki, Greece.
BCH 135 (2011)

164 Georgia ARISTODEMOU
Bibliographical Abbreviations:
ARISTODEMOU 2000 = G. ARISTODEMOU, Τα ιδεαλιστικά γλυπτά στα θέατρα των ρωμαϊκών επαρχιών της Ηπείρου,
Μακεδονίας, Αχαΐας και Ασίας, Unpublished MA Thesis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki.
ARISTODEMOU 2011 = G. ARISTODEMOU, “Sculptured Decoration of Monumental Nymphaea at the Eastern
Provinces of the Roman Empire”, in Tr. NOGALES BASARRATE, I. RODà DE LLANzA (eds.), XIth Colloquium
on Roman Provincial Art “Rome and the Provinces: Models and Diffusion”. Merida, Spain, 18-21 May
2009, Hispania Antigua, Serie Arqueológica 3, p. 149-160.
ARISTODEMOU 2012 = G. ARISTODEMOU, Ο Γλυπτός διάκοσμος νυμφαίων και κρηνών στο ανατολικό τμήμα της
Ρωμαϊκής αυτοκρατορίας.
BOL 2011 = R. BOL (ed.), Milet: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und Untersuchungen seit dem Jahre 1899, 5. Funde
aus Milet. Teil 2: Marmorskulpturen der römischen Kaiserzeit aus Milet. Aufstellungskontext und program-
matische Aussage.
BURRELL 2006 = B. BURRELL, “False Fronts: Separating the Imperial Cult from the Aediculated Facade in the
Roman Asia Minor”, AJA 110, p. 437-469.
DE BERNARDI FERRERO = D. DE BERNARDI FERRERO, Teatri classici in Asia Minore, I-IV (1966-1974).
DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969 = J. DES GAGNIERS, P. DEVAMBEz, L. KAHIL, R. GINOUVèS (eds.), Laodicée du Lycos.
Le Nymphée, Campagnes 1961-1963, Recherches archéologiques de l’université Laval, Série 1. Fouilles.
DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001 = Cl. DORL-KLINGENSCHMID, Prunkbrunnen in kleinasiatischen Städten.
Funktion im Kontext, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Studien zur antiken Stadt 7.
FUCHS 1987 = M. FUCHS, Untersuchungen zur Ausstattung römischer Theater.
GINOUVèS 1998 = R. GINOUVèS (ed.), “Architecture de l’eau”, in Dictionnaire méthodique de l’architecture
grecque et romaine, III. Espaces architecturaux, bâtiments et ensembles, Collection de l’École française de
Rome 84, p. 92-100.
GLASER 1983 = F. GLASER, Antike Brunnenbauten (Krh'nai) in Griechenland, Denkschriften / Österreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 161.
GROS 1996 = P. GROS (ed.), L’Architecture romaine du début du III e siècle av. J.-C. à la fin du Haut Empire, 1. Les
monuments publics, p. 418-444.
IK = Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien.
IvE = Die Inschriften von Ephesos.
LETzNER 1990 = W. LETzNER, Römische Brunnen und Nymphaea in der westlichen Reichshälfte.
LIMC = Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae.
LINDNER 1993 = R. LINDNER, Mythos und Identität. Studien zur Selbstdarstellung kleinasiatischer Städte in der
römischen Kaiserzeit.
LONGFELLOW 2005 = B. LONGFELLOW, Imperial Patronage and Urban Display of Roman Monumental Fountains
and Nymphaea, Ph.D. diss., Michigan University.
LONGFELLOW 2011 = B. LONGFELLOW, Roman Imperialism and Civic Patronage Form, Meaning and Ideology in
Monumental Fountain Complexes.
NEUERBURG 1965 = N. NEUERBURG, L’architettura delle fontane e dei ninfei nell’Italia antica, Memorie Accademia
di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli 5.
PARRA 1976 = M. C. PARRA, “Per la definizione del rapporto fra teatri e ninfe”, StClOr 25, p. 89-118.
SEAR 2006 = F. SEAR, Roman Theatres: An Architectural Study.
SEGAL 1995 = A. SEGAL, Theatres in Roman Palestine and Provincia Arabia, Mnemosyne, Supplements 140.
SETTIS 1973 = S. SETTIS, “‘Esedra’ e ‘ninfeo’ nella terminologia architettonica del mondo romano. Dall’ età
repubblicana alla tarda antichità”, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt I 4 (1973), p. 662-740.
STURGEON 2004 = M. C. STURGEON, Corinth. Results of the Excavations Conducted by the American School of
Classical Studies at Athens, IX 3. Sculpture. The Assemblage from the Theater.
WALKER 1979 = S. WALKER, The Architectural Development of Roman Nymphaea in Greece, PhD, University of
London.
BCH 135 (2011)

THEATRE FAçADES AND FAçADE NyMPHAEA. THE LINK BETWEEN 165
The resemblance between theatre façades and the façades of monumental nymphaea has
long formed a subject of study for scholars of Roman architecture. This article discusses
the so-called façade nymphaea with the scaenae frons of a Roman theatre. Research is
based on four parameters: (i) the form and structure and the speciic architectural fea-
tures common to both theatres and nymphaea, (ii) the use and function of these monu-
ments, (iii) the statuary programmes used on monumental façades, (iv) sacrality and the
relation with sacred symbolism derived from factors like the decoration and the location
of these ediices.
I. FORM AND STRUCTURE
The term “façade nymphaea” refers to a monumental fountain structure that comprised a
columnar façade forming exedrae and aediculae, niches in the back wall, and was sometimes
supplemented with lateral wings. 1 A monumental nymphaeum was equipped with two
water basins: one situated at a higher level that was used for collecting water and another
placed at a lower level that was used for drawing water. The architectural development
of these nymphaea has been studied by several scholars. 2 Façade nymphaea are divided
into three main groups: the semicircular (sigma) nymphaea, 3 nymphaea with apses 4 and
rectilinear nymphaea. 5 The same categorization currently applies for theatre architecture
where scene buildings are distinguished in rectilinear façades and façades with apses. 6
1. On façade nymphaea, NEUERBURG 1965, p. 73 sq.; DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969, p. 152 sq.; P. AUPERT, Le
nymphée de Tipasa et les nymphées et “septizonia” nord-africains, Collection de l’École française de Rome 16
(1974), p. 81 sq.; G. HORNBOSTEL-HüTTNER, Studien zur römischen Nischenarchitektur, Studies of the
Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 9 (1979), p. 66-95; LETzNER 1990, p. 149-155 (Typus IX:
Fassaden); DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 48-53; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 41-47.
2. WALKER 1979; S. AGUSTA-BOULAROT, La fontaine, la ville et le prince : recherches sur les fontaines monu-
mentales et leur fonction dans l’urbanisme impérial, de l’avènement d’Auguste au règne de Sévère Alexandre,
PhD Thesis, University of Aix-Marseille 1 (1997); DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001.
3. NEUERBURG 1965, p. 53 sq.; S. MESCHINI, s.v. “Ninfei e Fontane”, in Enciclopedia dell’arte antica, classica
e orientale V (1963), p. 510; DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969, p. 143-152, 161; SETTIS 1973, p. 661; P. AUPERT
(n. 1), p. 114 sq.; GLASER 1983, p. 163-164; WALKER 1979, p. 60 sq.; LETzNER 1990, p. 141-143,
p. 193-196 (Typus VI: Halbkreisförmige Brunnen); G INOUVèS 1998, p. 98 n. 84-88; D ORL -
KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 19, p. 39-50; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 36-37.
4. DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969, p. 152-155 ; LETzNER 1990, p. 150-153, p. 199 (Typus IX A: Fassaden);
GINOUVèS 1998, p. 99; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 37.
5. NEUERBURG 1965, p. 73-78 (ninfeo a facciata); DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969, p. 156-161; P. AUPERT (n. 1),
p. 81 sq.; PARRA 1976, p. 101 sq.; G. HORNBOSTEL-HüTTNER (n. 1), p. 79-85 (Gruppe 3: Schauwände);
LETzNER 1990, p. 150-155, 201-203 (Typus IX B: Fassaden), p. 155-158, p. 204-206 (Typus X:
Fassadenbauten mit Eckrisaliten); GINOUVèS 1998, p. 99 n. 90-91; DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 48;
ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 37-38.
6. On Roman theatre design, D. M. SMALL, “Studies in Roman Theater Design”, AJA 87 (1983), p. 55-68.
Theatrical façades are also sub-divided into: one semicircular exedra, two rectangular exedrae framing a
BCH 135 (2011)

In this article rectilinear nymphaea will be compared with rectilinear theatre façades.
The alternation of semicircular exedrae and rectangular pedestals on a monumental
columnar façade is a feature found in both theatres and nymphaea. The Miletus
nymphaeum façade (ig. 1 a-b), apart from being similar in form to the theatre in the
same city, also recalls the scaenarum frontes from Asia Minor (e.g., Ephesus theatre) (ig. 2)
and the Syrian provinces (e.g., Bosra theatre) (ig. 3), as well as from the North African
a
b
Fig. 1. — a. Miletus, Nymphaeum. View
(Ph. Courtesy of Dr. F. Tronchin;
http://www.flickr.com/photos /
87168893 @N00/5887935381 .
b. Miletus, Nymphaeum. Ground
plan (Ph. Courtesy of the Foun-
dation of Hellenic World © IME/
FHW Geographical Analysis, Car-
tography and Architectural Dra-
wings Laboratory. After http://
asia minor.ehw.gr/forms/fLemma.
aspx?lemmaId=8190).
semicircular one (e.g., Nocera,Volaterae), three semicircular exedrae in the long axis (e.g., Corinth) or one
central apsidal exedra (e.g., Herculaneum), GINOUVèS 1998, p. 130-143; SEAR 2006, p. 24-36.
BCH 135 (2011)

Fig. 2. — Ephesus, Theatre. Ground plan (Ph. Courtesy of the Foundation of Hellenic
World © IME/FHW Geographical Analysis, Cartography and Architectural
Drawings Laboratory).
Fig. 3. — Bosra, Theatre (Ph. OPIS Zagreb; http://www.shutterstock.com, no 13326787).
BCH 135 (2011)

and Iberian peninsula provinces (e.g., the Augusta Emerita theatre) (ig. 4). 7 They all
exhibit the same features; that is, they contain walls decorated with columnar façades
forming exedrae and aediculae and bearing horizontal architraves and triangle pediments
arranged in sequence. In Aspendus, both the theatre and the nymphaeum present similar
morphological features in their façades and ground plans (ig. 5 a-c). 8 In Hierapolis,
the same homogeneity characterizes both the Severan theatre and the nymphaeum at the
Fig. 4. — Augusta Emerita, Theater (Ph. G. Aristodemou).
7. Miletus Nymphaeum: DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, 215 cat. no 64, fig. 19, 52-54, 142; Miletus Theatre:
BOL 2011, p. 25-67. Ephesus theatre: DE BERNARDI FERRERO, III (1970), p. 47-66, fig. 38-74, pl. 7-10;
id. IV (1974), p. 212-228; I. ATAç, “Das antike Theater von Ephesos, Grundlagen des Projektes
Raumforschung und Restaurierung”, in H. FRIESINGER, F. KRINzINGER (eds.), 100 Jahre Österreichische
Forschungen in Ephesos. Akten des Symposions, Wien 1995, Archäologische Forschungen 1, Denkschriften /
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 260 (1999), p. 429-435;
A. özTüRK, “Das Bühnengebaüde und seine flavische Scaenae Frons des Theaters in Ephesos”, in
S. F. RAMALLO ASENSIO, N. RöRING (eds.), La scaenae frons en la arquitectura teatral romana. Actas del
Symposium Internacional celebrado en Cartagena los días 12 al 14 de marzo de 2009 en el Museo del Teatro
Romano (2010), p. 331-342. Bosra theatre: K. S. FREyBERGER, “Zur Bauornamentik der Scaenae Frons
des Theaters in Bostra”, in S. F. RAMALLO ASENSIO, N. RöRING (supra), p. 355-372. Augusta Emerita
theatre: N. RöRING, “Nuevo estudio arquitectónico de la fachada escénica del teatro romano de Augusta
Emerita”, in S. F. RAMALLO ASENSIO, N. RöRING (supra), p. 163-172.
8. Aspendus nymphaeum: DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 177 cat. no 13, fig. 26, 104; Lately, S. A. G. PIRAS,
“Façade Nymphaea in Asia Minor. Aspendos, an Example of Massive Urban Water Imprint”, in
G. WIPLINGER (ed.), Cura Aquarum in Ephesos, I-II. Proceedings of the 12th International Congress on the
History of Water Management and Hydraulic Engineering in the Mediterranean Region, BABesch Suppl. 12
= SoSchrÖAI, 42 (2006), p. 397-400, fig. 1-3. Aspendus theatre: DE BERNARDI FERRERO, III (1970),
pl. XXXIV.
BCH 135 (2011)

