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. - -
, , - . . - . . . . : . . . . - - - . - - ; - > - > ' , . , - ;
.. " .... ~
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages I5-IQ and Plate X)
THE completion of this selected edition of five Theban tombs, by
which, I venture to think, the coloration employed by skilled Egyptian
artists has been set before the public with a degree of exactitude not
before attained, is an occasion on which feelings of gratitude are natur-
ally aroused and may therefore fitly be expressed. They are due, of
course, in the first place to Mrs. Tytus, who in these books has raised so
happy a monument to her son and to his tastes t hat many another mother,
under a similar loss, will envy her the inspiration and opportunity. But
the project would scarcely have reached its successful end but for the
resolute zeal of the Editor, Albert M. Lythgoe, nor emerged with this
measure of credit in respect of format and typography had it not been
for the expert guidance of H. W. Kent, Secretary of the Museum, in co-
operation with the late Walter Gilliss, publisher of the volumes. To the
habitual care and scrutiny of Winifred E. Howe, Editor of Museum pub-
lications, is due the clerical correctness of the series. I am also greatly
indebted to those who have striven with me, often under trying con-
ditions, to mete out sympathetic justice to the line and color of the
ancient artists. Three of these, Launcelot Crane, Norman Hardy, and
Francis Unwin, have already passed beyond the reach of thanks, but I
can still express my gratitude to Emery Walker, veteran of a splendid
era, for watching over the reproduction of the paintings with the sym-
pathy of an artist as well as the skill of a master-printer. I have also
become aware from time to time t hat the staff of the Egyptian Depart-
ment was laboriously contributing to the perfecting of these memorial
volumes in various ways, thus greatly lightening my responsible task.
No servant of an enterprise can have had more sympathetic control or
more generous help, and I regret that I can requite both only by these
poor words of sincere thanks.
Oxford, June, 1927.
The significance of the Ramesside era; its effect on sepulchral
ar t ; rare exceptions; its increased freedom; its richness of color;
its weak features; other characteristics; hindrances t o a just
estimate; the transitional period; outstanding examples.
The site of the t omb; the exterior and entrance; the interior;
provision for sepulture; the ceilings; the mural subjects. Nort h
wall, east side: the worship of Osiris; User net' s dress; its evi-
dence of date and function; its decorative merit; Userhet' s wife;
other relations; lower scene, worship of Thothmes I ; Userhet,
priest of the cult; his female relations; four inharmonious addi-
tions; the first two rites; the third rite. South wall, east side:
worship of Mont ; upper scene, Osiris the judge; Userhet' s
purification; his prayer to his judges. East wall: the hospital-
ity of Nut ; the guests; the goddess; use of shading and graded
color; speech of Nut ; the subscene. Features of the west bay.
West wall: a scene of recreation; the family adore Mont ; an
involved genealogy; Userhet' s father. North wall, west side:
anniversary of the burial of Thothmes I ; the mortuary bark;
perambulation of the st at ue; Userhet' s own burial provision.
South wall, west side: his hopes in death; his rewards in life;
his honors in death; his burial rites; Userhet welcomed by the
West; his salvation endangered by a usurper; the last judg-
ment. The stela. Ceiling texts.
Recent history of the tomb; its location; the exterior; its gar-
den; provision for ritual; the entrance; the interior; the inner
rooms; inscribed stones from the excavations; other objects;
the chapel. West wall: scenes of worship; the gods; a parallel
scene; the deities; Apy's relatives. South wall: the meal of
the dead; details; special features; stained dresses; their mean-
ing. East wall, south side: its subject; a design borrowed from
El Amarna; the figure of Apy; the distribution of rewards;
burial of Apy; the procession; Apy's house; exceptional beauty
of the scene; special features; the pond; the servants; the gar-
den; a domestic scene; a religious festival. East wall, north
side: sowing and harvest; winnowing, storage, and harvest;
marketing the grain; shipmen on shore-leave; the ships; the
grain-store; the gleaning; the yield of the marshes; fishing
from the shore; fishing from boats; netting birds; the sports-
man's efforts; treatment of the catch; a scene of vintage; the
wine-press. North wall: burial furniture, royal and private;
refurnishing a royal sepulcher; form of the naos; its decora-
tion; a cubicle; its use as a catafalque; its construction; its dec-
oration; its furniture; the workmen; the destination of these
objects; Apy's equipment; probably a typical one. Fragments
of destroyed surfaces. North lunette: the cult of Amenhotep I;
burial rites; a royal appearance. South lunette: a scene of
sport. Vaulted ceiling: the hospitality of Nut; merits of the
scene; a scene of offering; unplaced fragments; the message
of these paintings.
Plate I (Frontispiece) Userhet's family entertained by
the tree-goddess (detail from Plate IX) In color
II Two views of Sheikh Abd el Kurneh and
Tomb 51 Photogravure
III Plan and sections of Tomb 5i . . . . I n line
IV Interior of Tomb 5i Photogravure
V North wall, east side In line
VI Details from Plates V and XI I I . . . Photogravure
VII An offering to Osiris (detail from Plate V) . In color
VIII A tribute to Thothmes I (detail from
Plate V) In color
I X East wall In line
X Details from Plate I X Photogravure
XI South wall, east side In line
XI I Details from Plates XI and V . . . . Photogravure
XI I I South wall, west side In line
XIV Adoration of the deities of the West (detail
from Plate XIII) In color
XV West wall In line
XVI North wall, west side In line
XVII Details from Plates XI and XVI . . . Photogravure
XVIII Frieze and decoration of ceiling . . . In line
XI X Fragments and graffiti In line
XX Two views of the necropolis of Deir el
Medineh and Tomb 217 . . . . Photogravure
XXI Plan and section of Tomb 217 . . . . I n line

Plate XXII Interior of Tomb 217 Photogravure
XXIII West wall, north side In line
XXIV Apy and his wife adore Osiris and Hathor
(west wall, south side) . . . . In color
XXV Presentation of food to the dead pair by
their children (south wall) . . . In color
XXVI South wall and details from it . . . Photogravure
XXVII East wall, south side, upper part . . In line
XXVIII East wall, south side, lower part . . In line
XXIX Apy's house and garden (detail from
Plate XXVIII) In color
XXX East wall, north side In fine
XXXI East wall, north side, and north wall . Photogravure
XXXI I Details from Plates XXX and XXIV . Photogravure
XXXIII A vintage scene (detail from Plate XXX) In color
XXXIV Goats led to pasture (detail from Plate
XXX) In color
XXXV The yield of the marshes (detail from
Plate XXX) In color
XXXVI North wall, upper part In line
XXXVII North wall, lower part In line
XXXVIII A catafalque (detail from Plate XXXVII) In color
XXXI X A catch of fish (detail from Plate
XXXVII) In color
XL Fragments of sculpture and painting . In fine
XLI Smaller fragments of lost scenes (Nos. 1
to 26) In line
XLII Fragments of figures, flowers, etc., from
lost scenes (Nos. 27 to 57) In line
THE movement associated with the Aton heresy is often regarded
as lying like a great geological fault across the regular course of Egyptian
history. But, in art at least, the changes which appear with the Rames-
side dynasty towards the close of the fourteenth century B. G. better
deserve the name of a revolution by reason of their permanence and
deep-seated character, unless, indeed, by revolution we intend something
violent, and therefore transient, and ought to regard any permanent
change, however striking and mysterious in origin, as a national develop-
ment rather than an upturn. Did the Egyptian nation in the Ramesside
era find itself, for good or ill, or were the profound transformations then
noticeable the abiding consequences of a political misadventure? Are we
to regard Egypt as having died from an enforced change of air after a
protracted illness, bravely but hopelessly combated through a long alter-
nation of illusive recoveries and periods of prostration ? Was the coup
d'etat of Akhnaton one in essence, though in form bitterly in conflict, with
the permanent breach in Egyptian history associated with the name of
its eponymous, though belated hero, the great Osymandyas, both being
attempted solutions of the problem presented by the entrance of this
strongly featured nation into a society of vigorous civilizations? These
are large questions which cannot be gone into here, where we are con-
cerned only with art, indeed only with the art of painting.
Had we t o deal with all the forms of civilization, or even with sculp-
ture as well as painting, there might be many meritorious achievements
The signifi-
cance of the
Its effect on
sepulchral art
Its effect on
sepulchral art
Its increased
to put to the credit of the new age. In sepulchral art the result was dis-
astrous. As aesthetic productions, the painted tombs of Thebes in which
Ramesside modes are fully shown cumber its restricted sites. The deeper
causes of this debacle, the way in which the new art-forms obtained
authority, the proportions in which the living, but discredited, school of
Akhetaton and the smouldering traditions of the Theban schools con-
tributed to the resultant type cannot be discussed here. This perhaps
may be said that it may well be that after the victory of the At on,
many a secret adherent of the ancient faith, when forbidden a decorated
tomb of the old sort, found a substitute in illustrated papyri, and that a
school of priestly scribes arose to furnish them, which, on the restoration
of the established faith, not only saw new prosperity, but exercised the
strongest influence on mural painting.
Such influences, not being born of man's aspirations nor cradled in
the workaday world, left sepulchral art uninspired and jejune to the last
degree, except where, in dealing with the transition from human scenes to
the world beyond, it depicted the Elysian fields, or the garden where god and
man met. This limitation of subject matter was the real death-blow to
art. Egyptian draughtsmanship may be meditated and conventional, but
in the end it rests on observation. What inspiration could an artist find
in gods and demons, temple furniture and rites, and the worshiping figures
of his patron's family? Interesting episodes are nearly always the best
painted, and many a dull tomb, like that of IJuy or Userhet, wakes into
beauty and brightness as it touches a dramatic scene. But these get
rarer and rarer.
The better side of the new art is the increased freedom which it at
first permitted. The artist is not called upon to conform strictly to the
ancient models in either pose or proportions, nor to lose his free impulse
owing to the necessity of employing a prescribed curve and perfectly even
line, and of using only such forms as look to a hard outline for completion.
The rendering of form by unoutlined, or loosely outlined, color is permit-
ted within limits. But such a deliverance would only result in beauty if
the artist were trained to aesthetic sensibility instead of being drilled in
conventional forms, an infinite advance of which the schools were quite
incapable. Liberty side-slipped at once into laxity, and freedom was used
t o cover a host of sins and incompetencies. Instinct had made the older
art a balanced whole; the new is inharmonious, for the independence given
to line demanded a revised treatment of color. Hence, while in ink sketches
the artist of this period commands just admiration, in paint he got no
further than to make his outlines coarse and harsh, or, if bold, failing to
register with the colored field.
Another feature, which sometimes reaches beauty and often descends
to hideousness, is the increased richness of coloring. In the dark caves of
Thebes, which are none the less caves for being rectangular, the lawful
limits in this respect are large, but Ramesside pictures generally manage
t o exceed them. They gain by replacing the old lilac ground by a whiter
one, toned down besides by the mud surface under the thin priming, and
by filling it up more completely. Rut what was given with one hand was
taken away with the other. The addition of detail became a mania, a
bewildering medley of uninstructive additions. Columns for text t hat
might have formed panels of mosaic were left blank or daubed in in mon-
ochrome. Primary colors in gaudiest tones, outlined in black, give the
tired eye no rest, and the poorer tombs afford a wearisome monotony
of stereotyped figures in ugly reds and yellows. Rut where colors are
more balanced, and rich metallic blues and greens mingle with the warmer
tones, success in this genre may be attained, and this is especially the
case in some of the floral borders and ceiling designs which are a feature
of the epoch. The love of foliage and the more free rendering of trees is
an undiluted gain, of which our two tombs furnish excellent examples.
An essential failing of the Ramesside school is their mode of prepar-
ing the walls for painting. Cheap and superficial show being the watch-
word, the artist did not deign to supervise the creation of his surface, and
to insist on one t hat could do justice to his skill. The splendid surface
which the masons of the Eighteenth Dynasty had known how t o give to
their walls, so t hat they might fall down, break up, and be trodden under
foot, and yet retain beauty, was no longer prescribed. The mud surface
It s increased
Its richness
of color
Its weak
Its weak
to a just
was mixed with coarse straw which invited devouring insects, and merely
smeared with a thin wash of white or yellow paint, which rubbed away
or dissolved under the least friction or dampening. As with all careless
work, a Ramesside tomb in ruin is a sorry sight. The colors, too, are no
longer carefully ground and mixed with a medium which gives them con-
sistency, smoothness, and durability. The noticeable omission of textual
comment in the later pictures might have been a real gain, if the artist
had felt the more compulsion to make the scenes speak for themselves.
But where it was due to lack of thoughtful interest in the action depicted,
the result was the direct reverse. Prayers and wonder-working pictures
having been relegated to papyri, the mural scenes either comprise en-
largements from the vignettes of such, or are merely decorative, decora-
tion being conceived as bright color and display. The deceased has no
history save as the founder of a family, and his children are merely
potential ministrants. Upon inexactitude of aim and execution, inexacti-
tude of statement is sure to follow. Late tombs cannot be relied on
to give faithful records of events, or of the form and color of objects
The arrangement of subject matter in later tombs tends to be less
unified and thought-out than previously, and the whole is often a con-
glomerate of items which there was some reason for including. Hence,
while in earlier tombs excerpts lose by their isolation, this is often a dis-
tinct advantage to Ramesside groups. Since the looser drawing and the
crowded detail of the pictures need space, those cast on a large scale are
the most attractive. But when the incomparable miniatures of the casket
of Tutankhamon are expanded fifty times by the decorators of Rameses
II, with the changing shadows of incised figures as outlines and the harsh
hues of painted sandstone as coloring, one feels they have been vulgarized.
The former are jewels; the others an advertisement.
The painting of the period may easily be undervalued owing to the
rarity of examples which are in a good state of preservation. But this
vulnerability is itself one of its demerits. On the other hand, modern
tendencies in art may be inclined to judge too favorably experiments that
are in fact nine-tenths failure, the more so as they afford a welcome relief
from the long monotony of the ancient forms.
If these were the features of the painter' s art after the Restoration
. . ,
and before its complete decadence, there was also a short transitional period
period, reaching well into the reign of Rameses II, during which the per-
manent influence of the school of Akhetaton on Ramesside painting was
doubly strong and carried over enough of the humanities, as well as of
high artistic instincts, t o produce works meritorious in themselves and
an interesting addition to the limited art forms which Egyptian history
records. The two tombs presented in this volume are among the few
surviving exponents of this phase. That of Userhet, though considerably
the earlier, makes no use of this advantage, for, if one of its subjects shows
t he new type at something Uke its best, others exhibit the worst side of
Ramesside painting. Whether this is due to different hands or periods
of execution, or is merely a lack of steadfastness and industry, is an open
question. In the latter case we should have to forgive the artist' s sins
because he really loved a little. In the tomb of Apy, on the other hand,
nearly everything has merit of one kind or another, and, what is rarer,
individuality; though what is now lost seems to have been more common-
place. The difference may be explained hy the one being the tomb of a
priest, the other t hat of an artist, pointing to two Theban schools, one in
closer touch with the church, another at Deir el Medineh, which preserved
some independence under royal patronage. The running comment on
the scenes will afford further estimates of value.
Tombs i Q and 4o might have been ranged with these as showing some Outstanding
exceptional power along with much t hat is of only average rank and, out-
side Thebes, the mortuary temple of Sety I as proving how colored
sculpture at its best might steep a noble building in radiance. I t is diffi-
cult to find in the mass of Ramesside tombs any which stand out as typical
of the best efforts of the period; they would probably lie at Deir el Medineh
(e.g., Tombs i, 3, and 290). The tomb of Queen Nofretari might perhaps
best serve the purpose, and, after it, those of the kings of the time. But
these form to some extent a type apart.
THE tomb of Userhet is quarried in the north wall of a deeply sunken The
^ . the tomb
courtyard which has been formed in the very last slopes of the foothills
of Elwet Sheikh Abd el Kurneh, under a little eminence called Kom el
The court is entered from the east and contains four inscribed
On the south is t hat of Neferhotpe of the time of Harmhab, on
the east t hat of Amenwahsu of the reign of Rameses II, and on the west
t hat of Khensmose, which is somewhat later in date. Userhet' s period
being t hat of Rameses I and Sety I, the little court furnishes a history of
the art of the first half of the Nineteenth Dynasty. The greater part of
the courtyard is now taken up by the brick porch and walled forecourt
of the latest tomb (Plate II, B).
In the rock of its northwest corner Userhet cut a stela with a pave- T ^ exterior
and entrance
ment of masonry in front of it, and framed it in sandstone (Plates III,
XIX, and pp. 28, 29). I t must, therefore, have been rectangular in shape
and have carried a corniced lintel.