Fig. 5. — a. Aspendus, Theatre. View (Ph. D. Vorontsova, http://www.

shutterstock.com, no 31584550). b. Aspendus, Nymphaeum. View
(Ph. V. Shanin, http://www.shutterstock.com, no 120350134).
c. Aspendus, Nymphaeum. Ground plan (Ph. Courtesy of the
Foundation of Hellenic World © IME/FHW Geographical
Analysis, Cartography and Architectural Drawings Laboratory.
After http://asiaminor.ehw.gr/Forms/fLemma.aspx?lemmaid=12544&
contlang=57).
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Apollo temenos. 9 The monumental façade of the Nymphaeum F1 in Perge consists of

four semicircular exedrae bearing columns that sustained the entablature and it presents
the same ground plan and architectural features as the city’s theatre façade: semicircular
exedrae, niches and columns (ig. 6). 10 The Side Gate Nymphaeum’s façade consists
of three large exedrae separated by pedestals 11 and is decorated by a series of columns
arranged along three storeys (ig. 7). A comparable façade arrangement can also be seen
at the Roman theatre of Corinth. 12
Scholarly opinion differs greatly on the origins of the façade nymphaea. 13 Although
H. Lauter-Bufé has suggested that they derive from the Italian villa architecture of the
Republican period, 14 the majority of scholars support the view that façade nymphaea
were derived from theatre architecture. M. C. Parra was one of the irst to approach the
subject; her study was based on a morphological and stylistic comparison of the ground
plans of these two types of monuments. 15 W. Letzner, along with the majority of scholars,
suggested that façade nymphaea originated from theatrical architecture, sustaining the
view that their main features (i.e., the multiple storeys and the aedicular façade) irst
9. Hierapolis theatre: D. DE BERNARDI FERRERO, “Il teatro di Hierapolis di Frigia”, in D. DE BERNARDI

FERRERO, G. CIOTTA, P. PENSABENE (eds.), Il teatro di Hierapolis di Frigia. Restauro, architettura ed
epigrafia (2007), p.17-228; G. SOBRà, F. MASINO, “La frontescena severiana del Teatro di Hierapolis di
Frigia. Architettura, decorazione e maestranze”, in S. F. RAMALLO ASENSIO, N. RöRING (n. 7), p. 380,
fig. 9; F. MASINO, G. SOBRà, F. GABELLONE, M. LIMONCELLI, “Research on the Theatre at Hierapolis in
Phrygia: An Integrated Approach”, in K.HEINE, K. RHEIDT, F. HENzE (eds.), Von Handaufmass bis High
Tech III. 3D in der historischen Bauforschung (2011), p. 72-79. Hierapolis nymphaeum in the Apollo
temenos: D. DE BERNARDI FERRERO, “Alcune considerazioni sul Ninfeo di Hierapolis antistante il tempio
di Apollo”, in H. FRIESINGER, F. KRINzINGER (n. 7), p. 695-702 ; DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001,
p. 193-196 cat. no 34, fig. 25, 42c, 121a-b.
10. Perge Nymphaeum F1: DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 226 cat. no 84, fig. 20, 69c, 157ab; SEAR 2006,
p. 19, 92, plan 392, 373. Perge Theatre: DE BERNARDI FERRERO, III (1970), p. 153-155; PARRA 1976,
p. 95, fig. 2; N. ATIK, “Vorbericht Theater von Perge”, AA 2000, p. 285-340.
11. Side Nymphaeum: K. G. LANCKORONSKI, Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, I (1890), p. 139-146, pl. XXX
(G. NIEMANN, E. PETERSEN); DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 242-244 cat. no 106, fig. 1, 23, 31, 41,
42b, 171.
12. Corinth theatre: R. STILLWELL, Corinth. Results of the Excavations Conducted by the American School of
Classical Studies at Athens, II. The Theater (1952); STURGEON 2004, pl. II a.
13. On the issue, DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 49.
14. H. LAUTER-BUFÉ, “Zur architektonischen Gartengestaltung in Pompeji und Herculaneum”, in
B. ANDREAE, H. KyRIELEIS (eds.), Neue Forschungen in Pompeji und den anderen vom Vesuvausbruch 79 n.
Chr. verschütteten Städten. Internationales Kolloquium, Essen 11.-14. Juni 1973 (1975), p. 171.
15. PARRA 1976, p. 89-118 with previous literature. More recently for the influence of theatre architecture
on the monumental fountains of North Africa, see N. LAMARE, “L’influence de l’architecture théâtrale
sur le décor des fontaines monumentales”, in N. LAMARE, Z. LECAT, E. ROCCA, M. UBERTI (eds.), Le
passé et son héritage : modalités et enjeux dans les sociétés du monde romain et de l’Antiquité tardive. Actes de
la journée doctorale 14.01.2010 (2010), p. 28-45.
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Fig. 6. — Perge, Theatre and adjacent Nymphaeum F1. Ground plan (Ph. Courtesy of
Dr. Arzu Öztürk. After N. Atik, “Vorbericht Theater von Perge”, AA 2000,
p. 289a).
Fig. 7. — Side, Gate Nymphaeum. View (Ph. V. Rauch, http://www.shutterstock.com,
no17626233).
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appeared at the theatrical scaenae frons long before the Augustan era. 16 He considers the 2nd
century BC as a terminus post quem for the appearance of the articulated Roman scaenae frons
in Italy, of which the Pompeius’ theatre (55 BC) in Rome is a complete, typical example. 17
When referring to early scaenarum frontes in the eastern part of the Roman Empire one
might also mention—among many others—the theatre of Halicarnassus (late 2nd century
BC) or the Aphrodisias theatre (28 BC). 18 Although P. Gros agrees with the hypothesis
that aedicular façades originated in Italy, he also underlines that the façade nymphaea in
the eastern part of the Roman Empire developed in a more elaborated way due to the
strong inluence of the Hellenistic architectural tradition in the region. 19 In accordance
with this, S. Walker situates the emergence of monumental façade nymphaea in the Asia
Minor provinces during the Flavian period and goes one step further by connecting them
with imperial propaganda. 20 In fact, archaeological research conirms that monumental
nymphaea were more popular in the eastern and southern rather than in the western or
northern provinces of the empire. 21 This is particularly noticable in the Asia Minor cities
where aedicular façades appeared with the same frequency in both theatres and nymphaea.
It should also be noted that the above-mentioned morphological features (e.g., colon-
naded façades with recessions and projections, niches and aedicules) were also present on
monuments with different functions, a good example of this was the Celsus Library at
Ephesos. 22 According to G. Charles-Picard, the morphological resemblance between the
16. LETzNER 1990, p. 202 n. 254. On the Republican theatre in Italy, see SEAR 2006, p. 48-53. On the
Augustan theatre façades, see G. SAURON, “Architecture et âge d’or. Le front de scène augustéen”, in
J.-Ch. MORETTI (éd.), Fronts de scène et lieux de culte dans le théâtre antique, Travaux de la Maison de
l’Orient et de la Méditerranée 52 (2009), p. 78-88. On the early Roman scene buildings, R. C. BEACHAM,
The Roman Theatre and its Audience (1991), p. 56-89; A. MONTERROSO CHECA, Theatrum Pompei.
Forma y Arquitectura de la génesis del modelo teatral de Roma, CSIC-EEHAR, Serie Arqueológica 12 (2010).
17. LETzNER 1990, p. 202 n. 255. On the Pompeius theatre, see G. SAURON, “Pompée et le jugement de
Pâris”, Uranie. mythes et littératures 10 (2003), p. 71-84; SEAR 2006, p. 57, plan 25 and recent literature;
P. GROS, “Les sanctuaires in summa cavea. L’enseignement des recherches récentes sur le Théâtre de
Pompée à Rome”, in J.-Ch. MORETTI (n. 16), p. 53-64.
18. The Halicarnassus theatre received a permanent scene building during the late Hellenistic period,
P. PEDERSEN, “Halikarnassos and the Ptolemies, II. The Architecture of Hellenistic Halikarnassos”, in
S. ISAGER, P. PEDERSEN (eds.), The Salmakis Inscription and Hellenistic Halikarnassos, Halicarnassian
Studies 4 (2004), p. 147-149. The Aphrodisias theatre was consecrated by Zoilos before Octavian had
received the title of Augustus at January 27 BC, J. M. REyNOLDS, “Epigraphic Evidence for the Construction
of the Theatre: 1st C. BC to Mid 3rd C. AD”, in R. R. R. SMITH, K. T. ERIM (eds.), Aphrodisias Papers, 2.
The Theatre, a Sculptor’s Workshop, Philosophers, and Coin-types, JRA Suppl. 2 (1991), p. 15-28.
19. GROS 1996, p. 427-428.
20. WALKER 1979, p. 277.
21. As can be deducted from NEUERBURG 1965, p. 102; F. GLASER, “Water Landscaping”, in Ö. WIKANDER
(ed.), Handbook of Ancient Water Technology. Technology and Change in History (2000), p. 465.
22. Celsus Library: V. M. STROCKA, “The Celsus Library in Ephesus”, in Ancient Libraries in Anatolia: Libraries of
Hattusha, Pergamon, Ephesus, Sonderdrucke aus der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg (2003), p. 33-43.
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façades of theatres and nymphaea derives from a common architectonic model that was
applied to a variety of different monuments, including theatres and odeia, vouleuteria, gates
and arches, libraries, gymnasia and baths, and nymphaea. 23 However, this model does not
appear to have been used as frequently in religious buildings or funerary monuments. 24
It is thus probable that the aedicular façade was not intended to serve a speciic type of
building exclusively. 25 The elaborate aedicular façade characterizes Roman architecture
in general and was successfully applied in ediices of different uses and functions with the
intention of projecting their special features with grandiosity and of conveying a speciic
political message. 26 Both the eastern and western provinces adopted new elements in
their decorative programmes, on one hand renewing traditional schemes and on the other
participating in the lifestyle and culture of Rome. One should keep in mind that from
the Augustan era onwards public ediices were used within the framework of the newly
founded Roman state to diffuse the idea of the imperium romanum in the provinces. 27
A common architectural language expressed throughout the empire in similar forms and
decorative types relects these common purposes. 28 The aedicular façade seems to have
been used in nymphaea and theatres almost simultaneously with other public ediices. 29
Thus, regardless of its origin and the appearance, the aedicular façade characterizes the
monumental architecture of the imperial period, especially in the Asia Minor provinces,
which by the 2nd century AD were illed with lavish monuments. 30
The morphological similarities between nymphaea and theatres also extended to
other features. Theatre-Nymphaea or Water Theatres are nymphaea in the shape of a
theatrical cavea (koilon). 31 Two of the more notable examples of this are known to us
23. G. CHARLES-PICARD, “Le Septizonium de Cincari et le problème des Septizonia”, MMAI LII (1962), p. 77-
93; BURRELL 2006, p. 453 (theatres), p. 455 (libraries), p. 457 (nymphaea), p. 460 (gymnasia and palaestrae).
24. BURRELL 2006, p. 454 (temples), p. 457 (funerary monuments).
25. On the aedicular architecture, see G. HORNBOSTEL-HüTTNER (n. 1); H. VON HESBERG, “Elemente der
frühkaiserzeitlichen Aedicula-Architektur”, JÖAI 53 (1981-82), p. 43-86; W. BALL, Rome in the East.
The Transformation of an Empire (2000), p. 292; DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 55.
26. H. DRERUP, “Architektur als Symbol. Zur zeitgenössischen Bewertung der römischen Architektur”,
Gymnasium 73 (1966), p. 181-196 ; P. AUPERT (n. 1), p. 81; F. RAKOB, “Das Quellenheiligtum in
Zaghouan und die römische Wasserleitung nach Karthago”, MDAI(R) 81 (1974), p. 87-89; DORL-
KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 53, 75; BURRELL 2006, p. 450, 462.
27. On the matter, P. zANKER, Augustus und die Macht der Bilder (1987).
28. DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 57, n. 285; V. M. STROCKA, “Wechselwirkungen der stadtrömischen
und kleinasiatischen Architektur unter Trajan and Hadrian”, MDAI(I) 38 (1988), p. 291-307; Recently,
E. THOMAS, Monumentality and the Roman Empire. Architecture in the Antonine Age (2007), p. 158.
29. H. VON HESBERG (n. 25), p. 43 sq.; P. NOELKE, “Ara et Aedicula-Zwei Gattungen von Votivdenkmälern
in den germanischen Provinzen”, Bonner Jahrbücher 190 (1990), p. 79-124; BURRELL 2006, p. 450;
DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 45.
30. PARRA 1976, p. 108-110.
31. ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 43.
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only from the written sources: the “theatron ton pegon” (s.v. “qevatron tw'/n phgw'/n”) in
Daphne of Antioch-on-the-Orontes, mentioned by Ioannis Malalas (Chronicle XI 278.1-
10), 32 and the “theatron” (s.v. “qevatron”) mentioned by Cassius Dio in his Epitome
(68.27.3) when describing a water basin in Hierapolis. 33 In the Hierapolis case, the term
“theatron” was attributed to a theatre-like ediice that was built around a natural thermal
spring and was thus visible and accessible to the spectators. 34 According to Malalas’
description (Chronicle XI 278.11-12) of the Daphne monument, the “theatron” was
probably a semicircular water basin environed by staircases resembling a theatrical
koilon and in this case looded by water cascades. 35 It was built on the slope of a hill and
water was supplied by the springs of Daphne. Water would run into a smaller basin––
the “theatridion”––spouting from ive water outlets (measures): kai; ejkcei'sqai eij" aujto;n
to;n th'" phgh'" oJlko;n ejn tw'/ qeatridivw/ to; ejk tou' naou' ejxio;n u}dwr ejn diafovroi" ceuvmasi
eV, a}per ejkavlesen oJ aujto;" pentamovdion, tetramovdion, trimovdion, dimovdion, movdion… The
Megalophychia mosaic discovered at the Yacto village in Daphne provides all the details
necessary to understand how this monument looked: it depicts a theatre-like building
whose orchestra is illed with water. 36 It resembles the signiicant spring sanctuary at
Zaghouan in Africa Proconsularis. 37 And the nymphaeum at Letoon in Xanthos as well
as the fountain structure at Nîmes fall into the same category. 38
In the city of Bauli (Bacoli) in Campania, a theatre-shaped building dated to the
1st or 2nd century AD was included in a coastal villa complex. It was irst used as an
Odeum and later transformed into a nymphaeum. 39 Having been built close to the shore
it suffered signiicant sea damage. The city of Baiae (Baia) on the Campanian coast is
well known for its thermal springs. A circular water basin (piscina) was unearthed at the
so-called Sossandra Baths there and probably also resembled the theatre-nymphaeum
type. 40 According to the latest research, the Maecena’s Auditorium on the Esquiline
32. H. CHOWEN, “The Nature of Hadrian’s Theatron at Daphne”, AJA 60 (1956), p. 275-277; GROS 1996,
p. 442; LONGFELLOW 2005, p. 185-186.
33. LONGFELLOW 2005, p. 186.
34. G. DOWNEy, “The Water Supply of Antioch-on-the-Orontes in Antiquity”, Les Annales archéologiques
de Syrie 1.2 (1951), p. 180-181; H. CHOWEN (n. 32), p. 275.
35. H. CHOWEN (n. 32), p. 275 ; GINOUVèS 1998, p. 98 n. 79.
36. J. LASSUS, Antioch on the Orontes, I. The Excavations of 1932: la mosaïque de Yakto (1934), p. 114-156,
mainly p. 130 fig. 10; H. CHOWEN (n. 32), p. 275, pl. 101.1; LONGFELLOW 2011, p. 143-146, fig. 50.
37. SETTIS 1973, p. 733-735; F. RAKOB (n. 26), p. 41-89, fig. 40, pl. 21-76; LONGFELLOW 2011, p. 147-148,
fig. 51. Other monuments of this form in Northern Africa are located in Thubursicum Numidarum,
Henchir Tamesmida, Hamman Berda in Algeria, see GROS 1996, p. 440-443 fig. 499.1-4, p. 442 fig. 500
(Zaghouan).
38. DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 252 cat. no 119, fig.179a-b (Xanthos); GROS 1996, p. 440 fig. 498,
p. 441 fig. 499.5 (Nîmes).
39. GLASER 1983, p. 403 cat. no 257, pl. 97.1; SEAR 2006, p. 47, 120, plan 4.
40. GLASER 1983, p. 404 no 259, pl. 97.2.
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hill in Rome was not actually a theatre but a cenatio or a nymphaeum. 41 Its apsidal end
comprised semicircular steps that probably formed an artiicial waterfall. 42
II. USE AND FUNCTION
Theatres and nymphaea were also related to each other in matters of functionality.
The archaeological research on ancient theatres has unearthed numerous hydraulic
installations dating back to the classical period. 43 Water supply was essential in theatres,
especially during the hot summer months; indeed, Vitruvius (V 9, 6) mentions the
importance of water for the wellbeing of spectators during a theatre play. Another aspect
in the association between these two types of buildings derives from the existence of
nymphaea that were either incorporated into theatre buildings or were adjacent to them.
II. 1. nYmPhaea that Were organIcaLLY connected to the scene bUILdIng