Another small stela of mud, having a rough slab of rock in front of it,
is found on the west side of the entrance to the tomb. The sandstone base
of a column, which remains on the east side of the doorway, must have
Tomb 5i . See Gardiner and Weigall, Topographical Catalogue of the Private Tombs of Thebes, p. 20 and
PL V. I t was discovered by Robert Mond in IQ O3 (Annates da service des antiquites de VEgypte, VI, p. 69),
and the work of tracing and painting its scenes was begun by me in the spring of 1909 (Bulletin of the Metropoli-
tan Museum of Art, March, 1911, pp. A9 58 69)- The only object found in the clearances I made was a
charred wooden shawabli figure of a f=i *&
J) j ^ . <] ^ [ *
* A few of the lowest steps of a rock stairway in the southeast corner of the court exist, and suggest t hat
it was at first entered in this way. Debris still obscures the true approach.
The exterior
and entrance
The interior
for sepulture
been one of a pair supporting a porch of some sort, or might even be one
of four carrying a portico along this side of the court. The rock is here so
poor that it can be loosened with the hand; but at that date may have
been firm enough to have borne light roofing blocks, though there is no
trace of a bed for them on t he cliff. In front of the doorway there is a pit
in the rock, and beside it a raised sill, the purpose of both these provisions
being to hold back the water ^with which any torrential rain would flood
the sunken area. Inside this sill a wooden door was fitted, as a surviving
pivot block shows. The sandstone framing of the doorway has disap-
but the lower course of the masonry lining of the reveal remains
on the east side, and three sandstone slabs were found which evidently
belong to it (Plate XIX, 3 and 5), showing a painted figure of the owner
entering the tomb, salutations to the setting (?) sun, and assurances that
the deceased "shall take possession of his pyramidal tomb . . . and hand
over his staff to the coffin" (that is, shall lie down to rest).
Entering the tomb, we descend by a step of some height into a small
transverse chamber, brightly painted on both sides (Plate IV), and then
pass through a second doorway in the axis into an undecorated hall,
square in shape and feigning to have its roof supported on four rock
pillars and architraves. The framing to the entrance of this room was
probably only in plaster; the present brick lining of the eastern reveal is
a later addition. The pillars arid cambered ceiling of this inner room are
smeared roughly with mud.
At the far end of this hall a third doorway, framed in plaster like the
second, leads to a small and low room, which forms an antechamber to
the sepulcher proper. The entrance to this is of the smallest dimensions,
and is preceded by a tiny enclosure of brick, which, if original, may have
formed a sort of shrine before t he walled-up door. Through this one drops
into a low and rough gallery, which has a knee-shaped bend and ends
with a ledge for the reception of the coffin. Two other places of burial
are provided in the pillared hall. One in the southwest corner is merely
a narrow loculus at floor level, the other, in the northwest corner, consists
We may have a relic of it in five or six small inscribed fragments found in the debris.
of a shallow pit, surrounded by a parapet of rock, which gives access to Provision fo
. sepulture
a rough chamber. Such wretched burial places are common at Thebes,
even in tombs of considerable pretensions.
The ceiling of the outer (transverse) room is flat, but bays are marked
e ceilings
off by a heightening of the central portion of the ceiling which here takes
the shape of a canopy with the rise set towards the back of the room:
this reversal of the natural direction is adopted in order to gain strength
by following the upward trend of the ground above. This demarcation
of the axial passage to the burial chamber, and its continuation in the
pillared hall as a lightly vaulted nave, thus remind us t hat the primitive
tomb is essentially a passage to the place of interment and the chambers
mere extensions, or bays, t o right and left of it. The canopy is not painted,
and of the two flat ceilings of the bays only the eastern one is decorated,
and t hat incompletely; the farther end of the pat t ern being only in draft,
and its three longitudinal texts without their conclusion in the name of
the owner and his apologia.
The transverse band near the central por-
tion of the ceiling, however, does end in the name and titles of Userhet,
thus removing any suspicion t hat the tomb might have been originally
made for an undetermined member of the priesthood of Thothmes I.
We may now turn to the mural scenes in the outer chamber. They The mural
(i) The service of the gods and the deified king, Thothmes I, by the
priest Userhet, with his own reward in burial privileges added as a sub-
ordinate subject (back wall, lower scene on east side of front wall, upper
scene on west wall).
(2) The purification, judgment, and justification 6f Userhet, and his
rewards on earth in life and death (front wall).
(3) The enjoyment by Userhet of his sepulchral garden (end walls).
For the design, which is the same on both sides of the midrib, see PL XVIII, B. Black whorls start
from a green center on a yellow ground and leave fields occupied by rosettes which are on a red or, in alternate
diagonals, on a blue ground. Where the rosette is against red, its heart is blue, and vice versa. Its rim is white,
with black outlines and divisions. Where the design is left incomplete, the green center (without whorls) on a
yellow field alternates with a blank field, the red lines of the drafting squares being visible in places. For variant
forms of the design see my Five Theban Tombs, PL XX; Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes, I (vol. I I of this series),
PL XXI X, E; Tomb of Two Sculptors at Thebes (vol. IV of this series), PL XXX, F. The soffit of the entrance
carried the same pattern (from two sandstone fragments). For the texts, see p. 29.
North wall, The t
w o
panels which fill the back wall in the right (east) bay have
east side
as their mai n subject t he worship of Osiris and his t rai n (Plate V, upper
half), and of Ki ng Thot hmes I and his queen (lower half). These scenes
are almost counterparts, and yet at every point slight differences of color-
ing or detail have been introduced as pleasant variations. The picture is
bordered at t he t op by a heavy frieze of a Ramesside t ype, formed of alter-
nat e symbols of t he guardians of t he necropolis, Anubis and JJathor, sepa-
rat ed by a single kheker ornament in its later form.
IJat hor is represented
by her head, set on a neb basket , and wearing a crown of feathers, indica-
tive, perhaps, of a sout hern origin; Anubis by t he dog, watchfully perched
on his eminence in t he necropolis.
The base line is formed by a yellow
band within a double border of red, and t he t wo pictures are separated
by a garland of petals which serves as a frieze t o t he lower scenean
unpleasant innovation which, happily, did not find much favor.
The worship The naos of Osiris (Plate V) stands below a ridiculously light balda-
of Osiris
chin, which it completely fills. Its heavy entablature is hung with bou-
quets and garlands wherever the artist can find space for them. The
symbolic skin stands on its post before the god, its red jar before it.
The passion of the artist for ornament has turned the pedestal of the
shrine into a lake from which two papyrus stems, entwined with graceful
weeds, spring, as well as the mystic lotus, whose offspring is the four
genii of the dead. The gods in attendance, Hathor-Semyt, Ma
et (?),
and Anubis, vie in their attentions to the god, supporting his shoulders,
his arms, and his whisk. Osiris, whose green complexion betrays his
origin as a god of vegetation, sits on a throne adorned with bright bands
of blue, red, green; his crown has the same rainbow hues. His necklace
of beads has a square clasp or pendant which serves also as an amulet
for his back. A broad collar, a heavy pectoral decorated with figures of
See Mackay in Ancient Egypt, 1920, p. n 3 .
PI. XVI I I . The pedestal of IJathor forms a rebus for her title "lady of the necropolis ( ^ HH-I)";
t hat of Anubis has reference t o his epithets "guardian of the divine shrine (]![)" and "head of his hill (c^a)."
This might be a waterskin with t he vessel into which it drips, symbolical of the refreshment which the
gods provide in an otherwise arid underworld; but it weighs against this t hat the tail is often preserved and
the hind legs removed. The skin is t hat of a preternatural animal: see PL XXIV. Cf. Newberry, Beni Hasan,
Anubis and of himself as "god of the West," and a fringed and tasseled
waistband, make him as imposing as lavish color can suggest. The great
pile of offerings before the naos is riskily balanced on four slender stands,
the hearts, ribs, heads, and fat fore legs of the victims being scarcely
recognizable as such, so overloaded are they with gaudy detail. The
cucumbers (or are they honeycombs?) are cut open to show their struc-
ture, and the whole is garlanded and spread with foliage and bouquets.
Black pellets of charcoal are sprinkled among the offerings in order to
keep the scented oil burning (Plate VI, A).
Userhet, who as priest pours oil of incense on the pile, has a shav-
en head, and wears, in addition to a simple necklace of gold disks, one
of those elaborate collars which we shall see henceforth to surfeit, the
lector's white shoulder sash, and a highly decorated apron resembling
that of the king. The leopard's skin which he has donned carries the
rich coloring of his insignia still further (Plate VII). The grouped marks
are interspersed with stars, and the spotted edging has become a poly-
chrome binding, both presumably sewn on, if they have any foundation
in fact. The brilliant mottling and the blue markings on paws and tail
are equally far from nature, so that the result, however rich, is far less
pleasing than that which earlier artists achieved by their decorative ren-
dering of reality. The fore part of the skin is brought over the right
shoulder, so that the head rests on the chest; it is secured there by tying
one paw back to the skin behind by a bright ribbon passing under the
left arm.
The skin shows cartouches on the shoulder as if the animal had been
branded with them; they are placed, indeed, where royal names occur
in the case of sphinxes, and hang on the upper arm of the priest where
King Akhnaton wore the cartouches of the Aton.
The cartouches are
empty here, but should be those of Rameses I. The presence of the
The string of dates hanging from the stand is a somewhat unusual feature, strange to say. The artist
must needs combine fruit in its green, yellow, red, and black stages on the same bunch.
Formerly the back aspect of the skin was shown: see Davies-Gardiner, Tomb of AmenemMt, PL XXXV.
Here, both views are combined. The tail, of course, hung down between the legs behind. The stars are in the
form of the word-sign for the underworld, whether they have that significance or not.
* Cf. note i, p. 44
The worship
of Osiris
Its evidence
of date and
Its evidence
of date and
Its decorative
name of the reigning king indicates the vice-regal functions of the priest;
the royal presentation of a skin would be a formal conferment of the dig-
nity. The apron has the same significance; for it carries the legend, "The
good god, lord of the two Egypts, lord of ritual, great of might, beauti-
ful (?) of justice in front of Amon, king of South and North, lord of the
two Egypts, Menpehti-Re, son of Re, lord of diadems, Ramessu (Rame-
ses I), to whom life is given like Re." The prenomen is repeated on the
border of the apron.
The ultimate and interested aim in depicting this
act of sacrifice is naively disclosed by the scribe when he adds above the
figure of Userhet, "For the ka of Userhet, chief priest of the royal spirit,
We have spoken with strong disapproval of the aesthetic judgment
of the Ramesside decorator; but his treatment of the softly rippling white
gowns, of which we have here some of the earliest examples, goes very
far to make amends for it. Up to now the natural pleats into which the
garment falls had been indicated by fine red lins; but these, being judged
to give too hard an effect, were now reserved for the deep gathers at the
waist, etc., the folds being continued as enlarging stripes of a faint gray
tint, which becomes a delicate rose where the flesh color is supposed to
shimmer through. This pleasant practice is general henceforth, and serves
as a much-needed mitigation of the garish coloration of the scenes of the
The figure of Userhet's wife is made very attractive by the gently
curving stem of papyrus which she carries, no longer shaped by stiff
convention but following the real growth, with feathery head and with
luxuriant weeds twined round its bare stem. Her heavy wig is no doubt
artificial, as we see fine tendrils of natural hair escaping from under it about
the face (Plate VII).
The cessation at the knee of the faint flesh color by
In Tomb 106 the forehead of the leopard bears the name of Sety I, under whom Paser was vizier. There
is little doubt, therefore, that Userhet also lived under that king (see below) and his short-lived predecessor,
Rameses I. But Apy's robe (p. 4o) carries in the same place the name of a long-dead king whose cult he
served; so the test cannot be relied on implicitly.
* See also p. 45. It may have been introduced by the school of El Amarna, but is not found in the fine
painting of princesses there. Its retention, at least, must be put to the credit of Ramesside artists. Observation
of the play of light and shade on the waves of sculptured skirts led to this representation in color.
* The meshwork of hair is too delicate and faint to appear in PI. V.
which the legs are carried upwards under the trailing skirt, hints at an
undergarment for men and women alike, extending down to t hat point
(with men, half-way down the calf). Here, as elsewhere, the artist allows
himself a wide range in the depiction of flesh color. Various shades are
used at caprice for the male figures, ranging from a warm brown through
bright red to a light orange, and, for the women, from a light cream
through buffs and orange to a pleasant brown, the maroon and yellow
commonly used for the two sexes hitherto being the only tones avoided.
Equally strange is the deep orange ground chosen for the lower part of
the hair where it covers the person more thinly, oblivious of the fact t hat
it lies against the white robe, and t hat quite another complexion has been
The artist cannot be said t o have used his colors thoughtfully
in this case.
The lady is identified as "his wife, house-mistress and singer of
Amon, Shepsut."
A boy who follows with a bouquet and a sacrificial
duck is entitled "the son, chief priest of Akheperkere, Thot(mose?),"
and the following lady, "his wife (sister?), house-mistress and singer of
Amon, "
The historicity of these relations of Userhet is as shadowy
as is their condition. With the last figure deterioration sets in. The out-
lines are omitted or are faint, the complexion is ill-chosen, and every detail
is slurred or indefinite. But it is not impossible t hat this weakening was
more or less deliberately introduced as a foil to the picture on the end wall.
In the lower scene the baldachin is replaced by a more solid structure,
the god by King Akheperkere-Thutmose (Thothmes I of the early Eigh-
teenth Dynasty), and the attendants by the queen, Ahmose.
The capital
of the column of the kiosk shows a debased combination of the lily and
the open papyrus, unless, as the repetition of the abacus suggests, it is a
joint representation of the two side columns, one for the south and one
Possibly wigs were made up on a foundation of this color.
This syncopated form of the name IJatshepsut is used in all cases, except on the east wall.
The name of this second wife, if i t was ever written, is blotted out by a daub of paint. A similar lady,
whose identification has again not been permitted t o survive, will be found on the opposite wall: see p. i 3.
All three cartouches are written on an overlay of coarse plaster added within the ring. They are
now so effaced as to be almost illegible. The queen wears a circlet of uraei on top of the vulture headdress,
such as often forms a basis for more elaborate crowns (e.g. in PI. XI).
Lower scene.
Worship of
Thothmes I
priest of
the cult
His female
for the north.
The garlands which hang from the neck of the column,
the architrave, the chair, and the vase of offerings are tasteless additions.
The reverence paid to Thothmes is perhaps due less to his importance
in history than to the benefit his cult had brought to the family of User-
het, in which the high-priesthood was as good as hereditary. The offerings
laid before the deified pair are heaped up in a handsome golden bowl, de-
monstrating on what an exaggerated scale the pile is drawn. Userhet
presents a duck on a hand-brazier. He wears the wig and the short beard
that goes with it. The priestly skin carries the cartouches of Sety I on
the shoulder, and they are repeated on the apron, as in the picture above.
The inscription runs, "The good god, lord of the two Egypts, master of
the ritual of the great ones of eternity, of Re, and of the (other) gods,
the king of South and North, lord of the two Egypts, Menmatre, bodily
son of the sun, his beloved Sety, [givenl life like [Re]."
Userhet is followed by "his mother, house-mistress and singer of
Amon-Re, king of the gods, JJenet-tawi."
This lady carries in one hand
three ducks, a sistrum, and a menat of the new form, showing the royal
head and collar at one end of the handle. A fanciful bouquet, made up in
the shape of the sign which stands alike for "life" and "bouquet," hangs
from her elbow. As in the picture above, the following lady, "his wife,
house-mistress and singer of.. .,"
is painted much less conspicuously, her
sistrum being scarcely visible and her dress less elaborate (Plate VIII). She
is accompanied by a little daughter, whose shaven head retains only two
side-locks, or perhaps a narrow postiche which takes their place.
The triple form shown on PL XXIV is in favor of a composite capital, however. For an earlier occur-
rence, see Davies, El Amarna, II, Pis. XXXII, XXXVII, and VI, PI. VI. The reversed uraei at the left end
of the cornice were noticed in Tytus Memorial Series, TV, p. 4
, note i.
* In the superscriptions the cartouche and the name of Userhet, as well as the name and titles of Henet-
tawi from "Amon" onwards, have been written on superimposed piaster. IJenet-tawi, if authentic, must be
the mother-in-law, for UserheVs own mother was named Ta-usret. The latter was a singer of Mont; hence,
perhaps, the correction begins with the name of the god.
* The name of this wife has been expunged, like the preceding one, and has never been replaced, or rather,
as far as I can see, no name had ever been put in, though a note of it may have been. It thus corresponds with
the case above, and this second wife either did not exist, or has been consigned to oblivion by JJatshepsut.
Beyond the second column one can detect a very doubtful text in faint red ink | | J }
= =
" [daughter]
of Tentant (or Tenton)." An asterisk in the plates denotes ancient erasure.