oF a theatre
The above-mentioned monumental Nymphaeum F1 in Perge was used as an external

abutment for the theatre-scene building. 44 This nymphaeum was built in order to
support the weak postscaenium wall of the Severan theatre. 45
G. Spano has supported the view that the Antioch theatre façade, constructed by Emperor
Trajan, was in the form of a monumental nymphaeum. 46 Malalas also referred to the same
monument when describing (Chronicle VIII 200-201; X 235; XI 276): ...kai; to; qevatron de;
th'" aujth'" A
∆ ntioceiva" ajneplhvrwsen ajtele;" o[n, sthvsa" ejn aujtw'/ uJperavnw tessavrwn kiovnwn ejn
mevsw/ tou' numfaivou tou' proskhnivou. 47 G. Spano has likewise supported the view that the
two semicircular niches in the Pompeius theatre façade in Rome were probably nymphaea. 48
41. SEAR 2006, p. 47.

42. M. DE VOS, “Funzione e decorazione dell’Auditorium de Mecenate”, in G. SARTORIO, L. QUILLICI (eds.),
Roma Capitale 1870-1911, 7. L’archeologia in Roma tra sterro e scavo [catalogo mostra Roma] (1983),
p. 231-247.
43. DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 44 n. 225.
44. See supra, n. 10.
45. It is comparable to the monumental nymphaeum in Piazza Vittorio Emmanuelle in Taormina, which is
known as the Naumachia of Taormina, L. QUILICI, St. QUILICI GIGLI, Edilizia pubblica e privata nelle città
romane (2008), p. 98 (E. TORTORICI).
46. G. SPANO, “Il Ninfeo del proscenio del teatro di Antiochea sull’Oronte”, Rendiconti della Reale Acca-
demia dei Lincei, 8th ser. 7 (1952-1953), p. 158-163.
47. DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969, p. 162 n. 9; SETTIS 1973, p. 733-34; G. DOWNEy, “Imperial Building
Records in Malalas”, ByzZ 38 (1938), p. 299-311; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 44.
48. G. SPANO, “Il Teatro delle fontane in Pompei”, Mem. Accad. Archeol. Lett. BB. AA. Napoli II 2 (1913),
p. 117-129; G. SPANO (n. 46), p. 152; SEAR 2006, p. 57, plan 25.
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II. 2. nYmPhaea adJacent to theatres
Building theatres and nymphaea in close proximity to one another was a common
practice in Italy and Sicily. A Π-shaped nymphaeum with niches and a hydraulic instal-
lation were excavated on the east side of the small Republican theatre within the Diana
sanctuary of Nemus Aricinum (Nemi) near Rome. 49 A water reservoir built at the corner
of the southwest aditus of the Casinum theatre conducted water to a fountain. 50 A
rectangular nymphaeum with four niches, probably for sculpture, was excavated at the
epitheatron of the Syracuse theatre. It was located next to the so-called Via dei Sepolcri,
which was later transformed into a theatre entrance. 51 A natural grotto-nymphaeum
was located at the western part of the cavea of the Segesta theatre. 52
From the northern African provinces we also know of an apsidal fountain structure
that was located to the east of the Caesarea Maritima (Cherchel) theatre. 53 The exact
construction date for this monument has not yet been deined. A water reservoir was
discovered at the epitheatron of the Thougga (Dougga) theatre in Tunis; research has
revealed that waterpipes were installed in the pulpitum niches of the theatres in the
cities of Cuicul (Djemila), Calama (Guelma), and Thamugadi (Timgad) in Algeria. 54
Likewise, the theatre of Leptis Magna was adjacent to numerous water structures: the
Great Nymphaeum located across from the Hadrianic theatre along the great columnar
street, 55 the “Lacus” of the theatre located at the external northeast corner of the scene
building, 56 and a rectangular roofed fountain with shallow exterior niches built at the
square area located northeast of the theatre (sector III/1). 57
In the Asia Minor provinces we also know of the semicircular nymphaeum built
at the Ariassos theatre in Pisidia. 58 Its direct connection to the aqueduct dates it to
the Severan period. A portico-shaped fountain was built at the southwest part of the
Ephesus theatre close to the Arcadian Gate. Although the original structure dates to the
49. The theatre that belongs to the group of so-called sanctuary theatres is probably associated with the
Diana cult and the Diana priest, the Rex Nemorensis, SEAR 2006, p. 45, p. 127, plan 17.
50. SEAR 2006, p. 122, plan 8.
51. LETzNER 1990, p. 278 no 18, pl.7.2. Niches housing votive offerings to the nymphs (patrons of the local
spring) pre-existed the theatre seats. These niches were formerly used by the local population for burials. The
symbolic co-existence of water with the idea of death, the nymphs and the theatre is still present in the area.
52. PARRA 1976, p. 117, n. 84.
53. GLASER 1983, p. 389 no 238.
54. PARRA 1976, p. 117; FUCHS 1987, p. 142.
55. LETzNER 1990, p. 401 no 255, pl. 95.2.
56. Fr. TOMASELLO, Fontane e ninfei minori di Leptis Magna (2005), p. 37-50, fig. 15-16 and p. 216-220
(M. LAURICELLA, Lacus dell Teatro [Appendice II: Saggi di scavo]).
57. Fr. TOMASELLO (supra), p. 27-36.
58. DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 175 cat. no 12, fig. 103ab.
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Hellenistic period, it underwent frequent renovation and annexation during the imperial
period and the nymphaeum was supplied by the Marnas river (IK Ephesos II, no 417). 59
A second fountain consisting of only a rectangular, open-aired water tank was excavated
at the north side of the same theatre, 60 and a natural spring grotto lies at the western
parodos of the Miletus theatre. Indeed, G. Kleiner has sustained that it was originally an
ancient sanctuary that was later transformed into a nymphaeum. 61 A fountain was also
situated at the western external wall of the cavea of the Nysa theatre, dated to the second
half of the 1st century BC. 62 A late Hellenistic portico-shaped fountain house is situated
between the Upper Agora and the theatre of Sagalassos, and a carved relief depicting a
river god has been associated with it. 63 A modest fountain structure dated to the late 2nd
century AD was found at the junction of two columnar streets next to the theatre of the
Cilician city Ura/Olba. 64 Water for this fountain was provided by the Severan aqueduct.
The Dombrovski excavations at the Greek colony of Chersonesos in the Black Sea
region unearthed a theatrical building from the 3rd century BC that was annexed to
the city’s defensive wall. 65 The pre-existing natural spring was later transformed into a
nymphaeum.
Similar evidence from the Levantine provinces (Syria, Palestine, Arabia) are few. The
small theatre at Petra was linked to the nymphaeum through a colonnaded street. 66
J. McKenzie has supported the idea that both the nymphaeum and the theatre were
supplied by the same hydraulic system. 67 The theatre in the Syrian city of Canatha (El
Qanawāt) was located in a river valley in conjunction with a nymphaeum, a sanctuary
and a fountain. 68 In addition, according to the Madaba map, a semicircular structure
resembling either a nymphaeum or a theatre was located at the southeastern part of the
city of Gaza. 69
59. Ibid., p. 179 cat. no 15, fig. 29, 48a, 106ab.