We now reach four little scenes of a different tenor at the end of the f
wall. The household of Userhet could not, apparently, furnish the two additions
persons needed to complete the procession, so recourse was had to this
unsightly expedient.
In each of the four pictures the deceased pair is seen
on the right, seated before the offerings. On the other side a sem-priest
purifies the gift by fumigation and water, and four mourning women pro-
vide the human regrets which, as usual, harmonize so ill with confident
In three cases the pair are "Userhet, chief priest of the royal spirit,
Akheperkere" and "t he house-mistress, Shepsut," as we should expect.
But in the lowest scene the offering is for the ka of a similar official, named
Nebmehyt, and his unnamed wife; the priest serving them has the still
more surprising superscription, "Purification for Osiris To, the blessed
one." This and other appearances of unexpected personages in the tomb
suggest t hat its decoration was not completed by Userhet himself, but
after his death, by persons partly inimical. This would explain the ex-
traordinary falling off in the paintings in the west bay and, to some extent
also, on the south wall of the east bay (Plate XVII, A), as well as t he
erasures and substitutions which are frequent. These will be found to
point to proposals to deprive Userhet of his tomb, on which a compro-
mise was finally reached.
In the topmost scene the rite is t hat of a libation, and the gift is a The fit
two rites
great bunch of onions bound round with the inevitable garland. Smoke
seems to be rising as if lighted incense had been sprinkled on the offering.
Yet Userhet had two or three other sons (p. 29) for whom this would be the natural place. Were they
sons by a second wife, and ignored by IJatshepsut? But, in that case, why was even the mention of this wife
suffered by her?
* These mourning women seem out of place in a rite which appears to be performed after, not at, burial.
My own suggestion is that this conspiracy was plotted by his mother Ta-usret and her nephews, or
step-nephews, she having taken this Nebmehyt as a second husband after the death of Userhet's father. Neb-
mehyt's title, as given in the tomb of his son, Khons-To (Tomb 3i, of the time of Rameses ID, is connected with
the mortuary service of Amenhotep III; but that of Thothmes I ran also in his family, apparently through one
Neferhotpe', who may have been a brother of his or of his wife Ta-usret. There would, then, have been an
attempt, on the death of Userhet, to keep the high-priesthood of Thothmes I in the family of the nephews of
Ta-usret (or of Nebmehyt), instead of letting it run in the earlier family also and descend to UserhSt's sons.
Nebmehyt here would, then, be Userhet's stepfather, and To either be To (alias Khons), son of Nebmehyt and
"Ta-usret, singer of Mont," or a younger To, apparently a priest of Thothmes I, who is likewise mentioned
in Tomb 3i . The appropriation of the benefit of a rite by the performer as well as the recipient is common
in Tomb 3i (cf. p. 8).
The first
two rites
The third
South wall,
east side.
Worship of
The presentation of onions is frequently seen at this period; owing to its
strong properties it was given ritual value as a means of restoring his
senses to the dead.
The second panel records a hotep dy nisut offering of
all kinds of food, but only a great cauldron of beer or wine is shown.
The illustration of the third rite is interesting. It depicts the making of
a light for the dead but this is not shown in the usual way as a provision
of fat and lighted tapers. Such are indeed depicted, but planted in the
ground, not held in the hand, and are plainly formed of three strands
twisted like a rope and lashed round at intervals. Each of the strands
seems lighted separately. Between these tapers are candles of a very
different form, which is often represented in tombs of the period, with
flames issuing from the summit.
It is probable that these lights are a
larger form of the conical pastilles of scented fat, bound round with
tape (?) to give them greater solidity. They are often mounted on a staff,
as here, and carried in procession like cressets. The branching red tie
which is seen in our picture is probably a means of securing this slow-
burning light to the pole (Plate XII, B). The altar which holds the
offerings in the embrace of its two brazen (?) arms is only a more solid
form of that noticed in the fourth volume of this series.
The two scenes on the opposite wall (Plate XI) show the adoration
of Osiris and his court of assessors, and the worship of the god Mont, in
whose service Userhet's mother was nominally enrolled. The lower picture
forms a pendant to the processional scenes on the wall just studied. The
recipient of honors in this case is the hawk-headed god, Mont.
ancient god of Thebes, ousted by Amon, took refuge in Hermonthis, a few
miles to the south, and there held a rival court. The companion assigned
to him here is Meryt-seger, "mistress of the West and . . . of the em-
Binding on the onion as a tie was a ritual act. In Tomb 54 the dead pair are seen solemnly sitting, with
onions hanging round their necks like flowers. Cf. p. 75.
Under the arms of the two priests is a note which may read, "The servants of one whom the west favors,"
or "The priest, Hesamentet." A continuation of it may have been expunged. Note that where the recipient
is bald, so also are the priests.
For a detailed discussion of this form of lamp, see Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, X, p. 9.
Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, PI. XXVII. It is hard to imagine any real counterpart of this altar,
unless there were two (or four) opposed pairs of arms, or unless the arms were merely engraved on its top surface.
The names of both deities are written on an overlay of the usual sort, and are scarcely legible.
South wall,
east side.
Worship of
balmer's house (P)."
As a consort of the gods of the dead (her name means
"beloved of the Humiliator") she enjoyed much honor from the populace
of Thebes. Userhet purifies the offerings laid before Mont by pouring
red oil of incense among them. He is followed by two priests similarly
attired and holding the same office as himself, and by three ladies, who
may be their wivesif the last two had any other function than pleas-
antly to fill up the space. No excuse of relationship to Userhet is given
for the appearance of three high-priests of the same cult.
One is an
Akheperkereseneb, whom we shall meet with again presently, and who,
t o judge by his name, must have come from a family devoted t o the ser-
vice of Thothmes I. The other priest is t hat Nebmehyt who unblushingly
put himself forward on the opposite wall.
His legend is original, as is
also t hat of "his (Userhet's) wife, the house-mistress, Shepsut, favored of
Hathor, lady of heaven and mistress of earth." As on the opposite wall,
the censor admits t hat the next lady is "his wife and the object of his
desire"; but, though she looks the part, he has obliterated her name. The
last lady he will not allow to be heard of, deleting both her name and
description (Plate XI I , A). It is all very mysterious, and I see no ex-
planation of these innuendos.
In the upper picture Osiris is attended in the kiosk by the gods who
assist him in his court of justice, "Thot, lord of Hermopohs, the just judge
scribe of the company of gods," and "Anubis, foremost in the sacred
shrine, in attendance (?) on the great god, lord of eternity, who made
heaven and earth."
Thot wears the combined forms of the full and cres-
cent moon, whose movements his science regulates and records, and car-
ries, instead of a real palette, a badly drawn pictograph for it. The speech
he is said to be making is taken for granted. The Egyptians, like other an-
cient peoples, found it hard to compass the idea of an absolutely supreme
Originally there was another column of text behind Meryt-seger's crown, ending in W
Tomb 31 suggests, however, that there could be several contemporary high priests of the cult, or that
they changed rapidly. Perhaps this king had more than one cult-place.
Nebmehyt's name is entered on an overlay of plaster, as is also the royal name within the cartouche.
Something, if only a rough note, has been suppressed just below the line beneath these two priests' names (indi-
cated by an asterisk); it seems in both cases to have begun with fa \\ "born of."
The title of Anubis is very faint and does not appear in the plate.
Upper scene.
Osiris the
Upper scene.
Osiris the
His prayer
to his judges
and invulnerable godhead; so that Osiris, weak too through his former
mortality, has to rely on the magic properties of a pectoral and needs the
support of his entourage. A figure of Userhet is placed at the other end
of the scene, as if he did not venture to sit down near the gods until he
had undergone ritual purification. The real reason may be that the de-
signer of the scene was graveled for lack of matter, and dully filled up
the space with a second figure "adoring Osiris... ruler of the living "
The customary injunction, "Pure, pure (four times)," is reflected by
the eight figures of priests with eight vases, who, after all, manage to
throw only four streams of water. The candidate for purification kneels
on a white pedestal, which we may imagine to be a slab of alabaster, in-
sulating him from the impurities of earth. He clasps anxiously to his
bosom the heart-amulet with its reassuring inscription, as if he foresaw
the future. For his friends proved treacherous: the text, which put into
the mouth of the priests on either side the formal words, "Pure, pure, for
the Osiris Userhet, justified and assured of honorable retirement in peace,"
has been tampered with. On both sides the name has been blotted
out, and the names of Akheperkereseneb and "his son . . . " inserted on
an overlay.
Userhet, fresh from the purifying rite and relying all the more on the
ostentatious liberality of his gifts to the gods, squats contentedly in the
presence of Osiris with a little reservation of food for his own use. His
piety is far better than his syntax, for his prayer is a stuttering affair.
"Said by Osiris for the ka of the chief priest of the royal spirit Akheper-
ker, Userhet, the justified one. He says, 'Homage to thee, lord of eternity
and to (?) the princes (?) of endless eternity, that they may grant a happy
life in following thy ka, and, after old age, proper burial on the west of
Thebes, in the Place of Justice, to the ka of the chief priest, Userhet.' "
1 think that I can detect the name of Userhet underneath in both cases. The two cartouches also have
been overlaid, and that on the right has been left vacant, but it is almost certain that it was originally that of
Thothmes I. For Akheperkereseneb, see above and p. 22.
The signs j? O ? have been painted out by a censor as inadmissible; but a reference to other gods is
needed to justify the plural pronoun which follows. He would have done better to strike out the opening words
"Said by" and "for the ka of." The speech is some evidence that the "Place of Justice," so often heard of,
includes this part of the necropolis.
His speech may well falter, for he sits before three ogdoads of gods in
separate halls. Their presence is no doubt called for, but the array of
gods and of altars is a blot on the scene. The addition of Osiris to the
groups turns two of these ogdoads into enneads. The first house contains
"Osiris, (head)
of the gods of the eastern heaven, lords of eternity; of all
the gods who rest in the necropolis; and of all the lords of eternity in the
presence of Onnofer.
In the second group, Osiris presides over the com-
panies of gods of the southern, the northern, and the western heavens.
The third ogdoad is a made-up lot, amongst whom Userhet can only rec-
ognize the four genii of the dead (Plate XVII, A).
The end wall of the east bay (Frontispiece and Plate IX) presents us
with what is perhaps the most meritorious example of Theban painting
of the Ramesside era, though some features detract from its effect and
it has suffered considerable injury. The hospitable reception of the dead
by Nut, the goddess of the sycamore, is a very common subject after the
Eighteenth Dynasty and is often attractively treated, but generally on a
small scale, and with the goddess issuing, like a dryad, from the limbs of
the tree.
Our artist, however, had the merit of perceiving that the sub-
ject was aesthetically worthy of being carried out on large lines, and that,
as the human interest outweighed the rather obscure personality of the
goddess, the tree, under the shade of which her guests rested, would serve
better as a background to their figures than as her abode. Moreover, he
employs the unusual method of setting his figures against a yellow ground,
thus giving solidity to the sparse foliage of the tree. The rich effect of
this part of the picture is indeed set in too violent a contrast with the
empty columns of the space beyond, and its graceful curves are spoilt by
the harsh figure of Nut, the absurd travesty of a tree on her head, the
geometrical ponds, and the circular garnishing of the dish below the
chair. Jts creator evidently had not mental energy enough to make the
Is this a right appreciation of the hiatus involved in "Osiris of"?
A good example of the customary scene will be found in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. i85. A repre-
sentation in Tomb 63 (reign of Thothmes IV) must be one of the earliest, for the later papyrus of Iuya illus-
trates Ch. LXIII A of the Book of the Dead by a man receiving a cup from a tree merely. The appreciation
of a tree as a background is already manifest in Tombs 57, g3, 96B, 332, and our design is imitated in the
contemporary tomb, No. 4i (now greatly damaged).
His prayer
to his judges
East wall.
of Nut
East wail. whole of the picture harmonize with the happily conceived group on the
hospitality left. He may have j udged t hat t he accidentif accident it waswhich
had left t he frieze a careless sketch and t he adjacent scenes unprepos-
sessing as well as light in tone, provided a useful foil for t he rich and
detailed coloring of his pi ct ure; but he had not t he power t o make t he
surroundings finished yet helpful accessories, t o cast t he goddess in a
form which should be in keeping wi t h t he rest, or t o find a bet t er alter-
native t o a tightly packed t ext t han its empt y scaffolding. The subscene,
however, is a praiseworthy conception. I t s solidity and quiet movement ,
its stiff symmet ry relieved by t he curves of t he boat s and t he graceful
lines of t he floral decorations, make it a frame which successfully cuts off
t he mai n picture from t he bars of crude color below. (For t he incomplete
ceiling-decoration and friezes in t he vicinity, see Plates IV, A and X, A.)
The The imposing figure of Userhet (unnamed) is in gala dress. He wears
on his head an elaborate fillet (made, perhaps, of a strip of gold-leaf laid
on a broader red ribbon worked with beads) and a high form of t he festal
cone, which at this t i me shows some sign of no longer being, as before,
a mere dab of ointment, but only a reminiscence of it, or a cap which
hid it.
Besides t he usual collar and garland, a talisman, combining t he
symbols of endurance and security, hangs round his neck, and a beaded
band crosses his chest in bot h directions. He receives in a richly deco-
rat ed cup one of t he t hree st reams which issue from t he vase of t he god-
dess and does not hesitate to take the fruit direct from the tray in her
ministering hand. His wife and mother sit on chairs beside his, their
left hands resting on his shoulder and arm, while with the cups in their
right hands they too accept the heavenly draught. Textual notes being
excluded from the scene, their names are written on their forearms.
The unusual naturalness of their complexions adds greatly to the charm
Cf. the decorated cone in Davies, El Amarna, VI, PL I. On the other hand, see p. 44-
They are thus seen to be "His wife, house-mistress and singer of Amon, Hatshepsut" and "(His) mother,
singer (of) Mont, Ta-usret." The text is just legible on Plate X, B. ! 3 ^ ' ? J r ^ 3 0 l
a n d
^ 1 ! f
= j> ^ j \ IM
Jj ^ J ^ \ . It is unusual to find mother and wife seated together thus, but there is
an example of mother and sister seated with the man in Tomb 3i, and of a wife and her mother seated facing
him in Tomb 56. Mummies found at Thebes by our Elxpedition show that the writing of texts on the upper
arm was not unknown; so a fitting place has been chosen for it.
of the picture for us, IJatshepsut being presented as a deep brunette
and the mother a good deal fairer. Their souls fly above them as
semi-human birds; but, while the artist has drawn to the life the
sparrows which, unabashed, enjoy the supernatural fruit, he has left the
spirit-birds ghostly sketches scarcely discernible amongst the foliage.
He has, however, found a place beyond the tree for fully and charmingly
executed figures of the souls of Userhet and his wife as a pair of human-
headed hawks. They stand on the margin of a T-shaped pond and, de-
veloping human arms and hands at need, scoop up the water in their little
palms and drink their fill also. Necklaces, to which counterpoises are
attached behind, serve to conceal the awkward point of junction of bird
and man.
The goddess, being divorced from the sycamore, is shown with a tree,
or what is meant for it, on her head, while the platform under her feet
is transformed into a pool in token of her mission of refreshment.
is clothed in a robe of cerise red with a net of oblong blue beads, alter-
nating with tiny gold ones, thrown over it. She carries a vase with a
device of an offering to Osiris on it, and a mat of loaves and fruit
grapes, figs, a pomegranate, and a melonresting on a thick pad of
A round dish of the fruit, set out on a gay napkin, is also placed
on a garlanded stand by the side of IJatshepsut, the dish being tilted up
so as to show its full shape and contents.
The guests of the goddess sit
on richly ornamented chairs, and their feet rest on simple wooden foot-
For the goddess in this form, see Davies, Tomb of Nakht at Thebes (vol. I of this series), PL X. The
careless painter has given to her feet a sickly yellow hue that goes ill with the warm color of her arms. With the
fca-birds it is the faces which are too pale.
* What looks like a cut melon might be a honeycomb, in which case it would be wild honey, and also the
product of the tree. Cf. PL V.
The addition of the five toes to the outer foot, as seen by the eye in echelon, has a curious history. It
appears at Thebes in the reign of Thothmes rV (Tombs 38, 54) in single instances. Yet it is not found in the
fine sculptured tombs of the time of Amenhotep III (once in the painted tomb, No. 8), though regularly at El
Amarna. It is by no means common even in the finest Ramesside tombs and thus wears the character of a
questionable innovation, the experiment being first made on the body of a common person, such as a dancing
girl, and confined to a single figure in a tomb. The large figures almost all have it in the tomb of Apy (Pis.