60. Ibid., p. 181 cat. no 19, fig. 108.
61. G. KLEINER, Die Ruinen von Milet (1968), p. 73, fig. 47; DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 256 cat. no 138.
62. DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 217 cat. no 67, fig. 43d, 144.
63. T. PATRICIO, K. VAN BALEN, “Architectural Analysis of the Late Hellenistic Nymphaeum at Sagalassos.
First Results”, in M. WAELKENS, J. POBLOME (eds.), Sagalassos III. Report on the Fourth Excavation Campaign
of 1993 (1995), p. 143-154; DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 237 cat. no 97, fig. 8a, 40, 43a, 166ab.
64. DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 251 cat. no 118, fig. 76, 178.
65. J. C. CARTER (ed.), Crimean Chersonesos. City, Chora, Museum and Environs (2003), p. 76-77, fig. 8.20.
66. SEGAL 1995, p. 93, fig. 135.
67. J. MCKENzIE, The Architecture of Petra (1990), p. 110.
68. SEGAL 1995, p. 27; SEAR 2006, p. 309, plan 289.
69. On the Madaba Map, see R. WARLAND, “Die Mosaikkarte von Madaba und ihre Kopie in der Sammlung
des Archäologischen Instituts der Universität Göttingen”, Sonderdrucke aus der Albert-Ludwigs-Univer-
sität Freiburg. Originalbeitrag erschienen in Georgia Augusta 71 (1999), p. 41-48. The above cited on SEAR
2006, p. 304.
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Recent excavations conducted by the University of Sydney at the theatre of Paphos

on the island of Cyprus have also revealed the architectural remains of a Roman
nymphaeum. 70
The architectural material from the Greek provinces includes the following:
excavations at the northern parodos of the theatre of Argos revealed a fountain structure
from the early imperial period. 71 A rectangular fountain, dated to the 2nd century
BC, was laid at the southwest part of the theatre of Delos. 72 A small rectangular
fountain structure was located between the eastern parodos and the eastern wall of
the Helis theatre scene building. 73 Water was conducted from the citadel slopes.
Pausanias (9,1,6) informs us of the theatre near the Proitides Gates in Thebes, while
Plutarch (Vitae, Sulla 19) refers to the theatre that Sulla built next to the Oedipus
fountain. 74 North of the theatre-scene building of Corinth, excavations have brought
to light a small fountain that is adjacent to the southern side of the so-called North-
Eastern peristyle. Its construction phases correspond to those of the scene building
and are dated to the irst two centuries of the imperial period. 75 Though small in size,
the fountain was richly decorated with marble slabs and mosaics. In Sicyon, a small
fountain from the imperial period was excavated at the southwest part of the theatre
scene building. It consisted of a semicircular basin behind a four-columned porch. 76
The Sparta theatre was constructed in the late Hellenistic or early Augustan period
and was reformed during the late imperial period. During these works a rectangular
fountain structure was added at the western parodos. 77 It consisted of a water reservoir
containing ive smaller rectangular basins used for drawing water; its façade wall was
preceded by a series of columns. Only a few fragments from the sculpture decoration
survive today.
70. See “Archaeological Digs Reveal Evolution of Paphos Theatre” accessed from www.Cyprus-mail.com
[http://www.cyprus-mail.com/archaeological/archaeological-digs-reveal-evolution-paphos-
theatre/20121127], in November 27th, 2012. For this information, I extend my sincere thanks to Prof.
Dr. D. Michaelides (Head of the Archaeological Research Unit, University of Cyprus).
71. GLASER 1983, p. 40, 137.
72. Ibid., p. 188.
73. GLASER 1983, p. 39 no 30, fig. 74-77, 221-222.
74. SEAR 2006, p. 408.
75. B. A. ROBINSON, Fountains and the Culture of Water at Roman Corinth, PhD Thesis, University of Penn-
sylvania (2001), p. 293-307.
76. GLASER 1983, p. 120 no 92, fig. 78; SEAR 2006, p. 405.
77. A. M. WOODWARD, “Excavations at Sparta, 1927, 2. The Theatre. Appendix: Sculptures from the
Theatre and the Nymphaeum”, ABSA 28 (1926-1927), p. 6-14, p. 32-36; GLASER 1983, p. 40 n.14;
SEAR 2006, p. 406.
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Apart from the above-mentioned examples, the archaeological remains of the eastern
provinces reveal that monumental theatres and nymphaea in major Greek and Asia
Minor cities, including Corinth, Athens, Ephesus, Hierapolis, Miletus, Sagalassos,
Side, and Perge, deploy along main streets, next to squares and fora and along
other central city points, being embedded in the city infrastructure. 78 Therefore,
theatres and nymphaea should not to be seen as isolated monuments but instead as
components of a uniied and pre-scheduled urban plan that incorporated all public
ediices. Public monuments of this scale functioned as landmarks that directed both
citizens and guests from the minor to the major spaces of the city. 79 Just as the Roman
city constituted the most pervasive symbol of the empire’s unity, the city monuments
symbolized the city’s self-identity and prosperity. 80 They were used to impress citizens
and visitors, and functioned as visual representatives of the everlasting power and
wealth of the city. 81
III. DECORATION
According to several scholars, the multi-storied aedicular façade was used for displaying
and highlighting the statuary programme of a building. 82 The sculptural decoration
of theatres and nymphaea followed the same basic principles as the majority of
public ediices built throughout the empire. 83 Any differences in their decorative
programmes were down to the different mythological background and cults, as well as
to the different socio-political or even geomorphological conditions of each region. 84
Moreover, in both theatres and nymphaea the homogeneity of the original sculptural
assemblage could be disturbed over time by the addition of new statuary or by the
alteration of the statuary programme’s original subject. 85
78. N. B. UĞURLU, The Roman Nymphaea in the Cities of Asia Minor: Function in Context, MSc Thesis.
Middle East Technical University (2004), p. 16-24; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 53-64.
79. N. B. UĞURLU (supra), p. 23-24.
80. Ibid., p. 77.
81. H. DRERUP (n. 26); F. A. BAUER, Stadt, Platz und Denkmal in der Spätantike. Untersuchungen zur
Ausstattung des öffentlichen Raums in den spätantiken Städten Rom, Konstantinopel und Ephesos (1996),
p. 392; DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 149-150.
82. H. VON HESBERG (n. 25); BURRELL 2006, p. 450-451.
83. ARISTODEMOU 2011, p. 153; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 46, 197.
85. On the matter, see FUCHS 1987, p. 192-193; K. E. ROS, “The Roman Theatre at Carthage”, AJA 100
(1996), p. 485 n. 182; ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 140; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 22-23. The Antonine
nymphaeum of the Upper Agora of Sagalassos is an interesting case where the original Dionysiac statuary
programme of the 2nd century AD was altered during the 4th century AD to include sculpture depicting
the healing gods (Asclepius, Hygeia, Koronis). The presence of these figures is probably explained by the
local people’s need to find comfort during these times of turmoil, ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 228.
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III. 1. IconograPhY
The statuary programme decorating the façade of a theatre or a nymphaeum consisted of

three basic categories of sculpture: (a) idealistic and mythological sculpture, (b) imperial
and private portrait sculpture, (c) relief sculpture. 86
The repertoire of idealistic and mythological sculpture (a) used in both theatres
and nymphaea included statues of the major Olympian gods as well as various minor
deities, mythological igures and personiications. 87 Apparently, in nymphaea this
idealistic sculpture was supplemented by statues of deities and mythological igures
that were closely related to water and nature. Nymphaea were also decorated with
sculpture derived from everyday life subjects, such as animal igures and so-called
genre sculpture (e.g., igures of children bearing fruits, youths, elders, ishermen,
herdsmen, etc.).
Portrait statuary (b) is divided into imperial and private portraits. Imperial portraits
included depictions of the emperor and the imperial family. 88 Private portraits included
depictions of Roman and local ofice-holders, priests, military oficers, as well as members
of the local elite and other prominent citizens honoured on account of their virtues
or their patronage towards their city. The latter group could also include people who
were connected with the past or with the contemporary history of the city, personages
related to the theatre and drama (poets, musicians, actors), and people related to art and
philosophy, as well as athletes.
86. On the sculptural decoration of theatre façades from the Greek and Asia Minor Provinces, see
C. SCHWINGENSTEIN, Die Figurenausstattung des griechischen Theatergebäudes (1977); A. C. ÖzREN,
“Die Skulpturenausstattung kaiserzeitlicher Theater in der Provinz Asia, am Beispiel der Theater
in Aphrodisias, Ephesos und Hierapolis”, Thetis 3 (1996), p. 99-128; A RISTODEMOU 2000;
STURGEON 2004. On the sculptural decoration of theatres in the western part of the empire, see
FUCHS 1987. On the sculptural decoration of nymphaea façades, see B. KAPOSSy, Brunnenfiguren der
hellenistischen und römischen Zeit (1969); ARISTODEMOU 2011, p. 149-160; ARISTODEMOU 2012.
87. On idealistic sculpture in the eastern theatres, see C. SCHWINGENSTEIN (supra), p. 102, 110-113;
ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 144-200. On idealistic sculpture of the western theatres, see FUCHS 1987,
p.185-193 and S. F. RAMALLO ASENSIO, “Espaces, images et mobilier utilisés pour le culte dans les
théâtres romains d’Hispania”, in J.-Ch. MORETTI (n. 16), p. 138-142 (for the provinces of Spain). On
idealistic sculpture of nymphaea in the eastern provinces, see ARISTODEMOU 2011, p. 153-154;
88. On the portrait sculpture from theatres in the eastern part of the empire, see M. GEIVANIDOU, Αγάλματα
αυτοκρατόρων και μελών της οικογένειας τους στα θέατρα και τα ωδεία των Ανατολικών Επαρχιών (Ήπειρος,
Μακεδονία, Αχαΐα και Ασία), MA Thesis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (2006); V. DI NAPOLI,
Ο γλυπτός διάκοσμος των θεάτρων στη Ρωμαϊκή επαρχία της Αχαΐας, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Athens
(2007). On the portrait sculpture from nymphaea in the eastern part of the empire, see ARISTODEMOU
2012, p. 169-197.
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Reliefs (c) also constituted a signiicant component of the sculptural decoration of

theatres and nymphaea, interacting with the rest of the statuary and projecting signii-
cant messages through their iconographical subject matter. 89
In the following observations, the connection between theatres and nymphaea
through their sculptural decoration will be explored.
Following a common practice in the Graeco-
Roman East regarding the decoration of public
buildings within the same city, a theatre and
nymphaeum located in the same city were often
decorated with similar statuary. 90 In Perge,
for instance, Artemis Pergaia is present in the
decoration of the two city nymphaea (F2, F3)
and in the theatre. 91 The sculptural decoration
of the great nymphaeum in Miletus, built by
Marcus Ulpius Traianus, the father of Emperor
Trajan, in 79–80 AD and renovated in the 3rd
century AD by Gordian III, was arranged in
a three-storey façade. It consisted of statues
of major gods whose cults are conirmed in
Miletus (e.g., Poseidon, Zeus, Apollo, Artemis,
Dionysus, Aphrodite, etc.), along with Thiasoi
and minor deities related to water and nature
(e.g., Erotes, Marine Thiasos, Dionysiac Thiasos,
Nymphs, Muses, etc.) (ig. 8), statues of the
imperial family, city oficers and the local
elite, as well as mythological heroes and city Fig. 8. — Miletus, Nymphaeum. Spouting
founders. 92 Zeus and Poseidon occupied the Nymph from the 1st loor (Ph. DAI-
central niches of the 1st and 2nd loor; the rest Istanbul. Neg.78/91, W. Schiele,
1978)
89. Reliefs were formerly considered an unusual decoration; however, it is now accepted that the aedicular
façades of the Roman period provided an excellent background for relief friezes. See M. C. STURGEON,
“The Reliefs on the Theatre of Dionysos in Athens”, AJA 81 (1977), p. 31-53; id., Corinth. Results of the
Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, IX 2. Sculpture, The Reliefs
from the Theatre (1977), p. 124-135; LINDNER 1993, p. 103-198; STURGEON 2004, p. 37-38;
ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 138, 141-144.
90. ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 46-47.
91. LINDNER 1993, p. 105 n. 24 (theatre); LIMC VIII (1997), p. 225 no 359, s.v. “Venus” (E. SCHMIDT);
T. E. EGILMEz, Darstellungen der Artemis als Jägerin aus Kleinasien, PhD Thesis, Mainz (1980), p. 174
(K3, n o I/9); A RISTODEMOU 2012, p. 132, cat. n os 224-225 (nymphaeum F2), cat. n o 235
(nymphaeum F3).
92. BOL 2011, p. 31-59 (nymphaeum); ARISTODEMOU 2012, 328-332 cat. nos 160-184.
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of the mythological and idealistic igures were deployed at the lateral wings and in the
façade niches of the irst two loors according to their signiicance or fountain function.
Portrait statuary was deployed on the annexed 3rd loor. 93 The theatre of Miletus is
similar both in its façade type and its sculptural assemblage. 94 Apart from the round
sculpture—consisting of the same group of gods, mythological igures, personiications
(thus relecting the same local cults and myths) and portrait statuary—the sculptural
programme of the theatre was supplemented by a relief frieze covering the exterior wall
of the scene building and depicting Erotes in combat. Dated to the mid-2nd century
AD this frieze not only comments on the gladiatorial games held in the theatre, but also
refers to the cult of Apollo Delinios in the region. 95 In Sagalassos, the enthroned statue
of Apollo Clarios decorated both the cult temple of Apollo Clarios and the Hadrianic
nymphaeum of the Lower Agora. 96
Another aspect of the link between the sculptural decoration of theatres and nymphaea
is that several nymphaea were decorated with mythological igures that are closely related
to poetry and drama. 97 Archaeological research at the nymphaea of Gortyn, Pompeii
and Syracuse has unearthed statues of Muses, and a series of reliefs depicting Muses was
recently unearthed during the excavations at the Hadrianic nymphaeum at the Lower
Agora of Sagalassos. 98 Their presence in this context is connected to the widespread
belief that Muses protected all forms of water, thus imbuing it with the ability to provide
inspiration, knowledge and clear thought. 99
93. On the statuary programme representations, see BOL 2011, p. 32-33, fig. 9; ARISTODEMOU 2012,
p. 260-262.
94. BOL 2011, p. 118-147 (esp. bibliography on both the architecture and sculpture of the building).
95. E. ALTENHöFER, R. BOL, “Der Eroten-Jagdfries des Theaters in Milet”, JDAI 39 (1989), p. 17-47;
ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 122-126, 153-154; BOL 2011, p. 148-152 .
96. On the temple of Apollo Clarios at the Lower Agora of Sagalassos, see L. VANDEPUT, The Architectural
Decoration in Roman Asia Minor. Sagalassos, a Case Study, Studies in Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology 1
(1997), p. 55 sq. After being renovated, the temple was used to house both the Apollo and the imperial cult,
during which the Clarian Games were held, K. G. LANCKORONSKI, Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, II
(1892), inscription no 2000. On the Apollo Clarios statue from the Lower Agora nymphaeum, see S. MäGELE,
J. RICHARD and M. WAELKENS, “A Late Hadrianic Nymphaeum at Sagalassos (Pisidia, Turquie): A Preliminary
Report”, MDAI(I) 57 (2005), p. 481-482 no 1, fig. 6; LONGFELLOW 2011, p. 154-155; B. yILDIRIM,
M. H. GATES, “Archaeology in Turkey”, AJA 111 (2007), p. 313, fig. 15; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 347
(cat. no 248). The link between Apollo and the imperial cult is made visible by the co-existence of the Apollo
statue and the bronze Hadrian statue and the nymphaeum, ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 130, 265.
97. PARRA 1976, p. 117; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 47.
98. http://www.sagalassos.be/en/monuments_sites/monumental_centre_south/hadrianic_nymphaeum;
ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 133-136, 347 pl. 37.6.
99. Muses represent all forms of intellect and knowledge. It is not irrelevant that Ptolemy I not only conse-
crated the famous Library of Alexandria to the Muses, but also inaugurated games in honour of Apollo
and the Muses, W. OTTO, Die Musen und der goettliche Uhrsprung des Singens und Sagens (1955), p. 37;
BCH 135 (2011)