Useofshading \ feature calling for special notice is the appearance of shading in
and graded
color this picture, for the first time in Egypt, so far as I know.
The indica-
tions are very slight, consisting of deepened color on the cheeks of the
ladies and of Userhet, under the chin, between the lips, under the heel of
Hatshepsut, and, to a slight degree, under the eyebrow. This might be
taken as merely an observation of local accentuation of color, not of
shadow, refusing to the artist the discovery of how modeling is indicated
by light and shade. But the tomb of Queen Nofretari exhibits a more
advanced use of these devices on the person of the rosy-fleshed queen,
though not on the gods and goddesses. It is clear that the artist there
observed the play of light and shade on the reliefs he was painting and
reproduced this to some extent, yet not so softly or exactly that the effect
is generally pleasing.
In Userhet's picture the variations of color which
the large scale of his figures invited are very unobtrusive, but, none the
less, they amount to an aesthetic heresy, which, if followed up, would
have completely altered the fundamental character of Egyptian art. In
other respects also our artist gives rein to an unusually keen color sense.
In the hands of the Egyptian painter color was more often conventional
than imitative, complexions, among other things, coming under this
rule. But a real appreciation of the tone of the Egyptian skin is shown
in the flesh color of Hatshepsut here, and this breach of convention is
reflected also in the vivid yellow, blue, and orange on the bole and
larger limbs of the sycamore. The painter has noticed with pleasure
how the smooth bark of certain trees takes on hues which are far from
This innovation was to some degree a development. Already in Tomb 69 (of the reign of Amenhotep
III) we see the deep dimple in the corner of the mouth indicated by a black spot. The nostril was soon marked
in the same hard way, and the two are an unpleasing feature of Ramesside art. Inner form was being increasingly
shown in the lines about the mouth, the fold of the eyelid, the muscles of the arm and leg, the saliences of the
knee and the ankle, the creases of the neck and abdomen. These lines needed only to be softened into a shadow,
as the lines of the skirt were being expanded into soft stripes. A similar feature may be observed in the figs in
this picture. The dimpled eye of the fruit, which in reliefs is indicated by a depression, rightly observed in
perspective and so placed on the fruit, is imitated here by a black oval ring. Facial lines are used in Tomb g3
(on monkeys) and in Tombs 49 and 181. Muscles, knees, and ankles are shown by line in Tomb 1. Cf. Pis.
XXIII-XXV and Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, PL XIV.
This, too, may well have been a product of the heterodox movement, but I cannot agree that the painting
in the Ashmolean Museum affords clear evidence of shading, still less of the emphasis on the high lights which
Prof. Petrie claims to be, or to have been, visible. See J.E.A., VII, pp. 4> 221, 225; and Bulletin of M.M.A.,
Dec. 1922, Part II, p. 52.
l 8
being uniform or dull, and he breaks through the traditional rule t hat a
flat red or yellow is the only permissible color for growing wood.
The empty columns above the head of Nut may safely be filled from
other sources. "The speech of Nut , the great one, wonder-working in
this her name of the sycamore: T have presented thee with this cool
water t hat thy heart may be refreshed therebythis water which comes
from thy pool in the necropolis on the west of Thebes. Thou hast re-
ceived dainty food in the fruit which springs from my limbs. Thy bird-
soul sitteth in my shade and drinks water to its heart' s content.' "
The subscene represents the voyage to and from Abydos, undertaken
t hat the dead may pay homage to Osiris there and make his apology, as it
were, for not being buried at his side. We do not know what exact prac-
tice is reflected in this double picture which is so common in tombs; here
at least a purely symbolic stage has been reached. The boat is ridicu-
lous, even as a river craft, though the form of fitting a mast and sails to
it on the return voyage is still observed. The cabin seems to be a union
of the open shelter under which the statues were once conveyed to Abydos
with the curtained catafalque in which the coffin was drawn to the tomb.
The texts appended are threadbare phrases, full of scribal lapses.
The decoration of the west bay of the tomb shows little merit in de-
sign and less in execution, a falling off for which we have been prepared
in a measure by some of the scenes at the other end of the room. Any
theory, based on intrusive names, t hat these scenes were completed after
Userhet' s death, must take account of the fact t hat they include those
most personal to himself and most reminiscent of an earlier style. The
bare ceiling shows, at any rate, t hat this bay was least considered, and
the careless execution would seem t o indicate t hat a second and poorly
qualified decorator was employed here. The subjects in some degree con-
"(The sycamore has) fruits that are redder than jasper. Its foliage is like malachite and is . . . as
glass. Its wood has a hue like that of feldspath" (Erman, Die Literatur der Aegypter, p. 3i2).
* From Tomb 106. This traditional speech may have been omitted the more readily by our designer as
it came better from the dryad goddess than from one in completely human shape. One sees from it that the
owner of a tomb was theoretically so happy as to have the goddess as a permanent denizen of his garden. No
tomb yet found, however, shows more than an apology for such a pool, and the garden seems often to have
amounted only to a stunted shrub (p. 35).
of Nut
The subscene
Features of
the west bay
Features of
the west bay
West wall.
A scene of
The family
adore Mont
tinue those of the east bay. As we had there the adoration of Mont and
of Thothmes I, the refreshment of Userhet in the garden, and his purifi-
cation before Osiris, so here we find the worship of Mont repeated (Plate
XV), Userhet and his wife disporting themselves again in their garden
(Plate XV), the cult of the statue of the king, and the judgment and re-
wards of Userhet (Plates XIII and XVI).
If Userhet's natural interest in his own personal story and fate in-
spired the great picture on the end wall of the east bay, the same impulse
seems to have been operative in the design which occupies the lower part
of the opposite wall (Plate XV), though it is unhappily in a state of ruin.
The figures in it are clumsy, but its freedom of treatment makes it stand
out from the scenes around it, like its companion picture. On the left,
Userhet and his wife sit together under a pergola, between the columns
of which a vine spreads its pleasant shade. Shepsut squats comfortably
on a hassock behind her husband, who is provided with a stool. The right
arm of Userhet is bent back, presenting a fishing rod and line to his wife,
which "the favorite of Hathor" grasps, at the same time holding out
something to her husband.
The vine is treated freely, yet with great
decorative effect. The leaves are for once real vine leaves, and, when it
suits his design, the artist introduces also the folded leaf.
A large white
hound can just be detected under the stool. What lay beyond the pair is
destroyed, but two little fragments found in the rubbish show a wreathed
column which can only come from this scene. Close to the pergola, then,
was a pond, the banks of which were planted with flowering shrubs.
The scene above this is interesting only for the text accompanying it,
for its execution would do little credit to the cheapest monument of the
The scene can be interpreted, thanks to a parallel picture in Tomb 324, though it is equally damaged.
There the owner is fishing with two rods and double lines. With the one he has caught two fish; the other he is
holding back, as here, and his wife is putting new bait on the hook for him. This design is repeated in Tombs
i57 (Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, II, p. n5) and 2i5. In both these cases the
wife also assists, no doubt by baiting the line. The scene is a pendant to the hospitality of Nut, both pictures
depicting the enjoyment of their garden by the owners. For the attitude, see Steindorff, Bliitezeit des Pharaonen-
reichs (1926), p. i85. His head and titles, as well as the edge of the pool, are on fragments replaced by me.
For the use of rod and line, see Klebs, Reliefs des alien Reiches, p. 76, and Tomb g3.
Cf. PL XXXIII and Davies, ElAmarna, II, PI. XII.
Painted in yellow against the black of the banks. So in Tomb 3^4 and in the northern palace at El
Amarna (Bulletin of M. M. A., Dec. 1926, Part II, p. i4).
2 0
most debased period. I t represents the worship of a hawk-headed deity,
presumably Mont,
by three men, the first of whom wears round his
neck the seal of a vizier, and the other two the priestly skin. Their names,
written on a wash of coarse plaster, by which the original text, consist-
ing perhaps only of a rough draft, has been obliterated, conform to the
dress and thus may reiterate the suppressed text more or less exactly.
They are "The prince, superintendent of the city, and vizier, Imhotpe.
His beloved son, high-priest of Amon, lijapuseneb. His (Userhet's) father,
high-priest of Amon, Khensem[hab?]. Their son (that is, "descendant")
who immortalizes their names, high-priest of the royal spirit Akheperkere,
Userhet, who is (also) called Neferhebef."
These excerpts from the family have been described as deliberate
misstatements, designed to give undue importance to Userhet.
But the
personal history of t he viziers and high-priests of Egypt must have been
available, and this assertion could be checked by them and by the records
in (Japuseneb's tomb hard by. The aim here is not to give us Userhet' s
descent, but to show t hat his family had been linked with the living
Akheperkere before it served him as a god and had held supreme offices,
civil and religious, under his successors. There seems to have been some
urgent need at the moment to safeguard the hereditary claims to User-
het' s office, so his tomb was made to serve as an advertisement for his
heirs rather than for himself. I suspect t hat this allusion to family history
is the work of the same hands t hat inserted unrelated names here and
there on the walls, with the object of pointing out t hat from early days
the family had provided high-priests of the cult. So far as we can check
them the names are not fictitious. Imhotpe was vizier under Thothmes I,
and Hapuseneb under 13atshepsut.
Hapuseneb names as his father one
Hapu, a modest third lector of Amon; but we have no proof t hat even
IJapu was a son of Imhotpe. Taking "son" as meaning "son of his son,"
The original design provided the god with high plumes. The parts of his figure below the breast, as well
as the four stands supporting the offerings, are fragments fitted up by me.
The later origin of the names is evidenced also by the addition of the stroke to the ntr and lym signs, a
feature seen also in one of the superimposed names on PL XI.
Legrain in Annales du service, VIII, p. 258.
Weil, Die Veziere Aegyplens, p. 68; Sethe, Urkunden, IV, p. 72,1. 1.
The family
adore Mont
An involved
2 1
North wall,
west side.
of the
burial of
Thothmes I
however, the relation is possible.
At the best, then, this list seems to
be based on family traditions, and devoid of historical value.
Imhotpe's father was a tutor of the children of Thothmes I and very
unlikely to be "Khensem . . . , high-priest of Amon." This man, then,
must be Userhet's own father, through whom he is connected with these
distant dignitaries, and thus Ta-usret's husband. We have as yet no
other record of his holding this office (under Harmhab?). Our trust in the
story is not increased by the additional name of Neferhebef given here,
and here only, to Userhet; but it may be supplied to give weight to a
semi-legal document.
Userhet has "revivified" the names of his ancestors
very insufficiently and unsatisfactorily.
The scene on the west side of the back (north) wall (Plate XVI) is
divided into three registers, and it is not easy to say whether they deal
with one subject only. The upper scenes probably depict a celebration
of the anniversary of the king's burial, at which the rites were reenacted
by land and water, the statue here taking the place of the coffined mummy.
The lowest scene is concerned with the presentation of burial furniture,
but, though Plate XXXVII shows such equipment being made for the use
of a dead king, and though a cartouche is seen (in a title?) near the recip-
ient on the left, the figure is scarcely compatible with that of a monarch.
A vizier Hapu existed (Tomb 66 and Daressy, Recueil de cones funeraires, No. 270) and was buried
close to Hapuseneb; but we can only suppose this to be Hapuseneb's father if we presume that his title was
challenged and that he speedily died, leaving the office to his son, who also only held it brieflyfor the latter
does not claim the rank either for himself or his father in his tomb. It may be that Hapu and his son were
made viziers by Hatshepsut against the will of other parties in the State, that both paid for it with their lives,
and that neither was acknowledged as such by the triumphant party or afterwards. Hence the silence here also
as to the vizierate of Hapuseneb, the title given him being that which he commonly uses.
* A record in the tomb of Hapu that his eldest son was a u>e&-priest of Amon, Neferhebef, gives weight to
suspicion. Perhaps "called Neferhebef" on PL XV belongs to Hapuseneb's name and has been misplaced.
The question of a trumped-up genealogy is affected by a similar occurrence in the closely related tombs,
Nos. 31 and 324, where a hitherto unknown vizier, Usermont, is introduced without its being clear how he is
related to the families. Yet he appears to be authentic. Thus, though a family might make use of a distant
member for its glorification, that does not involve it in mendacity. Hapuseneb had a son Akheperker^seneb,
high-priest of Thothmes I (Griffith in Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 1889, p. i n ) . Though
this name would be easily assumed by any one in the service of that king, the like-named person twice intro-
duced on these walls may well be he, and meant to be a forced spokesman for the family, like Imhotpe and
Hapuseneb. Probably the same is true of Amenmose (p. 27), who seems to be of the same early date. Thus,
Nebmehyt on PL XI may have followed AkheperkerSseneb at the same distance in time that intervenes between
Khensem . . . and Hapuseneb, and so be of Userhet's own period.
The gifts, then, are for Userhet himself, and the representation is to be
taken in connection with t hat on Plate XI I I .
In the center of the topmost scene we see the doorway of the The mortuary
temple through which Userhet has just passed into the inner court or
shrine, there to adore the king, screened from view by drawn curtains
within the naos of his portable bark. The royal head, wearing the atef
crown, adorns the prow and stern of the bark. Incense burns before it in
dishes on top of the stands of offerings, and from these a bouquet is pre-
sented by a priest to Userhet in token of the good will of the deified
king. A long file of servitors in the outer court brings further supplies for
his service.
In the middle register the standing statue has been unveiled and, Perambula-
tion of the
attired in full gala costume, is being dragged by men on its sled-shaped statue
base, so as t o simulate the power of walking. To add to the illusion, lec-
tors walk on either side, shading the king's face from the sun's rays, but
the use of incense betrays the truth. The figure is black; primarily, no
doubt, because the cult statue was of ebony.
Five women greet the
appearance of the king with signs of grief, as if for one newly dead, and
five men lead the procession. They form a group of officials without
apparent gradation or appropriateness of rank. The first, who seems t o
stand apart, is a prince, named, perhaps, Ahmose. He is followed by an
overseer of the treasury of silver (?), Nebmehyt (?), an overseer of . . . ,
Amenhotpe, a lieutenant of the army (?), Mamheka, and by one Im-
hotpe (?).
In front of the procession is a lake enclosed by banks of black
earth and surrounded by a garden. Here the next part of the program
is being carried out. The royal statue has been embarked on a skiff and
receives the attention of priests there, while three men rurining along the
When depicted in person the king is red (PL V). The figures of kings supporting insignia of gods, etc.,
in works of art are very often black: cf. Naville, Xlth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari, Part I, PL I. For
royalties of black complexion, see Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, p. 33. A fragment which shows the head of
the king (PL XIX, 4) must be that of the royal ha, carried on a pole behind the statue. For a photographic
record of the scene, see Wreszinski, Atlas zw atiagyptischen KuUwgeschichte, Sheet 173 (wrongly attributed to
Tomb 5o). The separating borders of blue petals stop half-way across the wall simply because there was scanty
headroom for the desired scene beyond this point.
* Is Ahmose' an ancestral vizier againhe of the time of IJatshepsut? In the last column of text all but
lip is on an overlay.
tion of the
own burial
South wall,
west side.
His hopes in
bank drag the bark round the piece of water. A swimmer keeps the tow-
rope clear of weeds.
Frail booths, surrounded by a paling of canes, such
as are provided for the entertainment of the dead on the day of burial,
are dispersed among the trees of the garden.
It is not inappropriate that Userhet, who had so often repeated
masses for the soul of Thothmes I, should in this lower picture link his
hopes for fitting burial with those of the king. On the left we may im-
agine Userhet ("chief priest of Akheperkere in the temple Chnemet-
ankh") seated, for his hand is stretched out to touch the specimen gifts of
a pectoral (?) and a cartonnage mask which "his son . . . who immortal-
izes his name" brings. Behind this son are other donors with offerings
of food, and an array of furniture. This includes collars, ritual outfits,
a censer, braziers, and a libation vase, three masks, several complete
mummy coverings, coffins, or statuettes, and further supplies of food.
The west side of the south wall (Plate XIII) is occupied by what
amounts to a pictorial epitaph in three such phrases as "Honored in life
by the king; mourned in death by his friends; welcomed in heaven by
his god." The Egyptian was as far as can be from regarding life as a
many-colored stain on the white radiance of eternity. For him, on the
contrary, life set the norm of all future existence, which he hoped might
differ from it only in greater intensity and diversity, though he often
yielded to fears that it would prove a duller and darker shadow of earth.
It is not strange that in the gracious recognition of services by a mon-
arch a promise, and even a security, was found for generous treatment
from the king of eternity; so that Userhet sets the royal rewards in
closest connection with his summons to the presence of Osiris.
This proof of royal favor is shown in the lowest register and is mod-
The landing stage of the T-shaped pond is close to the temple door in the parallel scene in Tomb 3i.
For the rite as applied to private persons, compare scenes in Tombs 87 and 100 (Virey in Memoires de la mission
archeohgique francaise au Caire, V, p. 3IQ , and PL XXXVIII).
* Cf. Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, PL XIX. The figure in the first booth has been obliterated without
obvious reason.
* For the outfits, see Davies, Ibid, PL XXTV. Small masks, suitable only for statuettes, were found in
the tomb of Amenhotep II (Daressy, Fouilles dans la Vallee des Rois, PL XXVI).
* Apy also links life and death in the same way (Pis. XXVII, XXVIII).
eled in the main on the designs used at El Amarna,
the actual reception H*
by the king being omitted and only adumbrated by a very summary in life
drawing of the palace which occupies the center of the scene. At least
it recalls the fagade or enclosure of the palace and does not at all resemble
a temple. Yet we see behind it two Osirid statues of the king of South
Egypt clothed in a short tunic, like those t hat lined the approach to the
earlier temple at Deir el Bahri.
Slabs for offering are set beside them.
Farther still to the right an altar (?) is seen, and servants are preparing
food or bringing supplies. On the left Userhet "the priest, foremost in
the palace" (or possibly "high-priest in the temple of the king"), is leav-
ing the building which had been the scene of this gratifying mark of
honor, surrounded by servants and a very zareba of bouquets. His
neck is encumbered with gold necklaces, and his lifted arms exhibit his
bracelets to his friends. The jewelry which he cannot accommodate on
his person is set out on the table. His womenkind come out to greet
him with music and acclamation. Hatshepsut has not been forgotten
by the king, if, as seems, earrings are among his gifts, and the attendant
has something for her in his hands. The women's chanted applause of
the king's generosity is recorded: "[Great is] the wealth of him (?) who
recognizes those given by Amon to make glad his heart, Pharaoh, lord
of Egypt. Thou shalt give wealth to generations yet unborn, O Pha-
raoh, lord of every one of us."
Userhet's chariot is waiting for him, the
groom at the horses' heads,
and the driver chatting with the doorkeeper.
Neither is the wherewithal for a banquet lacking; again a gift, it may be,
from the king's table.
The second register shows the funeral convoy moving towards the His honors
in death
resting place of the dead in the west. The model boat, with the elabo-
rate shrine in which the coffin is enclosed, is being drawn by three cows.
Cf. Davies, El Amarna, II, Pis. XI, XXXVI; V, PL IX; VI, Pis. V, XX, XXX; also Bulletin OJM.M.A.,
Nov. 1921, Part II, pp. 21-23.
The statues are still less suitable to a dwelling of Userhet, which, besides, would be on the left. Whether
the two statues are balanced by a pair wearing the crown of Upper Egypt cannot now be determined with cer-
Cf. Davies, El Amarna, I, PL VIII; III, p. i 3.
This detail is on a corner piece of sandstone from the lining of the west reveal of the entrance.
His honors
in death
His burial
by the West
Great bouquets like columns (reminding us that the Egyptian column is,
after all, a bouquet, simple or elaborate) stand at the four corners and
are connected by gay garlands. By the side of the route are stands of
water jars, festooned with flowers, which take the place of the booths
shown on Plate XVI. The coffin is followed by mourners in threes, who
place the hand before the mouth in token of respectful silence, or in fear
of offending the ritual purity of the dead. The first three are identified as
the web-priests, Userpehti and Amenhotpe, and the overseer of the
workshop of Amon, Nebmose. The second trio are the irefe-priests,
Neferhebef and Nebseny, and the scribe of the treasury of the god,
The third group is classed together, but the title is illegible.
Their dull dirge runs, "O Userhet, high-priest in Ghnemet-ankh, who re-
newest life! O Userhet, high-priest of the royal spirit Akheperkere!"
Two men walk beside the cattle, carrying chests of burial equipment
and fans. It makes a poor show in comparison with the varied gifts
customary at an earlier period; but to it we must add the presents pre-
viously chronicled (Plate XVI).
The cortege is met by a band of seven mourning women, who pour
dust on their heads so liberally that they are streaked (bluish gray) with
it from head to heel. They are very badly drawn, an enormous eye be-
ing planted almost in the middle of the face and at an absurd angle.
Two other women, meant, no doubt, for the mother and wife of Userhet,
turn towards the two coffins (white, with yellow bands) set-up before
the tomb,
while a lector reads the hotep dy nisut formula, and a priest
officiates. A table before them contains food and sixteen vases for the
needed libations (four purifications repeated four times).
Only a bouquet behind the coffins separates death from life, for on
the far side we see the dead man, already endowed with renewed vitality,
These names are added faintly where they could be squeezed in. That of Nakht (omitted from the plate)
lies below the name of Neferhebef. The last legend may be "the artisans who . . . . "
The first name of Userhet is a palimpsest and seems to replace the cartouche of the king and the name
of Userhet written with two crossed signs.
Despite the beard, which is generally omitted in such cases, the second coffin is certainly intended for
the wife, in anticipation of her day of burial. Actual coffins of women are generally marked by the absence of
the beard and by open, instead of clenched, hands crossed on the breast.
welcomed by IJathor, goddess of the West. She stands in front of a
curious building which must represent the tomb, though it is in even
more absurd contrast than usual with the sepulcher in which it occurs.
However, it resembles closely enough a side view of the Ramesside
pyramidal tombs of Dr a
abu' l Naga and presents the salient features of
the temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el Bahri, which contained the shrine
of JJathor and was the model, as I believe, of the pyramidal tomb. I t
may not have been clear to the designer, any more than to us, whether
this erection stood for t hat temple, the home of IJathor, or for the ideal
tomb, to which neither t hat of Userhet, nor, indeed, the vast majority of
the tombs of Thebes had any resemblance. The tip of the pyramid is
here colored black, as if made of basalt, and its slope is wreathed in
garlands by the symbolizing fancy of the artist.
The priesthood seems to have developed a high gift of hypocrisy.
Userhet's pains to secure his soul's salvation have been treacherously
crossed at the last moment; for the name of the person accepted by the
goddess has been transformed, by the now familiar device of a smear of
plaster and a little ink, into t hat of one Amenmose, a fellow high-priest
(the fifth of the cult mentioned in the tomb), who thus played the Jacob
and tried by guile to filch Userhet's death-right behind the back of the
avenger of unrighteousness.
Amenmose's subterfuge was mean rather than vindictive. Userhet's
case is not hopeless, for he has yet to obtain a laisser passer in order to
enter the kingdom of Osiris beyond the tomb. The topmost picture, con-
tinuing t hat beyond the doorway (Plate XI), shows Anubis leading him
and his wife into the judgment hall of the god. Thot, the scribe of the
gods, and Ma
et , the goddess of Justice, preside over the balances, in
which, by a curious anomaly, the dead man himself is being weighed
against his heart, instead of his heart being measured against Right.
The pregnant idea of the actual man being judged by his own conscience
seems too advanced for primitive ethics, so t hat an error may be sus-
The identification of this pyramid with the tomb, notwithstanding its dissimilarity, is favored by the
word "tomb" being determined by a similar erection: see PL XIX, 5.
This priest is known: see Daressy, Cones funeraires, No. 93. The cartouche also has been rewritten.
by the West
by a
The last
The last pected here.
A devouring monster with crocodile's head, the fore limbs
of a dog, the hind parts of a hippopotamus, and the color of none of them,
abides the result; but as always, the scales weigh level, and Userhet es-
capes the horrible jaws. Hence we see him, in apparent indifference to the
fate of his wife, kneeling, an acquitted soul, before the throne of Osiris.
The god, a glaring figure in as garish a naos, is hedged round by the arms
and feathered wings of the goddess of the West, a charming device newly
adopted, as if in compensation for the swift rejection of t hat other symbol
of divine solicitude, the cherishing hands of the sun.
Userhet, having passed the scrutiny of the divine balances, becomes
one of the Westerners (Plate XIV). He is welcomed by their goddess as
he reverently kneels before the sacred hills, knowing t hat they are the
portal through which the declining sun passes to his kingdom of night.
They are here represented in primitive simplicity of form, and in a hue
of yellowish pink, which, startling as it is, the Egyptian mountains can
assume at sunset. The brute creation, no less than the bipartite spirits
of Buto and Nekhen, join in this act of adoration. The baboons, curiously
enough, are painted in so faint a tint t hat they seem to be ghosts, where-
as the spirits are conspicuous. The goddess (whose symbol has been left
incomplete) receives the newcomer with the customary gesture of divine
welcome (nini). The slovenly drawing and coloring can scarcely be for-
given a draughtsman who had given proof of such high capacity, or had
its fruits before his eyes.
The steia As the inner chamber is undecorated, some supplementary material
alone remains to be considered. The last rites at the interment were again
shown on the stela in the courtyard (Plate XI X, 6). Here the single
coffin of Userhet is seen, bewailed by his wife Hatshepsut and two sons,
As the heart in our picture is of an unusual form, the artist may be expressing an idea that the man is
measured against the standard weight of the gods. Cf. Naville, Funeral Papyrus of Iouiya, PL XXII.
* Instead of Userhet, the first draft seems to have shown the four genii on the lotus, as on PL V, Hence
they are on the side of the man, and not on that of the god. Cartouche and name in the inscription have been
reinserted, or changed without obvious reason. The amulet on the sash of the god has cartouches filled with
mock hieroglyphs.
A graffito has been written across the figure of the goddess in black ink: see PL XIX, 2. It runs,"Made
by the u>e&-priest, Kyiri, warden of the temple of Usermare-Setepenre (Rameses II), the temple of Amon-Re,
king of the gods on the west of Thebes. He says 'Osiris is my Day.' "
ministered to by two priests, and mourned by one or two relations. The
The ste
appended text runs, "A ritual offering to Amen-Re, to Atum, to Harakhti,
to Geb, to Osiris, to Isis, Lady of the West, to Hathor, residing in the
necropolis, to Anubis, foremost in the hall of the god, to the company
of the gods . . . [to the gods] and goddesses there, the great ones of the
necropolis, to the fane of the south, to the fane of the north, to the Sektet
bark, to the Ma
det bark, to the gods who are in heaven and earth; that
they may grant cooling waters (?) and the scent of the breezes, that the
soul may not ever suffer repulse, that thy (sic) name may be called and
be forthcoming at every festival continually, that thou mayest see Re
at dawn and follow Sokar of Rostau, that thou mayest see the gods on
thrones, that Re may give thee passage in the Sektet bark, that the West
may receive thee, that libations be poured on the offerings, that (thou)
receive the offerings of a god, and that Hapi give thee all manner of good
foodthousands of bread, beer, oxen, fowl, thread, linen, fat, incense,
wine, milk, greens, fragrant flowers, . . . [for the ha of] the high-priest
of [Akheperkere, Userhet], the justified one. He saith, ' My rank (?) was
that of a iflefr-priest (?) . . . the shrine of the god, high-priest of . . .
[born of the house-]mistress, [the singer of] Mont, lord of On, Ta-usret.'
[His wife], the house-mistress, [Hat]shepsut. His son, Ra
emwia. His
son, IJuy. His son,
The ceiling inscriptions follow ordinary models (Plate XVIII, G). Ceiling
(i) North side. "[A ritual offering to . . . ] ; to IJathor, regent of the
necropolis on the west of Thebes; to Isis the great, the divine mother;
and to all the gods of To-joser; that they may grant entrance and exit
in the necropolis, and that my mouth may be full of food of thy (sic)
giving before Onnofer to eternity."
(2) South side. "A ritual offering to Re-JJarakhti-Atum, lord of the
two sides of On; (to) Khons in Thebes, fair of setting; (to) Thot, lord of
Hermonthis, adjudicator of Justice for the company of gods
; that they
This and the other two ceiling inscriptions break off short without naming the recipient of the divine
benefits, as is the rule in all such texts.
The two moon-gods, Khons and Thot, are associated so closely at times as almost to become a com-
posite god: see Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, II, p. 37; Lanzone, Dizionario di mitologia egizia, PL CCCXLI.
m a Y
v e
happy life in the necropolis for all eternity to the ka of the
J. CXXS j^
high-priest of the temple of Akheperkere."
(3) Middle. ["A ritual offering to . . . ] the great god . . . who cre-
ated himself and made what is below and what is above, unique among
the august ones and without his peer, Amon, lord of Justice; that he may
give all things good and pure."
"All things good and pure." No age can better the words, though
each will fill them with a content dictated by its ideals.
The serpent erect on its tail stands at times by symbolic writing for "to stand," or for its homophone,
"duration of life." So in Boeser, Beschreibung der Aegyptischen Sammhing, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden,
VI, PL IV; Bergmann, Hieroglyphische Inschriften, PL V; Berlin Museum, No. 22g3; Zeitschrift fiir agyptische
Sprache, 57, p. 122. Here it is by error made feminine, as it is also in the same phrase in Tomb 324. I owe the
above equation and the references to Dr. Alan Gardiner. The closing words of each text have been put in in
black paint instead of. in blue. The incompleteness of the decoration, therefore, has the air of being deliberate.
A VERY incomplete memoir on this tomb (No. 217) was published ?^*
by Pere Scheil in 1894, with an incorrect description of its location, plan, the tomb
contents, and state, and complete silence as to the conditions under which
it was found and abandoned again.
In consequence, it disappeared from
knowledge for many years, until Mr. Weigall, at my request, searched
for and eventually refound it in the season of 1911-1912. When I saw it
first, the outer chamber was already cleared, but unprotected. The parts
described and illustrated in most detail by Pere Scheil and Georges
Legrain had disappeared or were shockingly mutilated, but, as admir-
able scenes, unchronicled by them, were in an excellent state of preser-
vation, I became anxious to copy and protect them. The Director of our
Expedition readily conceded the necessary grant, and in the autumn of
1912 the painted chamber was completely cleared, the overhanging rock
removed, the walls consolidated, and an excellent roof placed upon them,
under the direction of M. Baraize.
A high mound of debris lay in front
of the tomb, and I had hopes that a large part of the lost and deeply
interesting scenes would be found there in fragments. In the spring of
1920, therefore, I had the whole of the court cleared, after first examin-
ing the out-throw of my predecessors in the vicinity. I also turned over
all the accumulations in the burial places and inner chambers, which
had been avoided as dangerous hitherto. As a result, many hundreds of
Mem. miss, franfaise, V, pp. 6o4-6ia.
Consideration for the paintings seems to have been so far shown by the discoverers that some of them
had had tracing paper pinned over them before the refilling of the room. Or did discouraging disaster occur just
as the walls were being traced?
history of
the tomb
Its location
The exterior
painted fragments came to light, most of which must have come from
the tomb. This involved me in an immense amount of labor, most of
which has been very unproductive, for very few of the fragments came
from the existing scenes or could be fitted into new ones. The thieves
who cut out the most attractive pieces of the upper parts of the walls
had evidently removed them more or less bodily, and only one group has
ever appeared in the market, so far as I know. The fragments retrieved
by me do, however, enable us to divine something of the character of the
scenes which perished long ago and add exact knowledge of the colora-
tion both of these parts and of those of which the French publication has
given some account. The most interesting of the former will be found
on Plates XL-XLII and will be dealt with on pp. 72-76.
The tomb (Plate XX) is one of a series cut in the slope of the hill
beyond the temple of Deir el Medineh, just under the crest. Immediately
to the south of it is another well-shaped tomb,
but for some distance after
that only remains of insignificant sepulchers now exist on this level. To
the north the courts are contiguous, each being on a higher level, following
the rising ground, and each somewhat later in date than that to the south
of it, for each courtyard has had to take in a burial place thrown out to
the north from the court of the tomb below. The forecourts are enclosed,
the entrance being in the middle of the front wall, which thickens in the
middle to form a portal or pylon. A path, common to the tier of tombs,
must have passed outside and connected them; this has fallen away as
tombs were excavated below them, so that the front walls now hang on
the edge of a declivity. (For plan and section, see Plate XXI.)
The court of Apy is enclosed on all three sides by walls of rubble
faced with mud plaster; the fagade and side walls have a slight batter.
Besides the main entrance there is a narrow side opening on the north.
The court seems to have been formed at the same time as that next to
it on the north (Tombs 266, 267), as the party wall is set against a wider
This tomb consists of two chambers, the first vaulted in brick axially, the second transversely. Its walls
were stripped, but I excavated it to the floor and planned it. There was no clear proof that it had been painted.