There were also several theatres that were decorated with marine subjects, 100 for
example, a marine subject frieze from the Pergamon Theater 101 and two Triton igures
from the hyposcaenium of the Hierapolis theatre. 102 The fact that the great nymphaeum
at the Apollo Sanctuary of Hierapolis is named the “Ninfeo dei Tritoni” after its decora-
tion, indicates that Tritons were a frequent iconographical subject in this city. 103 Also,
two examples of high relief Nereid and Triton heads from the Hadrianic era come from
the scaenae frons of the Corinth theatre. 104
Fountain igures––namely, statuary functioning as water spouts––intensify the role
played by water in both theatres and nymphaea. 105 Although M. Fuchs has supported
the view that fountain igures were mostly located in the ends of the pulpitum, 106
research has shown that they were placed in other locations too, including the cavea
or the scaena. The majority of fountain igures derive thematically from the world
of Aphrodite and Dionysus: Satyrs and Silens crouching or sleeping on a wine sack,
sleeping Erotes, nymphs and other minor female deities sleeping and/or holding
seashells and water vessels.
Statues of personiications are more frequently seen in theatres than in nymphaea.
In particular, igures of Tyche in a fountain function appear more often in theatres
than in nymphaea. Two fountain igures of Tyche from Rome are dated to the
2nd century AD. They reproduce the Eutychides’ Tyche of Antioch statue type, and
evidence for a water outlet can still be seen on their bases. 107 One of the statues was
100. FUCHS 1987, p. 136, 186; ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 168, 196; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 47.
101. C. SCHWINGENSTEIN (n. 86), p. 47-48; G. BEJOR, Hierapolis. Scavi e Ricerche, III. Le Statue (1991), p. 44
n. 45; ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 131 (cat. no ΑΣ 105).
102. G. BEJOR (supra), p. 21 cat. no 11, p. 23 cat. no 12, pl. 12-13; ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 105 (cat. nos ΑΣ
77-78).
103. L. CAMPAGNA, “Monumental Fountains at Hierapolis of Phrygia during the Severan Age. The
Nymphaeum of the Tritons and the Nymphaeum of the Sanctuary of Apollo”, in G. WIPLINGER (n. 8),
p. 387-396; F. D’ANDRIA, “Gods and Amazons in the Nymphaea of Hierapolis”, in F. D’ANDRIA,
I. ROMEO (eds.), Roman Sculpture in Asia Minor, Proceedings of the International Conference to Celebrate
the 50th Anniversary of the Italian Excavations at Hierapolis in Phrygia, Held on May 24-26, 2007 in
Cavallino (Lecce) (2011), p. 150-172; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 322.
104. STURGEON 2004, p. 88-92.
105. On fountain figures from theatres, see FUCHS 1987, p. 141-143 (West) and ARISTODEMOU 2012,
p. 94-95 (East). On fountain figures from nymphaea, ARISTODEMOU 2011, p. 150-152; ARISTODEMOU
2012, p. 89-99.
106. FUCHS 1987, p. 142.
107. On the statue of Eutychides, see T. DOHRN, Die Tyche von Antiochia (1960); LIMC I (1981), p. 840-851,
s.v. “Antiocheia” (J.-Ch. BALTy); M. D. STANSBURy-O’DONNELL, “Reflections of the Tyche of Antioch
in Literary Sources and on Coins”, in S. B. MATHESON (ed.), An Obsession with Fortune: Tyche in Greek
and Roman Art (1994), p. 50-63; P. PAPAGEORGIOU, Το τειχόμορφο στέμμα, στην τέχνη της Μέσης Ανατολής
και της αρχαίας Ελλάδας έως το τέλος της ελληνιστικής εποχής (1997), p. 205-206; D. A. ARyA, The Goddess
Fortuna in Imperial Rome: Cult, Art, PhD Thesis, The University of Texas at Austin (2002), p. 21-35.
BCH 135 (2011)

found at the Marcellus theatre and the other during the excavations conducted on the
eastern slope of the Palatine hill. 108
The evidence for Tyche statues from nymphaea are scarce. Regarding the eastern
part of the empire one example comes from Antioch. Malalas (Chronicle VIII 200-201;
X 235; XI 276) describes how Trajan placed a gilded statue of a girl in the theatre,
in the middle of the nymphaeum of the proscaenium: ... sthvsa" ejn aujtw'/ uJperavnw
tessavrwn kiovnwn ejn mevsw/ tou' numfaivou tou' proskhnivou th''" sfragiasqeivsh" uJp∆ aujtou'
kovrh" sthvlhn calkh'n kecruswmevnhn, kaquhmevnhn ejpavnw tou' ∆Orovntou potamou', eij"
lovgon tuvch" th'" aujth'" povlew", stefomevnhn uJpo; Seleuvkou kai; ∆Antiovcou basilevwn. 109
According to P. Papageorgiou this statue depicted Muse Kalliope, patroness of Antioch,
who also held the role of Tyche in the city. 110 In addition, E. Simon has sustained the
view that the Antiochean Tyche is closely related to the eastern goddess Dea Syria
in whose cult and iconography the element of water plays a very important role. 111
Furthermore, Hesiod in his Theogonia (1, 360) refers to Tyche among the marine
nymphs, as a daughter of the Ocean. The oar, one of Tyche’s basic attributes, is an
indication of her watery substance and links her directly to the sea trade and to major
ports on the Mediterranean like Antioch. Thus, expanding upon Papageorgiou’s view,
one might say that Tyche in the form of a marine nymph was linked at the proscaenium
of the Antiochean theatre with the Muses, who were protectors of both the water and
the theatre. 112 A coin from Caesarea in Palestine provides us with another example
from the eastern provinces. It represents Tyche in front of a columnar façade identiied
as the city’s nymphaeum. 113 The igure is depicted standing and—quite unusually—
holding a ish in each hand. 114 This coin is testimony to the existence of a Tyche statue
among the statuary of the nymphaeum. A third example comes from the excavations
of the Trajanic nymphaeum in the lower Agora of Sagalassos, where the upper torso of
another Tyche statue was recently unearthed. 115
108. T. DOHRN (n. 107), p. 22-23 no 16, pl. 4-5; D. A. ARyA (supra), p. 26.
109. On the same matter, G. DOWNEy (n. 47); G. SPANO (n. 46), p. 158-163; DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969,
p. 162 n. 9; SETTIS 1973, p. 733-734; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 142, p. 357 cat. no 288.
110. On the role of the Muse Kalliope in Antioch, see P. PAPAGEORGIOU (n. 107), p. 207-218; D. A. ARyA
(n. 107), p. 4.
111. E. SIMON, “Götter und Heroenstatuen des frühen Hellenismus”, Gymnasium 84 (1977), p. 353-354;
D. A. ARyA (n. 107), p. 27.
113. G. F. HILL, British Museum Catalogue, Palestine (1914), pl. III.1; H. SEyRIG, “Antiquités syriennes: la
Tyché de Césarée de Palestine”, Syria 49 (1972), p. 114, fig. 13; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 142.
115. http://www.sagalassos.be/en/monuments_sites/monumental_centre_south/lower_agora_nymphaeum;
ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 142, 346 cat. no 245.
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10 In theatre buildings fountain igures were

usually placed in pairs. 116 For instance, a pair of
sleeping Nymphs was placed on the pedestal of the
central niche at the pulpitum of the Italica theatre
(ig. 9). 117 Likewise, four bases from satyr’s statues
were excavated at the two nymphaea of the porticus
post scaenam in the Minturnae theatre. One of the
bases preserves the image of a satyr torso holding
a wine amphora with a spouting function. 118
Fig. 9. — Italica, Theatre. Sleeping Two Silenoi reclining on a wine sack come from
Nymph from the pulpitum
(Ph. G. Aristodemou).
the theatre of Arelate; they were placed at either
Fig. 10. — Delphi, Theatre. Sleeping end of the pulpitum wall. 119 Pairs of sleeping
Eros from the pulpitum Silenoi also come from the theatres of Caere, 120
(Ph. G. Aristodemou). Falerium, 121 Vienna 122 and Olisipum. 123 A Silenus
statue from the Trieste theatre was found without his
counterpart. He is depicted reclining and was probably placed on one of the apsidal pulpitum
niches. 124 A Silenus statue was also found at each of the theatres of Baelo Claudia and Augusta
Emerita, and there can be no doubt that both statues originally stood in pairs. 125 Two sleeping
Erotes with a spouting function also derive from the theatre of Delphi (ig. 10). 126

117. FUCHS 1987, p. 142, pl. 64.4-5; M. L. LOzA, “El Agua en los teatros hispanoromanos. Elementos
escultóricos”, Habis 25 (1994), p. 270-271 fig. 2-3.
118. NEUERBURG 1965, p. 143 no 53; FUCHS 1987, p. 141.
119. FUCHS 1987, p. 142.
120. Ibid., p. 77 no A V 1.2, pl. 29.1-2 (Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Profano, 345, A. 355, Inv. no 9962, 9949).
121. Ibid., p. 89 no A V 1.2, pl. 33.3-4 (Louvre, Inv. no MA2761, 2762).
122. J. FORMIGÉ, Le théâtre romain de Vienne (1950), p. 19 n.1.
123. FUCHS 1987, p. 142, pl. 64.1-3.
124. Ibid., p. 109 no A V 1, pl. 46.1, 3 (Trieste, Museo Civico, Inv. no 3138).
125. M. PONSICH, S. DE SANCHA, Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 15 (1979), p. 573, pl. 6.
126. 1) J. MARCADÉ, “Éros endormi à Delphes”, in J. MARCADÉ, Études de sculpture et d’iconographie antiques,
Scripta Varia, 1941-1991 (1993), p. 475-484, fig. 1-3; ARISTODEMOU 2011, p. 150 fig. 2; ARISTODEMOU
BCH 135 (2011)

In theatre buildings fountain igures were also displayed individually. For instance,
a statue of Aphrodite Anadyomene was placed in the three-niched nymphaeum of the
theatre of Leptis Magna. 127 A Nymph holding a seashell, the spouting hole of which
is still visible, comes from the same theatre, possibly from the eastern side of the
pulpitum. 128 A young male igure with a water vessel on his shoulder was found at the
theatre of Bulla Regia. 129 A complex depicting Dionysus on a panther was found in
situ, in the central niche of the pulpitum of the theatre of Sufetula. 130 A Nymph seated
on a rock bearing a spouting hole on the side came from the theatre of Pergamon. 131
A sleeping Eros and an infant Herakles, both with a fountain function, come from
the Salamis theatre at Cyprus. 132 This theatre was built during the Augustan era and
was renovated during the reign of Trajan, 133 and both sculptures were placed in the
proscaenium niches where water outlet holes are still visible.
Fountain igures of animals were also a motif that was used more often in theatres
than in nymphaea. Their pierced mouths functioned as water spouts and they were
depicted either on their feet or lying down in groups, in pairs or individually. Some
typical examples of this have come from the western theatres of Luna, Parma and
Verona. 134 The eastern part of the empire provides us with only a few examples. They
probably decorated the parodoi or the proscaenium and were connected to the orches-
tra water channel. For instance, a complex depicting Herakles struggling with the
Nemea lion probably comes from the theatre at Isthmia. 135 The beast’s open mouth
functioned as a spout.
2012, p. 95, p. 288 cat. no 13, 2) J. MARCADÉ (ibid.), p. 478-484, fig. 4-6; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 95,
p. 288 cat. no 14. (Delphi, Arch. Mus. Inv. no 2616).
127. Tripoli, Arch. Mus. Inv. no 52. G. CAPUTO, “Sculture di Leptis Magna, III. Venere spacchiantesi in
acqua”, La Parola del Passato XII (1957), p. 378; G. CAPUTO, G. TRAVERSARI, Le sculture del teatro di
Leptis Magna (1976), 61 no 41, pl. 37; FUCHS 1987, p. 141.
128. Leptis Magna, Arch. Mus. (depot), G. CAPUTO, G. TRAVERSARI (supra), p. 60 no 39, pl. 36.
129. FUCHS 1987, p. 143.
130. Ibid., p. 143, pl. 63.3.
131. F. WINTER, Altertümer von Pergamon, VII.1-2. Die Skulpturen. Mit Ausnahme der Alterreliefs (1908),
p. 240 no 295; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 333 cat. no 188.
132. V. KARAGEORGHIS, Sculptures from Salamis, I (1964), p. 45 cat. no 56, pl. L (Sleeping Eros, Sal.st.34),
p. 45 cat. no 57, pl. LI (infant Hercules, Sal.st.33); ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 333 cat. no 188.
133. V. KARAGEORGHIS, “Chronique des fouilles à Chypre en 1961”, BCH 86 (1962), p. 396, 398.
134. FUCHS 1987, p. 97, no A V 1 (Luna), p. 104, no A V 1, pl. 44.4 (Parma), p. 117, no A V 1, pl. 57.7 (Verona).
135. Isthmia, Arch. Mus. Inv. no IS 405. M. C. STURGEON, Isthmia IV. Sculpture I:1952-1967 (1987), p. 117
no 30, pl. 52, 53a; LIMC V (1990), p. 29 no 1949, s.v. “Herakles” (W. FELTEN); C. A. SALOWEy, The
Peloponnesian Herakles: Cult and Labors, PhD Thesis, Bryn Mawr College (1995), p. 292 no S45;
ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 146, 288 cat. no 17.
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III. 2. dIsPLaY Programmes
The sculptural display programmes of both theatres and nymphaea deployed

around three axes: the dominating statue of the emperor (and the imperial family),
statues of local gods and heroes, and statues of the monument’s patron and his/her
family. 136 These were supplemented with idealistic and mythological igures related to
water, spiritual exercise, arts and leisure, and to the city’s mythological past (i.e., to the
city-founders).
Statuary assemblages decorating the monumental façades of Roman nymphaea and
theatres deployed according to pre-scheduled iconographical programmes that differed
between regions and between monuments. Each monument was unique because its
construction and embellishment were a combination of various important parameters:
local historical, cultural and geo-morphological particularities, the capability of the
architect, along with the intention and the wealth of the patron and his educational/
cultural background. Monumental ediices were inanced by emperors and/or very
wealthy patrons. 137 Financing the construction of a public monument was a politically
motivated action, and the act of paying for and selecting the statuary programme also
revealed the purposes of the patron. 138 In the following discussion, I shall examine how
different decorative programmes relect these different purposes.
Many decorative programmes of nymphaea were aimed at the gloriication of the
emperor. 139 Most of these were likely inanced by the emperor himself whose image
was placed in the most prominent position on the monument and was therefore
visually connected with the low of water. A good example of this is the nymphaeum
in Argos, which was inanced by Emperor Hadrian. 140 His colossal statue, inanced by
the city in preparation for the imperial visit of 124 AD, depicts Hadrian in gloriied
136. ARISTODEMOU 2011, p. 154-155; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 274-276.

137. On the subject of patronage in the Graeco-Roman provinces, see Ph. GAUTHIER, Les cités grecques et leurs
bienfaiteurs (IV e-I er s. av. J.-C.). Contribution à l’ histoire des institutions, BCH Suppl. XII (1985);
E. WINTER, Staatliche Baupolitik und Baufürsorge in den römischen Provinzen des kaiserzeitlichen
Kleinasien, Asia Minor Studien 20 (1996); Cl. ANDO, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the
Roman Empire (2000); St. CRAMME, Die Bedeutung des Euergetismus für die Finanzierung städtischer
Aufgaben in der Provinz Asia, PhD Thesis. Köln, Universität, Philosophische Fakultät (2001);
H. HALFMANN, Städtebau und Bauherren im römischen Kleinasien. Ein Vergleich zwischen Pergamon und
Ephesos, MDAI(I) Beihefte 43 (2001), p. 1-10; Cl. EILERS, Roman Patrons of Greek Cities (2002);
STURGEON 2004, p. 41-49 (on imperial and private theatre patronage in the Greek East); E. THOMAS
(n. 28), p. 71-90; LONGFELLOW 2011. On the matter, see also ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 65-69.
139. LONGFELLOW 2005, p. 88-140; ARISTODEMOU 2011, p. 154 ; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 252-257.
140. W. VOLLGRAFF, “Inscriptions d’Argos”, BCH 68-69 (1944-1945), p. 397-400 cat. no 7; GLASER 1983,
p. 89 cat. no 60, fig. 164-167; WALKER 1987, p. 64, pl. VI.a; LONGFELLOW 2005, p. 150-159;
LONGFELLOW 2011, p. 114 sq.; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 70, 252.
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nudity. 141 The water lowed from an outlet at the wall, creating the illusion that it ran
from the emperor’s raised right hand. Likewise, in Trajan’s nymphaeum in Ephesus,
which was inanced by the priest Ti. Claudius Aristion around 102–114 AD and was
dedicated to Ephesus, Artemis and the Emperor Trajan, 142 the water outlet was located
underneath the colossal statue of the emperor housed in the central niche. It is obvious
that in both cases the emperor’s image functioned as a symbol of power: He who controls
the water, controls the life of his subjects. 143
Similarly, the sculptural decoration of the Corinth theatre, which was deployed on
a three storey scaenae frons, was also dedicated to the gloriication of the emperor and
his triumphs. 144 The imperial family statues were placed in the large niches between
the columns of the second and the third storey, conveying an unambiguous message of
imperial power and authority. 145 They were accompanied by a number of idealistic and
mythological igures representing the cultural and mythological heritage of Corinth. The
programme was supplemented by three mythological friezes carved into the pedestals of
each storey, depicting the pan-hellenic myths of Amazonomachy, Gigantomachy and
Herakles’ Labours. These symbolic references to dificult achievements were used here to
project Corinth as the capital of the Hadrianic provincia Achaia. At the same time, they
also celebrated the emperor’s virtu, which was understood not only to exceed human na-
ture but to be comparable with that of a semi-god hero like Herakles. 146 On this façade,
Hadrian used sculptural decoration to create a link between himself and the glorious
Greek mythological past, between the Roman presence and Greek cultural heritage. 147
The act of emphasizing their Hellenistic and local heritage through sculptural display
programmes is a trend that was applied in both the theatres and nymphaea of the wealthy
Asia Minor cities. There are further examples of nymphaea where the emperor’s statue
stood in a prominent spot, however, the signiicance of local gods was strongly emphasized
141. J. MARCADÉ, E. RAFTOPOULOU, “Sculptures argiennes (II)”, BCH 87 (1963), p. 49 cat. no 53, fig. 16-18;
C. MADERNA, Juppiter, Diomedes und Merkur als Vorbilder für römische Bildnisstatuen. Untersuchungen zum
römischen statuarischen Idealporträt, Archäologie und Geschichte 1 (1988), p. 220, cat. no UD8, pl. 25.1;
G. PAPAzAPHEIRIOU, Οι ιδεαλιστικές απεικονίσεις των Ρωμαίων αυτοκρατόρων, PhD Thesis, Thessaloniki
(2004), p. 134, 279-280, cat. no ΓΗ8, pl. 28; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 178, 253, cat. no 9, pl.2.3.
142. IvE, II, no 424; St. CRAMME (n. 137), p. 146-150; H. HALFMANN (n. 137), p. 65 -68; DORL-
KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 97, 188-189 cat. no 26; N. B. UĞURLU (n. 78), p. 63; LONGFELLOW 2005,
p. 107-125; LONGFELLOW 2011, p. 77-82; U. QUATEMBER, Forschungen in Ephesos, XI 2. Das Nymphaeum
Traiani in Ephesos (2011); ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 78, 177, 254, cat. no 125, pl. 23.3.
143. E. WINTER (n. 137), p. 184; LONGFELLOW 2005, p. 158; LONGFELLOW 2011, p.118; ARISTODEMOU
2012, p. 257.
144. STURGEON 2004.
145. Ibid., p. 57-60, 61-100 (architectural sculpture on the façade), 101-132 (statues between the columns).
146. Ibid., p. 37-38.
147. Ibid., p. 59.
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Fig. 11. — Perge, North Nymphaeum (F3) (Ph. V. Shanin; http://www.shutterstock.com, no27022909).
on the façade. At the North Nymphaeum (F3) of Perge where the Emperor Hadrian is
represented by two statues––a naked and a cuirassed one 148––the dominating presence of
the reclining river god Kestrus is undisputable (ig. 11). 149 His statue, placed at the very
centre of the monument, is organically connected with the low of water. This was a visual
statement that Perge was a robust city with citizens who depended mainly on their natural
sources, hence, the river Kestrus. 150 The same care taken to project the city’s, myths, cults
and identity is detected in the Dionysiac frieze on the pulpitum of the theatre of Perge. 151
The Three Basin Nymphaeum in Side and the Nymphaeum of C. Laecanius Bassus
in Ephesus focused on mythological subjects. 152 Although the state of preservation of
148. Antalya, Archaeological Museum, Inv. Nr. A3861+3863 and A3730: J. INAN, E. ALFöLDI-ROSENBAUM,
Römische und frühbyzantinische Porträtplastik aus der Türkei. Neue Funde (1979), p. 95-98, cat. nos 45-46,
pl. 38-40; C. MADERNA (n. 141), p. 203, cat. no D9; C. EVERS, Les portraits d’Hadrien. Typologie et
ateliers. Mémoires de l’Académie royale de Belgique. Classe des Beaux-Arts. Collection in-8°, 3e série, 7 (1994),
p. 82-83, cat. nos 6-7; G. PAPAzAPHEIRIOU (n. 141), 269, cat. no KM 5, pl. 23; LONGFELLOW 2011,
p. 156-160; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 262-263, cat. nos 238-239, pl. 36.5-6.
149. Perge, North Nymphaeum (F3) in situ: LIMC VI (1992), p. 39 no 6, s.v. “Kestros” (H. A. CAHN);
LONGFELLOW 2011, p. 158-159; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 206, 263, cat. no 237, pl. 36.4.
150. LONGFELLOW 2011, p.159; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 263.
151. LINDNER 1993, p. 106 n. 28-29; N. ATIK (n. 10).
152. Side, Three Basin Nymphaeum: DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, 242, cat. no 105; Hydrekdocheion of
C. Laecanius Bassus: DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, 186, cat. no 24; K. JUNG, “Das Hydrekdocheion des
Gaius Laecanius Bassus in Ephesos”, in G. WIPLINGER (n. 8), p. 79-86; A. SIDERIS (ed.), Έφεσος. Ιστορία
και Αρχιτεκτονική (2010), p. 170-174 (G. ARISTODEMOU).
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the sculptures and the lack of more deinite evidence do not allow us to detect any
speciic statements or intentions on behalf of the patrons, it seems safe to assume that
they also probably relected local myths and cults.
The irst loor of the Hierapolis scaenae frons was decorated with a series of histori-
cal reliefs dated to the Severan period. According to the inscriptions, they depicted
the Pythian games held in Hierapolis (205–210 AD) in honour of Apollo Pythios. 153
The combined depiction of the imperial family, the participants of the games, as well
as personiications (Oikoumene, Tyche, Andreia, Hierapolis, etc.) attests to the fact
that these games were dedicated both to the Apollo cult and to the imperial cult, as
well as to the Hierapolis games held under the provision of the Severan family. 154 Two
other scenes from the lateral plaques on the same scaenae frons depict the rape of Perse-
phone, and Dionysus with his thiasos. Both these scenes relect local myths and cults
in the region. 155 Reliefs depicting the lifecycles of Apollo and Artemis decorated the
podia of the columnar façade in the same theatre. 156 The Hierapolis theatre is a good
example of how the importance of a certain deity in a city’s pantheon was accentuated
through the monument’s decoration. Apollo, the chief god in the Maeander valley and
to whom the Great Games (Pythia) were consacrated, was a dominant presence in the
monument’s façade. 157
A similar emphasis on the local cults and myths is detected at the theatre of Nysa. 158
Dionysos-Zagreas was the major deity in this region and his lifecycle was depicted on
the theatre frieze. According to Lindner, this frieze relected speciic cults and rituals in
the area and served to reinforce the self-identity of the local population within the varied
mosaic of the Roman Empire. 159
Certain other display programmes accentuated the role of the local elite. The two-
storied nymphaeum of Herodes Atticus in Olympia was built in ca. 153 AD by Herodes
Atticus in memory of his wife Regilla. 160 The bronze river god Alpheios in animal form
dominated the central water basin; a visual statement of his ability to supply Olympia
with precious water. Two statues of Zeus, the patron god of the Altis, were placed
153. T. RITTI, Hierapolis, Scavi e ricerche, I. Fonti letterarie, epigraphiche ed archeologiche (1985), p. 57-72,
pl. 1-7.
154. P. CHUVIN, “Observations sur les reliefs du théâtre de Hiérapolis”, RA 1987, p. 97-108.
155. T. RITTI (n.153), p. 74, pl. 1-7; ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 184, 185.
156. F. D’ANDRIA, T. RITTI, Hierapolis, Scavi e ricerche, II. Le sculture del teatro. I rilievi con i cicli di Apollo e
Artemide (1985).
157. ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 158-160, 193.
158. LINDNER 1993, p. 103-123; ARISTODEMOU 2000, p. 148-150.
159. LINDNER 1993, p. 110.
160. BOL 1984.
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in the centre of each storey. 161 The statues of the imperial family were positioned
along the niches of the lower 1st loor, while the statues of the family of Herodes
Atticus were placed very prominently on the 2nd loor. Surprisingly, these portraits
stood not only above the imperial statues, but also next to Zeus, the father of the
gods. This reveals the important position held by local aristocrats in the political and
social structure of Roman society. Placing themselves next to their emperor and—
moreover—next to their gods was an act so provocative that there can be no doubt
that Herodes’ family must have considered themselves very powerful. 162 This sort of
message occurred more frequently in nymphaea than in theatres because the latter
were projects on a much larger scale and thus, their construction was usually inanced
by emperors and not by citizens.
As the products of imperial patronage, public monuments unambiguously
asserted and declared imperial power, virtue and culture. Since the image of a
Roman city was largely dependent on the number and wealth of its public ediices,
public monuments and their sculptural assemblages were used extensively by
the central authority as a place to exercise imperial propaganda. 163 On the other
hand, as products of private patronage they signaled the donor’s wealth, fame and
connections to the imperial regime. Prominent local families used monumental
architecture to compete for social prestige, to receive economic beneits, and to serve
their own political ambitions. 164
The multi-storeyed aedicular façade of both theatres and nymphaea provided a
magniicent backdrop for the emperor and those gods closely related not only to the
imperial house and the imperial cult but to local heritage and cults as well. 165 Together
they formed images of a stable and structured world, incorporating all those values
that would never lose their religious strength. Thus, the multi-storeyed façade of a
theatre or a nymphaeum became the site where heavenly and earthly powers met. 166
161. One naked as Zeus Katachnonios and one of a type similar to the Dresden Zeus: Olympia, Archaeological
Museum, Inv. Nr. Λ170 and Λ108: BOL 1984, p. 28-30, p. 187-193 cat. nos 48-49, pl. 59-63; LIMC VIII
(1997), p. 350 no 282, s.v. “Zeus” (P. KARANASTASSI) and p. 326 no 78b, s.v. “Zeus” (M. TIVERIOS);
ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 136, 258, cat. nos 41-42, pl. 7.2-3.
162. For the family of Herodes Atticus, see J. TOBIN, Herodes Attikos and the City of Athens: Patronage and
Conflict under the Antonines, Archaia Hellas 4 (1997); ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 271-272.
163. E. GEBHARD, “Ruler’s Use of Theaters in the Greek and Roman World”, in Πρακτικά του ΧΙΙ Διεθνούς
Συνεδρίου Κλασικής Αρχαιολογίας, IV, Athens, 4-10.9.1983 (1988), p. 65-69; ARISTODEMOU 2011,
p. 155; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 65-66, 69-72, 253-257.
164. H. HäUSLE, Das Denkmal als Garant des Nachruhms: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Thematik eines Motivs
in lateinischen Inschriften, Zetemata 75 (1980); DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 120-121; BURRELL
2006, p. 461; E. THOMAS (n. 28), p. 76; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 66-67, 87, 271-273.
166. GROS 1996, p. 428-430.
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IV. SYMBOLISM AND SACRALITY