This and all the tombs to the north have since been cleared thoroughly by M. Bruyere for the Institut Franc.ais,
and the results of his excellent work are being published yearly in its Rapports.
buttress common to both. The kink in the north wall is due to there having
The exter
been an entrance there to a burial pit lying beyond it. An opening in the
south end of the fagade admits to another burial place (No. 5) which the
arrangement shows to be original. After use, the opening had been
blocked up. I t led into a very irregular cave cut in the rock, which here
lies in loose and almost vertical strata, so t hat even the narrowest nat-
ural roof is liable to fall in. A corresponding hole (No. 6) exists on the
north side of the tomb-chapel, but, as in this case there is no visible en-
trance, it must have been reached from the top of the fagade. Being little
more than a fissure, it was unsafe for us to empty it completely. I t runs
so close to the brick lining of the chamber t hat it broke into the latter at
this point, destroying the paintings in the northeast corner. The courtyard
contains two other places of interment on the north side of the axis. One
is a small subterranean cave reached from the west side of a brick-lined
shaft (Nos. 3, 4). To the east of this again lay a collapsed cave (No. 2),
entered from the eastpossibly from outside the court: it appears t o be
earlier than the shaft, as the latter is partly built in loose filling.
A little depression in the floor of the court close t o the mouth of
It s
the shaft had been filled with earth, and a stunted date palm planted
This miserable specimen, which can scarcely have reached a
height of more t han two or three feet, or struggled through as many
years of parched existence, represents, no doubt, the garden in which
the dead man hoped to rest, sitting in the refreshing shade of the tree
and receiving from its goddess luscious fruit and streams of cool water.
A rough hole (No. 1), a foot or so deep, in the southwest corner of the
court may have been another plot, or, being given shape and filled with
water, have become, by t he algebra of faith, the pool in which the de-
ceased culled the lotus and quenched his thirst.
Two accessories of ritual are also found here. South of the entrance Provision
for ritual
to the tomb a brick bench for offerings is built against the front, having
Mr. Mond found a somewhat larger one before a tomb near Tomb 106.
In the court of the next tomb but one (No. 6) three neat little basins are cut in the rock pavement,
plastered with mud, and painted white. They are 3o inches long, a4 broad, and 3 or 4 deep, thus sufficing only
for a faith with the multiplying power of mustard seed. For three sacred pools in the ritual of burial see Virey,
Le Tombeau de Rekhmara, PI. XXIV.
for ritual
The entrance
The interior
a block of sandstone let into the top surface. A stela must have been
painted on the wall behind it, or set up there. Opposite this platform,
and so close to it that there was scarcely room to pass, is an oblong
mastaba made of loose stones and brick, held together by a little mud
and a smear of plaster outside. It is now half gone and only a few inches
high; but it appears to have been solid and not an enclosure, though in
two other tombs of the row (Nos. 216, 266) similar free-standing edifices
have the appearance of flimsy shells.
The entrance to the tomb chambers was by a narrow vaulted brick
passage in the center of the fagade, roughly plastered and paved with
stone. The raised stone sill and plain limestone jambs are shoddy, yet
a pivot-hole shows that an outer door was fitted. There is a curious
widening of the passage on the south side, into which perhaps a second
door, opening outwards, was thrown back. The north wall at the far-
ther end was decorated with a figure of Apy leaving the tomb, executed
in white outlines on a mud surface. Only the feet and the final hiero-
glyphs are now visible; the latter seem to mention sons, among them
one Nakhtamun.
The chapel lies a few inches lower than the passage and is paved
with brick. Only the lower parts of the walls now remain. It was
constructed of brick within the rock, the only possible method on the
site. This first room must have been a transversely vaulted one.
The spring of the arch may, perhaps, just be detected on the highest
point preserved; but nothing is left of the lunettes at either end. The
walls were coated with mud, on which a background of yellow paint
was directly laid. From this room, the only decorated one, another
vaulted passage, in a direct line with the first, leads to chambers beyond.
The opening to it is flanked, within the chapel, by two low pedestals
which jut out into the room and once supported statues of Apy and his
wife, standing with one foot advanced. These were molded in brick
and mud and were attached to the wall behind. The mud figure was
1 unearthed a flat slab of sandstone with a cavetto cornice cut on the edge, which might have been one of
many crowning the facade, or covering the supposed mastaba.
coated with twofold linen to hold it together, and this again overlaid with
white stucco, molded in detail and painted. All t hat now remains in
situ are the two feet of the northern figure (Apy), but the discoverers
must have seen much more. I found many fragments of these statues
in the out-throw and thus gained some idea of their appearance. Apy
stood with his hands laid flat against his pleated and projecting skirt,
on which was incised the familiar prayer for "all the offerings on the al-
tar [of the god]." His figure seems t o have been entirely white, for the
hands and hair certainly were. The figure of the lady, however, was
colored. Her red arm showed faintly through her dress, and her long
hair was black with a colored fillet. One hand may have been on the
bosom, the other pendent. The supports of the statues were colored
yellow to throw up the figures. These monuments were probably
quite presentable, and their creator did not hesitate to make this treach-
erous material overhang, as if it had been stone.
The passage t hat leads from the chapel to the undecorated rooms
beyond is a brick vault resting on walls of rock eked out with rubble.
I t is paved for a short distance and then opens into a slightly wider and
higher passage (No. II, Plate XXI ) , the brick arch of which lies under a
larger vault of treacherous rock. At the end of this a short passage
leads into a flat-roofed continuation of the corridor (No. I l l ) , termi-
nating in a brick wall, which conceals the fact t hat the thoroughfare
continues on the other side. Farther progress is provided for by a
lined pit in the floor, which, by a drop of five feet, admits again to the
blocked corridor and presently to a somewhat large room (No. IV) on the
left, a recess on the right, and the small doorway to a final room (No. VII)
directly in front. Room IV is on a slightly higher level t han the pas-
sageway and its floor ascends towards the back. Here side chambers
are found, one (No. V) a mere burial gallery, the other (No. VI) a roughly
shaped room, the larger part of which had not been quarried down to
floor level. At the end of the first passage a chamber (No. IX), roughly
hewn in the rock, opens out to the north; but only the entrance now
gives signs of having been shaped and faced. From this there is access
The interior
The inner
The inner to rough caves on each hand (Nos. VIII, X). No. VIII seems to connect
with t he narrow tunnel to the east (No. 6). The debris in these rooms
was quite unfruitful, so far as it was worked over; but a fatal accident
t hat had recently occurred in a tomb close by made it inadvisable to
clear it to the bottom. At the end of corridor II a pit (No. 7) had been
sunk in the fairway t o accommodate a burial, or to delay and disconcert
thieves, as in royal tombs. This, as also perhaps the caves VIII, IX, and
X, may be of a subsequent period. Corridor I I I was originally of greater
width, but the rock gave way, and a new wall had to be built inside it.
The sides of passages II and III, though marked on the plan as rock, are
often made good with rubble and mud which the plaster conceals. The
rock within which the chapel was built has collapsed, so t hat the tomb
now lies in a recess of the cliff (Plate XX).
inscribed Objects found during the excavations were not of great importance.
stones from
the excava- Of stonework there came to light:
(1) Two pieces of a slab painted light yellow, on which a scene is
incised; probably from the lintel of the outer door (Plate XL, 1). In
the center is a stela or cella with a god (Re?) seated in it, worshiped on
both sides by Apy and his wife.
(2) Part of the left jamb of the tomb of Anhur-kha
(No. 299), show-
ing on the face hotep dy nisut prayers to Ptah-Sokar and IJarakhti- Atum,
and, on the cheek, the figure of the deceased entering.
(3) Fragments of a pyramidion with a man adoring Re.
(4) Part of a libation table with a prayer to a goddess ". . .Khent(et)-
Amentet, that she may give entrance and exit in the necropolis."
(5) The right-hand part of a stela, depicting Apy, "sculptor in the
place of Justice," and Dowesmiset, adoring; possibly from the altar in
the court (p. 36). Above is a bark.
(6) Part of another stela, showing the adoration of Osiris-Khenta-
mentet and Isis.
M. Bruyere has since found the rest in the vicinity (Deir el Medineh, Part II, pp. 32-34 and Pis. VII,
VIII). It may be the tip of a pyramid which surmounted the chapel or the entrance. On the east face is the
bark of the rising sun; on the north and south, figures of Apy adoring it; on the west, Apy worshiping the
sun as he moves to his setting from the south.
stones from
the excava-
(7) M. Kuentz found in the vicinity, and kindly handed over to me,
the right jamb of a door-framing, on which were incised records of homage
(A) to a king "that he may grant life, weal, and health, ability, favor,
love, a happy life, and enjoyment of health; (B) to [Mut, lady of] Asher,
that she may grant that my mouth may be wholesome, and access to her
shrine, until I reach peaceful retirement; (G) [to JJathor, mistress] of all
the gods, the eye of Re, without her peer, lady of the two Egypts, and to
Horus, that they may grant life, etc. (as above). For the ha of the sculptor
and servitor in the Place of Justice, Apy." The first prayer is on the cheek,
the other two on the face, of the jamb (Plate XL, 4).
Of objects there were found:
(i) Three pieces of pierced woodwork; possibly from a burial cata-
falque, or the board laid over the mummy in the coffin. They comprised
the upper parts of figures of a man and a woman which must have been
about seven or eight inches high, and of a kneeling figure of the winged
et, cut out of half-inch wood, and originally set in a frame. They
were fairly well executed and brightly painted on a stuccoed surface and
must have formed part of an attractive whole.
(2) A sherd with a sketch of men carrying a palanquin of a king
(Amenhotep I?); probably the draft for a scene (Plate XLI, 23-24).
(3) A fragment of a box in limestone with a polychrome text.
(4) An ostracon with a rough sketch of a bearded face.
(5) A piece of a pink jar, painted with garlands.
(6) Necks of two "pilgrim" bottles.
(7) Two drop beads in blue and in red glaze.
(8) A bowl filled with fine dust (disintegrated roots?), a cake of mud
above this, and the stem of a small plant.
(9) Bits of stuccoed and painted coffins and cartonnage of late date.
(10) Two lamps of classical type.
(11) A mud tile one foot square, with a hole through the center.
(12) Many fragments of wine jars from the brick shaft. Three had
carried hieratic inscriptions (Plate XIX, 1), and one jar could be built
up to a fairly complete state. The texts run: "Year 5o. Wine of the
other objects sanctuary * Millions of years of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt,
Usermare-Setepenre (Rameses II)' in the temple of Amon, to the north
of the pylon of the Syrians. By the hand of the superintendent of vine-
dressers, Paheripedet."
"Year 53. [Superfine] wine [of t he. . .th day] of
the vineyard of the district (?) which faces (?) the water of Neti ( ? ) . . . . "
"Year 49 " One or two bottoms of jars were full of husks.
The chapel, The following description of the mural scenes of the painted chapel
Scenes of commences with the back (west) wall and works round the room by the
south. The two divisions of the rear wall show Apy and his wife wor-
shiping the gods, but as the space was small, the figure of the lady in
both cases was placed on the adjoining wall. On the north side of the
entrance to the inner room (Plates XXI I , XXIII) Apy is seen lifting one
hand in adoration before a naos on a low white dais, while with the other
he pours a libation on a pile of white grains covered with leaves and set
on a white stand. He is clothed in a leopard's skin, the natural markings
of which are interspersed with the encircled stars of the underworld.
makes a brave show of color, matching the elaborate skirt of the god.
The skin has the cartouche of Amenhotep I on its head, indicating t hat
Apy, as a "servitor," performed the functions of a priest in the cult of
t hat deified king. He has light gray hair here, but not in other cases.
His wife carries in her hand a head of papyrus entwined with a climbing
plant, and a long-necked vase, to which a bunch of leaves serves as a
She wears a triple string of large beads of various shapes, sizes,
The temple "Millions of years" of Rameses III is Medinet Habu (Breasted, Ancient Records, IV, 19);
but a temple of Rameses II of that name (the Ramesseum?) also occurs (Spiegelberg, Hieratic Ostraka and
Papyri, Nos. 318,320, and in Petrie's Six Temples at Thebes, p. 29). The "pylon (or "tower") of the Syrians"
one would take to be the gateway of Medinet Habu, but this is ascribed to Rameses III. Had it, then, a
predecessor in the palace south of the Ramesseum? Or does the term refer to the pylons of the Ramesseum,
on which Syrian wars are depicted ?
Dr. Stapf, keeper of the Herbarium at Kew, kindly examined these and pronounced them to be husks
of wheat and barley, the grain having been eaten probably by a rodent. The wheat spikelets "exhibit characters
pointing to their belonging to some rather primitive race."
Cf. p. 7, note 2.
*Does this signify that in old age he was, or would be, faithful to his allegiance; was hair actually pow-
dered; or is this a dumb prayer for that happy old age before the god which all men sought?
For the flowers apparently attached to the plant, though botanists will not admit the connection, see
also pp. 43, 75.
and colors, separated by three small black ones. Like other women in
the tomb, she does not wear sandals.
Two gods are in the shrine. The foremost is dressed in the custom- The gods
ary way, viz., in a scale-patterned corselet, and a short skirt confined
at the waist by a belt having a | amulet as buckle. He is probably
The god mounted on a pedestal behind him, swathed in white
and holding the combined J and \ scepter, must be Pt ah or Ptah-Sokar.
Fragments found indicate t hat he, or a lost god, wore a pink cape over
his shoulders and arms (Plate XLII, 4o)-
On the other side of the doorway Apy presents a white brazier to
the gods (Plate XXIV). I t contains a pigeon, two tapering loaves, and
four pyramidal cones of fat. The light blue smoke t hat rises from it
comes from four black pellets of charcoal t hat ignite the fragrant fat.
By way of change, Apy has doffed the priestly skin. Before him, on a
high white stand, is a T-shaped dish, on which flowers and fruit are piled.
The lady carries her menat and is accompanied by her engaging daughter,
Imamhab, who also brings a contribution to the sacrifice (Plate XXXI I ) .
Her forehead and the back of her skull are shaved, and the remaining
hair falls from the crown in two long streams upon her shoulders.
The deities worshiped stand within a naos supported on elaborate T ^
columns, memories, no doubt, of real constructions in flimsy stuccowork,
bright with garish color and flapping ribbons. The shaft shows grouped
papyrus stems, but the capital is triplex: the lower one a lotus (nym-
phaea) in imitation, or real, cloisonne work; the middle one an open
papyrus head, flanked by four (?) lions' heads; the topmost one a lily,
surrounded by uraei to give support to its spreading petals. The cornice
was formed, as usual, of a board adorned with painted fronds, having
bunches of grapes hanging from it, and a row of uraei crowned with disks
The five toes are shown on the near foot in all large human figures in this tomb. The ball of the hand
is indicated here and in PL XXV by a double curve, perhaps for the first time. See note 4> P 17-
The letter B of his name is perhaps seen close to the column.
The shape of the dish is derived from that of ponds (PI. I). It receives the waters of libation and so
keeps the flowers and garnishing fresh and pure. Or does its red color in this case indicate wine? For the shape
see Theban Tombs Series, III, Pis. VIII, XII; Petrie, Qurneh, PL XLV; Sethe, Urkunden des agyptischen Atter-
twns, IV, p. 639.
Cf. PLV.
The deities surmounting all (these details being learnt from fragments found). The
deities are in this case "Osiris [Khent] Amentet, . . . great god, lord of
Justice" and "IJathor, mistress of the western necropolis." Osiris stands
on a blue pedestal and is clothed in white cerements. He has a bright
green complexion, and two cobras hang round his neck in readiness to
dart their fangs at any enemy. As in his mortal existence, he owes his
happiness to woman's devotion, for Hathor watches over and supports
him, wearing on her head the mark of her identity with the hawk of
the West. Her blue hair is divided into locks by white lines. In front of
each divinity the waterskin, symbol of the infernal gods, hangs on its pole.
The rows of relatives which contribute to the monotony of Rames-
relatives . . .
side paintings occupy in this tomb the upper registers of three of the
four remaining walls under a lost horizontal band of text. They face
inwards. The series appears to have been headed, perhaps on each wall,
by Apy and his wife, distinguished from the rest only by their ap-
pended names. The groups conform to those of their hosts on the
south wall, where their coloration, costume, and posture may best be
Married pairs follow one another in interminable dullness, sit-
ting on backed chairs with their feet on footstools. As there is only
one butler to each of the three walls, the file is uninterrupted even by
the figures of serving-men and maids, who, at an earlier period, would
have broken the uniformity. Each lady embraces her husband with
both arms, as if claiming him for all eternity. The wearisome repeti-
tion is (or was, rather) relieved by one touch of humor: under the chair
of the last lady on the north wall a bird is engaged in a quarrel with
a cat.
These guests must be taken as assisting at the scenes of worship
just studied.
The upper part of the south wall is occupied by a row of the guests
PL XXXVI exhibits what remains of the scene on the north and east walls; that on the south wall is
seen in the photograph on PL XXVI. The largest of many fragments from these scenes are incorporated in the
former. If, as appears likely, fragment 33 (PL XLII) fits on to that added (but not in position) on the ex-
treme left of PL XXXVI, "his beloved daughter (?) Urner" made offerings of flowers there to "Osiris, the
servitor Apy" and "his wife, the house-mistress . . ., Dowesmiset."