It is clear that both theatres and nymphaea were loaded with strong symbolism. In fact,
the term nymphaeum (s.v. “numfai'on”) originally had a religious signiicance. 167 It was
irst associated with the natural grottoes consecrated to the Nymphs and to their cult. 168
Ancient literature provides us with numerous examples of caves that were considered
sacred because of their relation to the Nymphs. When describing the cave of Calypso in
the Odyssey (εV 69-70), for example, Homer mentions four fountains spouting white water,
while in another passage (νV 103-104), he uses the term nymph sanctuary ...iJro;n Numfw'n aij
Nhi>adv e" kalevontai... when commenting on the cave of the Nymphs at the Ithaca port. 169
While travelling to the Kyrtonis region Pausanias too, in his Description of Greece (9, 24,
4), describes a nymph sanctuary located next to a natural spring. In Orhomenos (Boiotia),
Pausanias also describes (9, 34, 3) the two sacred springs of Mount Libethrios “one named
Libethrias and the other Petra, which are shaped like woman’s breasts, and from them
rises water like milk”. 170 In his Geography, Strabo also referred to the same sacred grottoes
consecrated to the Leibethrides nymphs by Thracians who settled in Boiotia (9. 2. 25,
10. 3. 17) ...to tw'n Leibhqrivdwn numfw'n a]ntron... Again, when arriving at the mouth of
the Orontes river Strabo (16B, 8) refers to the sanctity of a grotto-nymphaeum numfai'on,
sphvlaion ti iJerovn. 171 Plutarch (Vitae, Alexander 7, 3) also informs us of one of the most
prominent nymph sanctuaries––Mieza, to; peri; Mivezan numfai'on. 172 And “Nympharum
domus” is the term that Virgil used to describe the caves in his Aeniad (I 166-168).
The archaeological material provides us with information on the development of the
term nymphaeum through space and time. Nymphaea were fountain structures that were
organically connected with water. Since water has always been an important component of
rituals, especially in the cults of healing gods, hydraulic systems were often installed in those
sanctuaries. 173 It also explains the erection of numerous nymphaea within sanctuaries. For
example, an Antonine nymphaeum was built within the precinct of the Apollo sanctuary
167. On the religious significance of nymphaea, see A. R. A. VAN AKEN, “Some Aspects of Nymphaea in
Pompeii, Herculaneum and Ostia”, Mnemosyne 4 (1951), p. 272-284.
168. G. W. ELDERKIN, “The Natural and the Artificial Grotto”, Hesperia 10 (1941), p. 125-137; S. MESCHINI
(n. 3), p. 505; DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969, p. 137 n. 8; SETTIS 1973, p. 705. On archaeological evidence
from the East, Greece and Italy, see F. MUTHMANN, Mutter und Quelle. Studien zur Quellenverehrung im
Altertum und im Mittelalter (1975); GROS 1996, p. 419; GINOUVèS 1998, p. 96 n. 66; ARISTODEMOU
2012, p. 47-49.
169. Cited in LETzNER 1990, p. 27.
170. WALKER 1979, p. 40 no 1.5.12.
171. Cited in LETzNER 1990, p. 31.
172. DES GAGNIERS et al. 1969, p. 138 n.6.
173. On the connection between water and healing gods, see R. GINOUVèS, A.-M. GUIMIER-SORBETS,
J. JOUANNA, L. VILLARD (eds.), L’eau, la santé et la maladie dans le monde grec. Actes du colloque, 25-27
novembre 1992, BCH Suppl. 28 (1994).
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next to the Praetorium at Gortyn, and we are also informed that Marcus Aurelius asked for
a nymphaeum to be constructed in honour of the local Nymph Dictynna (CIL 3.13566). 174
The nymphaeum at Augusta Traiana (Stara Zagora) in the province of Thracia was built
within a thermal bath complex dedicated to the Nymphs. 175 The monument which
was known epigraphically as “hydreion” (IG X 2.1 no 83: uJdrh'on) in Thessaloniki was
most probably constructed within the Egyptian gods’ sanctuary. 176 The Herodes Atticus
Nymphaeum was not only built within the sanctuary of Olympia, but was also dedicated to
Zeus, the patron god of the Altis. 177 The nymphaeum at the Criterion Hill (Larissa suburb)
of Argos was built in a location dedicated to the Nymphs, while the nymphaeum at the
Agora of Argos was connected to the ceremony of marriage because water was necessary
for the ritual bath taken by the couple. 178 The Apollo sanctuary in Hierapolis included a
major nymphaeum, 179 and a nymphaeum was also excavated in the sanctuary of Eshmun,
a young Phoenician god of nature, in Sidon. 180 A semicircular nymphaeum was built in
the Apollo sanctuary in Cyrene, 181 and was consecrated to the Nymph Cyrene (Kurana),
who was not only the patron deity of the city but also played a decisive role in the city’s
foundation. The nymphaeum at the Letoon of Xanthos was located inside the Apollo,
Leto and Artemis sanctuary and was supplied from the sanctuary’s own sacred spring. 182
174. LONGFELLOW 2011, p. 136-139.

175. D. NIKOLOV, “Inscription relative à l’édification d’un établissement de bains près de Stara Zagora”,
Archeologija X (1968), p. 44 no 8, fig. 1 (hydreion?); SETTIS 1973, p. 712-713.
176. The inscription, dated to the late 1st century BC (37/36 BC) and found at the Dioikiteriou str., reveals
that a certain Poplius Salarius Pamphilus, priest of God Sarapis and Isis, and his son, Manius Salarius,
dedicated a hydreion (uJdrh'on) to Isis and to the other gods, F. DUNAND, Le culte d’Isis dans le bassin oriental
de la Méditerranée, I-III, Études préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l’Empire romain 26 (1973), p. 58
n. 4. On the Sarapieion of Thessaloniki, see M. VITTI, Η πολεοδομική εξέλιξη της Θεσσαλονίκης από την
ίδρυσή της ως το Γαλέριο (1996), p. 50 n. 31, p. 174 no 47; K. TzANAVARI, “Η λατρεία των Θεών και των
Ηρώων στη Θεσσαλονίκη”, in D. B. GRAMMENOS (ed), Ρωμαϊκή Θεσσαλονίκη (2003), p. 241 sq.;
E. VOUTIRAS, “Sanctuaire privé-culte public? Le cas du Sarapieion de Thessalonique”, in V. DASEN,
M. PIÉRART (eds), Idia kai demosia. Les cadres “privés” et “publics” de la religion grecque antique. Actes du
IX e colloque du CIERGA, tenu à Fribourg du 8 au 10 septembre 2003, Kernos Suppl. 15 (2003), p. 273-288.
177. BOL 1984; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 56, 258-260.
178. SETTIS 1973, p. 736; WALKER 1979, p. 97-104, fig. 24-31, no 2.5; LONGFELLOW 2005, p. 150-159;
ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 35, 48.
179. DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 193-196 cat. no 34, fig. 25, 42c, 121a-b; L. CAMPAGNA (n. 103);
180. R. A. STUCKy (ed.), Das Eschmun-Heiligtum von Sidon. Architektur und Inschriften, AK Beiheft 19 (2005);
181. R. GOODCHILD, Cyrene und Apollonoia (1993), p. 7 sq.; J. J. CALLOT, Recherches sur les cultes en Cyrénaïque
durant le Haut Empire romain (1999), p. 60 (written sources); DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 45
fig. 16; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 48.
182. On the excavations at the site, see M. J. MELLINK, “Archaeology in Asia Minor”, AJA 78 (1974), p.120-
121, pl. 29, fig.16. On the 4th century BC fountain located northwest of the nymphaeum to mark the
sacred spring seen by Alexander the Great, see M. J. MELLINK, “Archaeology in Asia Minor”, AJA 81
(1977), p. 301, fig. 9; DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 252-253; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 48.
BCH 135 (2011)

A “nymphaeum tetrastylum”, perhaps connected with cult rituals, also existed in the
sanctuary of Juppiter Dolichaenus in Rome. 183
The nymphaeum at the Gate of Side was mentioned in a 3rd century AD epigram as
the temple of Nymphs (s.v. “nhov" numfavwn”), 184 while a so-called temple of the Nymphs
(nao;" tw'n Numfw'n) was located over the spring supplying the theatre-nymphaeum at
Daphne in Antioch. 185 According to Malalas’ description (Chronicle XI 278, 9) this
temple housed a colossal enthroned statue a[galma mevga kaqhvmenon kai; kratou'n povlon
tou' Dio;~, probably of the Emperor Hadrian in the guise of Zeus holding the globe. 186
In Aphrodisias, the monumental South Agora Gate was transformed into a nymphaeum
with an annexation of a large cistern in front of its back wall. This transformation
was sponsored in the middle of the 5th century AD by two superior oficers, Flavius
Ampelius and Dulcitius. 187 An epigram carved onto the cistern wall mentions Dulcitius
as “Maioumarch” (Maioumavrch"), the oficer responsible for organizing and inancing
a cult festival called “Maioumas” (Maioumav"). The name of the festival probably
derives from the Semitic word “mai”, which means water. 188 According to Malalas
(Chronicle 284-5, 362) this festival was of Syrian origin and was held at night skhnikh;
eJorth; nukterinh;. Instead of sacriices it involved dinners and water spectacles. 189
The Maioumas festival was also held in theatres like the theatre-nymphaeum at
Daphne (Antioch), 190 and the Birketein theatre at Gerasa. 191 Many scholars have also
suggested that in the Syrian city of Canatha (El Qanawāt) the “Maiouma” festival may
have been held at the theatre, since the proximity of the monument to the natural
springs and the city’s hydraulic system could be an indication of the sacred and ritual
use of the monument. 192
183. LONGFELLOW 2011, p. 100; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 30 n. 50, 48.

184. IK Side I, p. 82 n. 38, no 105, p. 63 tep.4; DORL-KLINGENSCHMID 2001, p. 244; ARISTODEMOU 2012,
p. 49.
185. Supra, n. 35.
186. G. DOWNEy, A History of Antioch in Syria: From Seleucus to the Arab Conquest (1961), p. 222;
F. W. NORRIS, “Antioch-on-the-Orontes as a Religious Centre, Part 1: Paganism before Constantine”,
Aufstieg und Nidergang der römischen Welt II.18.4 (1990), p. 2333, 2347; SEAR 2006, p. 319; LONGFELLOW
2011, p. 145-146; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 358 (cat. no 292).
187. Ch. ROUECHÉ, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity: The Late Roman and Byzantine Inscriptions (1989), no 38
(Flavius Ampelius), nos 39-40 (Dulcitius); ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 49.
188. L. ROBERT, “Epigraphica: XI”, REG (1936), p. 13 no 6.
189. Ibid., p. 11. Also K. MENTzU-MEIMARE, “Der ‘carievstato" Mai>ouma'"’”, ByzZ 89 (1996), p. 58-73;
Ch. ROUECHÉ (n. 187), no 40, believes that this festival took place at the natatio of the Tiberius Portico
in the Lower Agora.
190. SEGAL 1995, p. 11 n. 33; SEAR 2006, p. 46, 109.
191. SEGAL 1995, p. 71 n.139; SEAR 2006, p. 46, plans 299-300.
192. SEGAL 1995, p. 44.
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According to Servius’ quote (Servius ad Aeneidem VII 84) “nullus enim fons non
sacer”, the fountain structure is by origin connected to water. As the source of life, water
conveys a certain degree of sacrality to any medium through which it appears, whether
this is a natural spring, a plain fountain or a monumental nymphaeum. However, thus
far the archaeological material has not revealed any exercise of imperial or any other
cult on nymphaea. 193 Therefore, one might deduct that the initial religious aspect of
the term “nymphaeum“ (numfai'on) gradually weakened over time until the term was
eventually used to refer to structures that were merely related to water and Nymphs and
not necessarily consecrated to the Nymphs. 194 In the current archaeological literature,
the term “nymphaeum” is used to describe fountain structures that are monumental
and imposing in their architectural form and decoration but do not house any form of
cult. Their practical function has reduced their former religious character to the level of
implication.
On the other hand, cult exercise is detectable at theatres. The architectural form
of a theatrical cavea links cult with the ceremonial games held in honour of a deity;
excavations have unearthed sacella and other places (aediculae, exedrae) used for such
purposes. 195 For instance, the Pompeius’ theatre in Rome was built after the donor
had overcome the Senate’s objections by dedicating his theatre to Venus Victrix, and by
using the excuse that the cavea seats were staircases leading to Venus’ temple. 196 The link
made between the temple and the theatre would have appeased those who feared the im-
pact of theatrical plays on citizens’ morals. 197 Some kind of imperial cult exercise is also
known to have been performed in the peristyle court of the Leptis Magna theatre, 198
the Herculaneum and Volaterrae theatre cavea, 199 at the theatre of Stratonikeia, 200 and
in the sacellum of the Stobi theatre-scene building. 201

194. SETTIS 1973, p. 739; LETzNER 1990, p. 32.
195. For early scene buildings annexed to sanctuaries or temple precincts, such as those in Gabii and Praeneste,
see SEAR 2006, p. 45, pl. 11 (Gabii), pl. 24 (Praeneste).
196. A. J. BROTHERS, “Buildings for Entertainment”, in I. M. BARTON (ed.), Roman Public Buildings (1989),
p. 96-125; P. CIANCIO ROSSETTO, G. PISANI SARTORIO (eds.), Teatri Greci e Romani, alle Origini del
Linguaggio rappresentato (1994), I, p. 194.
197. H. VON HESBERG, Ρωμαϊκή Αρχιτεκτονική, Transl. P. PAPAGEORGIOU (2009), p. 175-176.
198. D. BOSCHUNG, Gens Augusta. Untersuchungen zu Aufstellung, Wirkung und Bedeutung der Statuen-
gruppen des julisch-claudischen kaiserhauses (2002), p. 79-82.
199. FUCHS 1987, p. 180; P. zANKER, in W. TRILLMICH, P. zANKER (eds.), Stadtbild und Ideologie. Die Monu-
mentalisierung hispanischer Städte zwischen Republik und Kaiserzeit. Kolloquium in Madrid vom 19. bis
23. Oktober 1987 (1990), p. 20-21.
200. J. RUMSCHEID, “Kranz und Krone. Zu Insignien, Siegespreisen und Ehrenzeichen der römischen
Kaiserzeit”, Istanbuler Forschungen 43 (2000), p. 45.
201. E. GEBHARD, “The Theatre at Stobi. A Summary”, in Bl. ALEKSOVA, J. WISEMAN (eds.), Studies in the
Antiquities of Stobi 3 (1983), p. 17-19.
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Theatre-like structures were also discovered in the Cabeirian sanctuary in Thebes

(Boeotia) and in the Sanctuary of the Great Gods in Samothrace. 202 Theatres also existed
in Asclepius sanctuaries (Epidaure, Pergamon, Paphos), 203 as well in the sanctuaries
(Oropos) of other healing gods. A theatre was built at the Artemis Orthia sanctuary in
Sparta, while in Delos a theatre-like structure existed inside the sanctuary of the Syrian
deities. 204 The theatre at Nemi was located to the west of the Diana sanctuary and close
to the nymphaeum. 205 In Syracuse, a theatre was built near the temple of the Eastern
Deities (Serapis or Dea Syria). 206 The enclosed theatre at Vienna was consecrated
to the Cybele’s mystery cult. 207 Numerous Asia Minor theatres were consecrated to
Cybele (Pednelissos and Pinara in Pisidia). 208 A theatre existed at the Sebasteion of
the Phrygian city Pessinous. A theatre-like structure was unearthed at the sanctuary of
Demeter in Pergamon. 209 Many theatres in the Levant (Arabia, Syria, Palestine) were
connected to cult festivals. Some theatres in Petra were even related to funerary rituals.
The Spring Games in Antiochia-on-the-Callirhoe (Edessa, modern Ourfa) were held at
the theatre. And a theatre existed close to the Liber Pater sanctuary in Thugga in Africa
Proconsularis. 210
Some scholars have also supported the view that, in addition to being a relection of
the local cults and the imperial cult, statues of gods and emperors standing in the niches
of a theatrical scaenae frons may have also conveyed particular religious messages. 211
Although the connection between the theatre sculptural assemblage with local cults
is a well-established hypothesis, B. Burrell has recently disengaged the exercise of the
imperial cult from the aedicular façade. 212 That said, the connection between theatre
sculptural assemblage and actual worship (i.e., as cult statues), even in combination with
the numerous altars found in theatres, is a subject that needs further clariication. 213
202. SEAR 2006, p. 45, plan (Thebes), plan 430 (Samothrace).

203. Ibid., p. 45, plan 424 (Epidaure), plan 352 (Pergamon), plan 410 (Paphos).
204. Ibid., p. 46, plan 426 (Sparta), plan 422 (Delos).
205. Ibid., p. 45, plan 17.
206. Ibid., p. 46.
207. Ibid., p. 45.
208. L. PATSIADOU, “Pednelissos Theatre”, in Encyclopaedia of the Hellenic World, Asia Minor. Accessed from
http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=12355. G. ARISTODEMOU, “Pinara Theatre”, in Encyclopaedia of the
Hellenic World, Asia Minor. Accessed from http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=9395.
209. SEAR 2006, p. 46.
210. Ibid., p. 46.
211. E. ROSSO, “Le message religieux des statues divines et impériales dans les théâtres romains: approche
contextuelle et typologique”, in J.-Ch. MORETTI (n. 16), p. 89-126.
212. BURRELL 2006, p. 437.
213. It is interesting to note that more altars were preserved in theatres in the western than in the eastern part
of the empire. On the western theatres see FUCHS 1987, p.132-144. On the eastern theatres, see
STURGEON 2004, p.159-161.
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The above discussion makes it clear that monumental buildings, both as architectural
forms and display programmes, were relections of a city’s image and transmitted speciic
messages throughout the Roman world. The continuing study of ediices like theatres
and nymphaea contributes to the larger project of reconstructing the social, political,
as well as cultural role that public monuments held in the Eastern Roman Provinces.
Acknowledgements
I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Ms. Maria Dawson (MPhil) and the
Foundation of Hellenic World who generously provided me with the plans of the
Aspendus nymphaeum, the Miletus nymphaeum, and the Ephesus theatre. I would also
like to thank Dr. Arzu Öztürk for generously providing me with the ground plan of the
Perge Theatre and Dr. Francesca Tronchin for permitting the use of the photograph of
the Miletus Nymphaeum..
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Theatre Facades and Facade Nymphaea The

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Comité de rédaction : Alexandre FARNOUx, directeur

Membres - le directeur de l’École française d’Athènes : Alexandre FARNOUx

Révision des normes : EFA, Béatrice DETOURNAy, puis Sophie DUTHION

© École française d’Athènes, 2013

AVIS AUX AUTEURS

Denis GUILBEAU, Burçin ERDOĞU

Sylvie MüLLER CELKA, Tobias KRAPF, Samuel VERDAN

Maria ANASTASIADOU, Maia POMADèRE

Maurizio DEL FREO, Julien zURBACH

Christophe FLAMENT, Patrick MARCHETTI

Catherine VANDERHEyDE, Walter PROCHASKA

Véronique FRANçOIS, Akın ERSOy

* Academic Assistant, School of Humanities, International Hellenic University, Thessaloniki, Greece.

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I. FORM AND STRUCTURE

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Fig. 4. — Augusta Emerita, Theater (Ph. G. Aristodemou).

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Fig. 5. — a. Aspendus, Theatre. View (Ph. D. Vorontsova, http://www.

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Apollo temenos. 9 The monumental façade of the Nymphaeum F1 in Perge consists of

9. Hierapolis theatre: D. DE BERNARDI FERRERO, “Il teatro di Hierapolis di Frigia”, in D. DE BERNARDI

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II. USE AND FUNCTION

II. 1. nYmPhaea that Were organIcaLLY connected to the scene bUILdIng

The above-mentioned monumental Nymphaeum F1 in Perge was used as an external

41. SEAR 2006, p. 47.

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II. 2. nYmPhaea adJacent to theatres

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59. Ibid., p. 179 cat. no 15, fig. 29, 48a, 106ab.

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Recent excavations conducted by the University of Sydney at the theatre of Paphos

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The statuary programme decorating the façade of a theatre or a nymphaeum consisted of

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Reliefs (c) also constituted a signiicant component of the sculptural decoration of

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10 In theatre buildings fountain igures were

116. ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 95.

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III. 2. dIsPLaY Programmes

The sculptural display programmes of both theatres and nymphaea deployed

136. ARISTODEMOU 2011, p. 154-155; ARISTODEMOU 2012, p. 274-276.

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IV. SYMBOLISM AND SACRALITY