* Another version is extant in Tomb 10, as well as the full-faced cat (PL XXV). See Bulletin of M.M.A.,
July, 1920, Part II, p. 3i.
just mentioned. The scene below presents a very successful treatment
South waU
. The meal
of a most commonplace subject (Plate XXV).
On the left are the of the dead
dead recipients of food and flowers; on the right are the donors, and the
texts tell us all t hat we need to know t hat is not plain at a glance.
Over Apy's head is a speech; as it is not marked as the son's by its
direction, it may be taken as an impersonal address to the dead. "Re-
ceive a bouquet which has been proffered in the temple of Amon in
Karnak, (since) thou art a subject of the lord of grace. May est thou
receive loaves and thy nostril (?) enjoy the odor of incense, O sculptor
Apy." Over the lady is written, "His beloved wife, the house-mistress,
Dowesmiset, his daughter Imamhab, and his son Merymose."
Over the
ministrants we read " (At) the hand of t hy beloved son, Nebnakht, [son of]
t hy beloved son (?), [the sculptor], Any," and "His beloved daughter,
Urner." These two bring pink jars of water, which are decorated in
paint on their sides and have their mouths stopped with green stuff.
Urner carries besides more than one hand can well hold of other gifts:
a fillet for the head, a bouquet, and a spray of a climbing plant with red
and blue inflorescence.
Some details may be noticed.
The poppy (?) worn in the hair of the
ladies has red petals with a blue edging and black markings at the base,
a spreading calyx, and tiny leaves. I t is evidently far from naturalistic.
The earrings of the ladies are wheel-shaped, with white rim and blue
radii, from which depend three little strings of blue beads ending in
blue tassels. Their armlets are formed of blue and green beads, sparsely
In this plate I have deviated from my almost invariable practice by making wide restorations without
indication. The wall is defaced by innumerable pittings and widespread abrasion, yet retains so much of its
original color and lines that it was possible by restoration to present a picture closely resembling the very
attractive original as it came from the hand of the artist, while a facsimile would have been of little value. In
the main the restoration consists in joining up existing lines and continuing color over small injuries, and this
can largely be controlled by the photograph on PL XXVI. The profiles of the wife and daughter, where lacking,
follow that of Apy; the earring and wig of the wife, those of the daughter. The hair of Apy and his son have less
guarantee, and the form of the cats has had to be completed without aid. The hieroglyphs have sometimes been
made good from small indications and are not free from doubt.
The original intention to include these children in the picture has not been carried out.
Many jars of this type have been found on the site.
Dowesmiset has slight shading on the chin, nose, and lip, leaving the throat, lower lip, eye socket, and
brow lighter. This is less marked on Apy's face, but the eye socket is distinctly lighter. The artist may be
following observations made in sculptured tombs where the chief lighting is by reflection from the floor.
Details strung on a white thread. Among them a black and white bead is prom-
inent. As many as seven separate strings are worn on forearm and
wrist, but Apy wears only the divine eye as a charm. One hangs from
his neck by a chain of beads, others are bound round his wrists.
chairs are padded with red cushions, and their joints are lashed for
greater strength with interwoven thongs. The skin worn by the son is
again decoratively treated, but in a somewhat different manner and
tone from t hat on Plate XXI I I .
Loaves of a fancy shape
are ranged on a dresser, and on its shelf is
a plate of fruit. By the thoughtfulness of the artist, who has shown its
contents in elevation, we can see t hat it was spread with a mat of woven
petals and piled with cucumbers, dates, and figs. Finally we have the
delightfully quaint cat and kitten. The former sits solemnly, as if stuffed,
under its mistress's chair. It has a ridiculous, full face, and t he affec-
tion lavished on it is betrayed by a silver ring passed through its ear.
With the temerity of youth, the kitten has climbed on to Apy's lap,
where it plays happily with the flapping sleeves. Their color is evidently
meant to be the usual tawny hue (Plate XXV).
stained A problem is presented by the dress of men and women, its white
being mottled with reddish brown over all the upper part, and as far
down as the knees. Something like this is widely met with in the latter
half of the Eighteenth Dynasty in the depiction of festal garments.
The explanation that it represents white robes soiled by ointment which
ran down from the head, or had been rubbed into the arms and
shoulders, though not attractive, must be accepted in the main.
mind of the artist dwelt, however, not on the stain, but on the revela-
The artist shows only the black design, but not the glazed plaque on which it was painted or cut, and
gravely ties this abstraction on the arm by a thread. It is clear from this that when cartouches are shown on
the body, they represent jewelry, not tattooing.
Turin Museum possesses a loaf of this shell-like shape (from Tomb 8 nearby), from which we see that
the decoration in the center is no other than the gaping cut made in it to prevent it bursting in the oven. The
cut in the edge probably served the same purpose. Hence, perchance, the form of the sn sign.
So in Tomb io, where the earring even has pendants, like a lady's.
* Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheets 28b, 3gb. Definite proof is found in Tomb 69, where a few dabs of the same
color are also seen on unsoiled parts of the gown, showing that the yellow cannot indicate an overgarment:
Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1922, Part II, p. 54-
tion of the well-anointed body beneath the linen; his anxiety was, not stained
to paint stains in the interests of realism, but t o make it clear t hat
festal ointment had been so lavishly provided by the host t hat all the
body ghstened with it. Being a proof of munificence, as well as a high
pleasure, its unsightly consequences were condoned; for the smell and
the sensations would be highly appreciated in t hat land of parched
This feature is given a new extension in Ramesside times. There
is every sign t hat the use of unguents was continued, on the head at
least; but, though the artist no doubt realized what the coloration signi-
fied, some fortuitous advantages which it possessed outweighed, if they
did not replace, the original motive. As was the case with the dust
thrown on the garments by the mourner,
the stain or yellow shade cast
by the anointed body on a dress was naturally more pronounced in the
folds, and where it was gathered close to the body. I t thus came to be
a convenient means of indicating the folds. They had been shown in
earlier times by fine red fines, tailing off as the garment spread smooth,
and in early Ramesside years were continued, where they became mere
soft undulations of light and shade, by faint gray stripes (page 8).
The latter might with advantage have been carried up in a narrowed
and darkened form to supplement, or replace, the lines which represent
the harder folds. Instead of this the artist uses the yellow stain for
this purpose.
The red lines are retained, but it is the stippled color
which is relied on to indicate the gathers of the dress. Our artist also
uses it to mark off the mantle from the underskirt, prolonging it there
to the very hem, though the stain would scarcely reach it.
As another
means of preserving outlines amid the mass of color, he leaves a white
edging on the hems and white ties. This festal stain went far towards
creating a colored dress, and this was a new recommendation of it to the
later artist, intemperate as he was in the use of his palette. Hence,
Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pis. XIX, XXI; Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet 8.
In doing so, he is only carrying further what his predecessors had practised, for they also made the
yellow color run in waves.
This device was not quite new. See Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, PL V.
East wall,
south side
Its subject
instead of being confined to banquets, the smeared gown soon became
The front wall, south of the entrance, is now entirely destroyed
except for a small strip along the right-hand side and at the bottom.
It was, however, complete when first discovered, except for an injury
running diagonally from left to right down the center and some deface-
ment on the extreme left. But we have only been vouchsafed a brief
verbal description of most of the scenes, the exception being a sketch of
the officials in front of the palace window, and a more careful copy in
color by Legrain of the house and garden of Apy.
The two line plates
(Nos. XXVII and XXVIII) I have devoted to this wall are, therefore,
of very unequal value in their several parts.
The pictures included on a single wall generally have some unifying
idea, when the space is not clearly apportioned to more than one subject,
but in later tombs they may be a mere conglomeration of unconnected
scenes. In the present case it is difficult to formulate a bond of thought,
as informative notes were almost confined to a running text above the
scenes, and this is now lost. We have, however, a parallel, perhaps
even a model, in the tomb of Userhet (Plate XIII), where the owner
seems to have claimed the favor of the king in life and of the gods in
death on the grounds of his services and virtues. Whether the rewards
of the king were extended to the owner in the matter of his burial also
is not clear, and, in the case of Apy, this point, as well as the signs of
divine favor, rest on the interpretation we give to the lowest register.
Clearness of thought and presentation plays a much smaller part in
Ramesside decoration than at an earlier period, x>ne sign of which is the
paucity of textual comment.
Scheil in Mfon. miss, frangaise, V, p. 606, and PL I.
PL XXVII has been made up of (1) the small fragments still in situ; (2) a copy, with slight alterations, of
the above-named sketch; (3) fragments, chiefly from the pavilionincluding the lower part of the king's face
whichJiave been inserted, as best I could, guided by Legrain's sketch; (4) a reconstruction in broken lines of the
missing elements of the rest of the scene, based on Pere Scheil's description. This last category is necessarily
very different in aspect from the original, which, at this period, would certainly have shown the various com-
ponents in a less simple and less regularly distributed composition. It will serve, however, as a pictorial tran-
scription of the evidence of an eyewitness.
The upper half of the scene on this wall (Plate XXVII) is an echo of
A d e s i
the Akhnaton period, when the prospects of the officials who had cast from
El Amarna
in their lot with the revolutionary king were so closely bound up with
his in life and in death. The persistence of the tradition is evidenced
by the survival of the characteristic picture of the palace forecourt, which
was the more public scene of royal functions during Akhnaton' s reign.
This feeling of a closer touch between king and people is indicated in the
later tombs, not only by scenes in which members of the royal line, past
as well as present, are adored, and in which there may lie a protest
against such a snapping of the link with the past as Akhnaton' s removal
from Thebes might seem to embody, but also in the survival here and
there of the balcony scene,
and with it the peculiar phrases t hat accom-
pany the scene in the tombs of El Amarna. Here, though the royal
dais is made so much less prominent a feature of the picture t hat the
balance of the composition suffers greatly, it adheres so closely t o the
mode created by the school of Akhnaton t hat Pere Scheil identifies the
monarch with t hat king in defiance of the anachronism and the por-
traiture. He may be right, on the other hand, in omitting a figure of
the queen, for this reminder of the human side of royalty survived the
transference of the capital to Thebes, but not the fall of the dynasty.
Apy, the head sculptor, is not at once recognizable in the group The figure
of Apy
under the royal stance, where two figures stand side by side, one clothed
in a dress which closely resembles t hat of a vizier, the other in t he con-
temporary costume of a Theban gentleman or official.
Both of them
appear, from the objects they carry, to be "fan-bearers on the right
hand of the ki ng"; but the axe and crook, which high administrators
usually bear besides the fan and sash, are not in their hands. The man
who extends his fan to the king's face must be our hero, and his com-
*E.g., in Tombs 49. 5o, 106, i57, and in 55 and 188 of the revolutionary period. In Tomb 4o the new
phraseology is used, but the older picture of the royal throne is retained.
Cf. Bulletin ojM.M.A., July, 1920, Part II, pp. 26,3o. It will be noticed that I have given a slightly dif-
ferent pose to the king there. The extant fragments admit of a certain amount of manipulation, and this varia-
tion shows its approximate range. A queen, I have since found, is shown in Tomb 157.
The vizier's dress, which Legrain has not terminated below the armpit in the usual way, may be com-
pared with that worn by military men in Davies, El Amarna, I, PL XIV; III, PL XIV; IV, PL XXVI.
panion really the vizier, who was often present in such cases and intro-
duced the official recommended for reward.
It appears as if Apy was not the only official to be rewarded on this
occasion, for those following him are having their dress adjusted by an
attendant and wear the golden collars which were the nearest approach
to a monetary reward. A fragmentary text suggests that these addi-
tions to the honors -list were scribes, soldiers, and temple servitors:
so that Apy might well be among them, and even the first in his own
estimation. The picture shows the two principal figures followed by
their own, or royal, fan-bearers, and by twelve men in groups of threes,
who have received several gold collars each as well as rations from the
palace, and who show their approval of the institution of kingship by
their upraised arms. Possibly the four bulls driven up behind them are
a return present from them to the royal larder. The inevitable journal-
ists bring up the rear. Further marks of royal favor are displayed in
an upper subdivision of the register. Foremost are seven collars of
gold, large and small, and a pair of gloves
apiece for the vizier and his
protege, and, next in order of value, three bags of eye-powders (?) and
nine ewers.
Four oxen, fifteen fish, four tables of bread, and a drinking-
vessel have also been provided from the royal storehouses, that a feast
worthy of the occasion may not be wanting. A scribe jots down the
allowance in the interests of the Treasury, and six courtiers await the
king's orders.
Davies, El Amarna, II, PL XXXV (where the vizier's seal and ribbon might be restored); VI, Pis. IV,
XVIII, XX, XXIX. In one of these cases two or three men in the distinctive dress of the vizier are present.
That the article of dress resembling the hames of a horse is really the seal of the vizier and its attachment is clear
from Tomb 106, where the cartouche of the reigning king is duly engraved on it.
"Mains": Scheil in Mem. miss.franpaise, V, p. 6o5. But see Davies, El Amarna, VI, Pis. XXIX-XXXI,
and perhaps also III, PI. XVII; and Tomb 55 at Thebes.
So I venture to translate "trois vases en forme de cornue et neuf bonbonnes a goulot lateral" (foe. cit).
Cf. my El Amarna, VI, PI. IV.
The parts of the scene missing from PL XXVII, but recorded by Pere Scheil, are: Top row: five rows of
three fish each; four little tables, piled with loaves and fruit; a stemmed vase on a stand; a scribe, clothed in a
long skirt, bending to write on his tablet; six men in long robes, bowing with pendent arms. Main row: four
groups in all of three men each, with uplifted arms and a table of food before each. Beyond this the row divides
into two, but is illegible at the end. Upper half: four black and bay bulls, in charge of two drovers in full dress.
Lower half: three scribes following one another, holding tablets (the first, perhaps, a baton), and raising the
left hand to the forehead.
of rewards
The second division of the wall (Plate XXVIII)
shows the burial
of Apy, moving from right to left, namely, from the embalmer's atelier,
or the booth on the estate of Apy, whither the body has been brought
in readiness for the funeral, to the tomb on the western slopes. The
place where the body lies in state on its bier is given the form of a sleep-
ing place, raised on a dais.
A white hanging is stretched above the
casket-shaped roof, perhaps as an awning. Two women, dressed to rep-
resent the weeping Isis and Nephthys, or emblematic figures of those
goddesses, watch the corpse, and a male member of the family does the
like by the canopic box. Both coffin and box are inscribed for Apy.
The time for the interment having come, the coffin (together with
the prospective coffin of the wife) is brought out and the lector reads the
service for the dead in the presence of the mourning relatives, who pour
dust on their heads in token of their personal loss, though at the same
time carrying papyrus stems emblematic of their hopes for the dead.
The coffin having been placed in the bark and this again on runners,
it is drawn by four men towards the tomb, the priest and his acolyte
keeping it pure by fumigation and sprinkling of milk. Lamentation is
raised by the women as the moment for incarceration in the rock tomb
The funeral furniture, if we may believe the picture, had been
Of this plate, showing the lower part of the wall, only the strip on the right and the bottom are in situ,
but it was most desirable to show the garden of Apy in something like its original setting. Such extant fragments
as it seemed safe to insert are surrounded by an outline. The top register is vouched for only by Pere Scheil's
description and in detail is entirely tentative, save for the datum given by the connection of the sled with the
scene below. Many parts of the restored groups would certainly have been in the more involved style of the
Ramesside era. The middle register is taken from Legrain's copy, altered to some extent to admit fragments
which must come from the scene. Its position in the register is based on the intrusion of the tip of an atef crown,
belonging, no doubt, to one of the rams' heads on the bark below. If it was worn by a ram at the stern, the
garden, and with it the sled above, would have to be shifted far to the left. The length of the wall just admits
of this, if the burial scene was much compressed; but one would not have expected the painting to be so well
preserved so close to the doorway. The diagonal injury would then be more continuous. The extant picture in
the lowest register has been restored considerably, partly on the basis of fragments which seem to have their
origin there. If I have taken advantage of this duplication of the record to present alternative renderings in
order to admit existing fragments, I do not lay undue stress on them, while giving reasons for the liberty taken.
It may be the catafalque which will presently be placed on the funeral bark.
1 make the lector turn about in deference to Pere Scheil's description, but with hesitation.
Scheil has given no idea of the shape of the tomb, except that it had a pyramidal superstructure as
The r anged before t he resting place of t he coffin, and is now carried t o t he
procession ^ *
tonxb in front of the convoy. In the former position are shown a scribe's
two backed chairs, two chests, two folding stools, two ceremonial
vases on a cushioned stool, two pairs of sandals,* a bed, a head-rest, and
two fly-whisks. Farther on, a bed is being carried by one Any (perhaps
the sculptor, son of Apy) behind a group of male relatives, and staves,
two chests, and a chair, in front of them.
Ap/s house j
n e
picture of Apy's house in the middle register to be connected
with that on Plate XIII, as the home to which he returns in pride from
the king's presence, or with the scene of funeral, when his establishment
would be in preparation for the accompanying feast? It is possible
t hat the artist himself was not clear on the point, being only intent on
a charming presentation which could be justified on either ground. The
house being shown, the various domestic activities involved when either
a feast or a funeral was in prospect are naturally attached to it. On the
right a small part of the slaughterhouse is preserved, and very likely
the cutting up of an animal was depicted outside it. Curious joints
and entrails (the modern Arab, too, leaves nothing uneaten, save the
horns, hoofs, and skin of the beast) are hung from the rafters, and the
servant in charge is weighing out meat to a recipient, using, as it seems,
a hand-balance for the purpose.
We must not think of a shop; free
trading would have small place in a state of society where metal was
only used in large transactions and coin was not yet invented. But we
can imagine that the rations issued to each member of the household
were as strictly apportioned as wages are now, and as was the case in
the administration of the palace.
What we see here, then, may be
assumed to be the reception by the serfs of their allotted portion.
This perhaps ought to be a casket-lite "boite a oushabtis," as the eyewitness reports; but see PL XXXVI.
For sandals in two such aspects, see Theban Tombs Series, III, p. n , n. 2.
For such balances, see Klebs, Reliefs des alien Reiches, p. 84; Petrie, Deshasheh, PL XIII; Perrot-
Chipiez, Histoire de VArt, I, p. 3a; and Daressy, Revue archeohgique, igo5, PL XV.
See Scharff in A.Z., 07, p. 5i.
' Butchers' booths are shown in connection with a feast in Tomb 112; with cooking activities in
Tombs g3, 3i8, and that of Rameses III (Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet 93); with a house in Tomb 254; and with
the provision of funeral gifts in Tomb 60. Such pictures are exact reflections of Middle Kingdom models in
wood: see Winlock in Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 20.
The picture of Apy' s home (Plate XXI X)
is more attractive by
far t han other presentations of houses, where t he stiffly symmetrical
arrangement of the scene is apt to detract from its pleasantness. The
substitution of a natural for an artificial point of view, and the more
realistic treatment of the figures' and foliage, so limit the orderliness
here t hat it only retains the charm of a decorative handling of a scene
t hat in nature would be confused and unbalanced. In short, it is an
artistic creation instead of a quaint diagram. Placed on this wall, where
all else seems to have been in the usual style of a disjointed narrative,
it must have shone like a jewel. Men would not be wanting in its day
to whom it was a blot on an irreproachable composition, but to us it is
like a European melody heard through the monotonous drone of a fel-
lah's flute. I t is a mat t er for deep regret t hat the few men who were
privileged to see this wall intact, or nearly so, were incapable of so
appreciating it as to t ry to preserve for posterity these paintings in
which the aesthetic sense of man triumphs for a moment in the midst of
the primeval struggle for existence on earth and afterwards.
The house or pavilion which forms the center of the picture differs
from other pictures of Egyptian dwellings t hat have been preserved, in
t hat it is given a front, instead of a side, view or an aspect based on
Scheil, Mem. miss, franfaise, V, Tombeau (TApoui, PI. I. PI. XXVIII again needs more than a word
of apology, since it presumes to offer itself as an alternative record of a lost picture. But I am convinced that
it is nearer the original in some important points of coloring than Legrain's copy, as published. Exactitude in
detail is so far from being assured, that the line drawing on PL XXVIII differs from, the colored plate in several
instances, as I have transferred to the latter some extant fragments which fit fairly enough there also. The two
main errors which made a repainting of Legrain's copy desirable were the wrong tone of the background and the
false form and color of the papyrus, which fragments show to have been a naturalistic, instead of a very con-
ventional, element in the picture. I have also ventured to give vertical lines to the door and to the walls of the
house. I know no justification for the absurdity of a splayed door-frame, and have observed the inveterate
tendency, even of good copyists, to give a slope to perpendicular architectural lines. But, as a tiny length of
line preserved seems to be that of the outer wall, and hints at a batter, I have retained it on PL XXVIII. A
yellow tinge has been given to the flower of the broad-leaved shrub, in harmony with Tomb i, and a base line
has been supplied under the steps. If the trees were here treated like others in the tomb by having the body
of their foliage painted blue, it would greatly change their aspect. I have little doubt that this was so, especially
as the somewhat large fragment which I have inserted in the pomegranate tree on PL XXIX shows this feat-
ure. The small pieces which I have assigned to the scene fit fairly well into PL I of Pere Scheil's edition.
Probably, therefore, it was prepared from rough tracings (a specimen of which, from another part of the waU,
was found in the debris) and from notes of color, instead of directly from the wall. Maspero, in Mem. miss,
francaise, V, p. 169, seems, then, not to have been perfectly informed on this point. The omission of the
horizontal lines on the column in the colored plate is a regrettable inadvertence.
beauty of
the scene
Special concocted planes.
I t conforms t o pictures in t he t ombs of El Amarna
in having a narrow frontage, but not to the actual houses in t hat city,
which tend t o lie foursquare. It is manifestly shown in as simplified a
form as possible. The actual door (which one would have expected t o
be yellow) is interesting in t hat a square is marked out on it in the place
where the pictured, and also the actual, doors of tombs show a panel in
relief, exhibiting the owner at meat or at worship. Were, then, house
doors also provided with such a panel, or is this a reminiscence of the
shutter through which the porter could speak to the would-be visitor?
The capitals of the papyrus columns show, though not quite correctly,
the sheathing leaves of the calyx between the bundles of inserted stems.
The pond As t he pond is shown in plan, the house is lifted in the picture t o
the same height, but is not necessarily above ground level. The steps
might be those leading down t he bank to the water, for this is probably
not meant t o be contained in two ponds, one on each side of the house,
but in one continuous sheet, as the papyrus plants suggest.
But, as
the larger houses of Akhetaton are generally raised a foot or so above
the ground and reached by a flight of low steps,
this practice is likely
t o have been used at Thebes too, as a protection against reptiles, wind-
borne sand, and the inundation. Owing t o the ever-shifting level of
t he Nile, and with it t hat of all sheets of water, the pond would often
be low, and the water for irrigating the garden would then have t o be
lifted by a shaduf. The posts on which the beam of this contrivance
rests are here permanent constructions, presumably of lime-washed
brick. They are used singly, instead of in pairs as today, with two
horns to support the ends of t he pivot on which the beam turns. A
long rod is jointed t o the end of t he beam, as in t he modern shaduf, so
Dwellings are shown in Tombs 23, 49> 80, 81, 90, 96A, io4, and 254 at Thebes. The yellow given to
the interior seems to be an error in the original or the copy. If white, it would show the frontage of the house
under a portico, and would then have a real resemblance to Tomb 3g (Davies, Tomb of PuyemrS, PL LXXV),
or Tomb 216, a few doors to the north of that of Apy, as also to the model found by H. E. Winlock, Bulletin
of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 24. In the two latter cases the dwarf wall is lacking.
The latter is clearly indicated in Petrie, Tell el Amarna, PI. V.
See Davies, El Amarna, II, PL IV; VI, Pis. XIV, XXXVII.
However, the ramp of Deir el Bahri temple has two ponds and flower beds flanking its foot.
Petrie, Tell el Amarna, Pis. XXXVIII, XL.
that the bucket can be the better directed to the points of filling and T^ep
discharge. The counterpoise was formed, then as now, of an irregular
piece of limestone or of a lump of mud. The buckets consist of pots of
very practical shape.
The figures of the fellahin in Legrain's copy probably conform
pretty closely to the original. They are most unconventional, and their
squat forms seem put in deliberate contrast to the slim and long legged
aristocracy above (Plate XXVII), as the stubble on their neglected
heads and chins is pitted against the long and tended locks of their
betters. They are clothed in a skin cast round their loins and passed
between the legs, to suit the wet and severe labor of the shaduf. The dog
in attendance on each of the men on the right is a touch of nature which
shows the mood of the artist, for it adds nothing to the scene but the
truth and humor of life. The fellah who today pleads lack of bread will
still be possessor of a riding ass and of one dog at least, not dreaming of
dispensing with either. Readers of Pere Scheil's account of the scene
will have been tantalized to hear of a possible case of infanticide, which
the draughtsman had the malice, or the foresight, to omit. Fate has
continued in a tricky humor, for I seem to have secured the fragment
in question, yet with such curtailment as to leave the mark of interro-
gation unremoved. I have had the hardihood to transform the affec-
tionate, or callous, mother (with a red arm) into a servant filling his
waterskin (red).
The garden is planted with trees and flowers. Among the former
9 1
are the pomegranate, pollarded willow (?), persea (?), and fig; among
the latter, the corn-flower, the ranunculus, and the poppy (?).
trees are totally unlike those earlier conventions which remind one of
an old-fashioned Noah's ark. Their branches grow irregularly and sway
with the wind, their boles are gnarled and lopped, and probably they
The modem contrivance is fitted with a pouch of soft leather, which can easily be emptied by a push
from below, but this is being replaced by the horrible kerosene tin. Shadufs are also shown in Tombs 49 and i38.
No one seems to have taken the trouble to preserve Legrain's original drawings.
The poppy is such a constant companion of the corn-flower and reeds that I have altered the red flower
to this shape, but ought rather to have chosen the alternate variety given by Petrie in Tell el Amarna, PI. Il l ,
No. 1, in face of the form shown in PL XXV.
The garden were a good deal less stiffly formed even t han in Legrain's copy.* The
surface of t he pond is covered, as usual, with lotus, the single bloom
of Lotus Nymphaea reflecting, perhaps, the proportionate rarity of its
occurrence so far south. The dull blue of the leaves and sepals, al-
most matching t hat of the water, makes a soft and charming foil to
t he bright reds and greens above. The unnatural yellow atmosphere
does not displease; unintentionally it conveys an impression of warm
sunlight, softening the reds and bringing out the whites in a very happy
A domestic The lowest register still shows domestic labors on the right. White
robes were indispensable t o a feast; so washtubs are in request by the
watersideor rather, no such definite provision being made, any recep-
tacle is commandeered. One man seems t o have seized on a shaduf
bucket, unsuitable as it is; another has mounted a bowl on t he cook's
grinding slab. Their fellows wring out the clothes, or beat them, peas-
ant fashion, on a flat stone, and then spread them out in the sun t o dry.
A religious The artist has exhausted his time or interest on the pret t y scene
above and shows his unwillingness to prolong his cramped position on
the floor by drawing the greater part of the register in the crudest way,
and even ending his task on the left hand with monochrome work in
white and pale yellow of the most slapdash sort. On the right the fam-
ily of Apy (?) is seen making offerings on an altar by the riverside to
three barks. Their sacred character is indicated by the ram's head of
Amon-Re which decorates stem and stern, a familiar feature in temples
and in Ramesside tombs. Each (?) bark holds a naos of the god in
the shape of a miniature temple, complete with obelisks and flagstaffs,
but in reality differing little from a burial catafalque. The royal sphinx
on its stand is a fixture of the boats, and a sign of the intimate relation
of Church and State, as is also the name of the reigning king, protected
by cherubim, which is cut or painted on the walls of the shrine, thus
The green trunks are an innovation, but there are traces of this color behind the dog on the right, and
one is seen on PI. XXXIX.
This incident is extremely rare, probably because it was generally performed by women indoors.
What we see may be fulling rather than washing, as in Newberry, Beni Hasan, II, PI. XIII. Our picture has
been reproduced in Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet 57.
putting beyond doubt the assignment of the tomb to the reign of ^rdigjoui
Rameses the Great.
The exact significance of the incident here is not
clear. The presence of the altar and of the bark of Amon cannot be
made to harmonize with a reception of the funeral bark of Apy by his
mourning children. The following boats, however, may have borne
royal figureheads and held shrines of Amenhotep I and his mother.
The scene would then form a certain parallel t o Plate XVI and to a
scene in the contemporary tomb, No. 19. In the one, the bark of
Thothmes I is being adored by his priest before being launched on the
lake; in the other, two barks are closely associated, one being that of
the deified Amenhotep, the other apparently that of the deceased offi-
cial. Apy held priestly office, probably, in the mortuary temple of
Amenhotep I.
The recurring celebration by him of the anniversary of
the burial of this numen might well be supposed to lay up favor against
the day when his own corpse would be conveyed to its resting place by
land and water, and need the service of a priest in its turn.
The row of guests, already noticed (page 42), which is continued Eastwaii,
north side
from the north wall on to the east wall north of the entrance, contrasts
unpleasantly, both in character and in direction, with the scenes below;
but this dull hospitality was almost obligatory in Ramesside tombs.
The rest of the space is devoted to pictures of outdoor life, new only in
the novel treatment they receive and the vivacious execution. A water
scene is properly placed in the lowest register, and aquatic labor and
sport, with other fen occupations, are therefore reserved for that posi-
tion (Plates XXX, XXXI).
The third boat is evidenced by a yellow smear on the mud surface, and only the exemplar of the sacred
bark enables us to interpret the daub. The addition of a fragment showing the royal sphinx drawn in the same
style makes the restoration certain. As the first and last boats contain similar shrines, the second also pre-
sumably does so. The inserted pieces do not prove this, as they would belong to the first boat, if the suggested
shift to the left were made (p. 49).
*Cf. PLXLI, 23.
See pp. 39, 4o, 42, note 1. The fact is almost proved by a fragment of a limestone libation jar in my
possession, showing the left half of a dedication to King Amenhotep (I?) and of the record of the donor ". . .
of Amon (?) in the Place of Justice, Apy."
If not, we may regard the episode as a detached record of Apy's official zeal or private piety. The dates
of the wine jars almost preclude the possibility of his having assisted at the burial of Rameses himself.
It is already apparent in Tomb 55 under Amenhotep III.
Cf. Wreszinski, Alias, Sheets 363-367.
Sowing and
and harvest
The story of the annual round of field labor begins in the upper
register. On the left a ripe crop of flax is shown, which Apy and his
wife are themselves pulling and leaving on the ground in neatly tied
bundles. Next is seen (or was, a few years ago) the deceased pair (?)
preparing the field for a crop of corn, the fields of earth being thus con-
fused with those of the world to come, where labor was to be an exhila-
rating pleasure that even ladies might share.
But the artist is not so
taken with the idea but that he presently reverts to menial help. The
narrative of events is both incomplete and told in false sequence, for
the field of corn is nowhere shown
and the grain is being measured be-
fore it is separated from the chaff. An overseer (Apy himself?) directs
the work of the husbandmen and the punishment of delinquents, and
receives the pay sheet from a foreman.
The next incident in point of time, though not of place, is the win-
nowing of the grain by men or girls. It takes place on the threshing
floor, a space marked out on the field by a ridge of mud, and is quite
traditional in treatment. The grain seems to have been measured,
however, in a shuneh or store to which it had been carried.
A part of
this scene still adheres to the wall and exhibits the strange physiognomy
and poses peculiar to this tomb, as also the gratitude of the peasant to
the powers that make the fields fertile. The ingathering of harvest has
been celebrated by the sacrifice of a goat and by other offerings, the re-
The names of the owner and his wife are generally appended to such scenes. There are traces of a
woman's name over the lady, but it does not seem to be that of Dowesmiset.
If the green grass is here represented as over man's height, this may be due to error. Some one, wishing
to repair the omission of the cornfield, seems to have painted a green background round the hoes, endeavoring
to turn them into sickles; but the falling away of the overlay has left the outlines in confusion.
The additional scene which Pere Scheil describes as involving six men can scarcely be pure phantasy.
Yet the ploughing group can only be squeezed in with difficulty, and leaves scant room for the scamp whom the
man facing left may be supposed to be chastising. A man lazily stretching his arms, a man pretending to hoe,
and a man holding another by the ear are all without parallel into the bargain, though quite in the spirit of PL
XXXVII. Either, then, the editor has misread his sketches and notes; or, after all, the two or three missing
figures were squeezed in above the cattle on a much smaller scale.
In Tomb 266, where similar scenes of agriculture are shown, the grain is trodden out on an oval floor
like that of the winnowers by four oxen, whose blue hoofs are clumsily drawn en masse (Fig. 5 on PL XL, in-
cluded by kind permission of M. Kuentz, its discoverer). On PL XLI, 26, will be seen fragments which
suggest that a second floor may have been shown in our tomb also. Was this, and also, perhaps, a field of stand-
ing corn, put in the top register, in sequence to the row of guests?
cipient probably being Ernutet the Snake, goddess of nourishment and Winnowing,
plenty. We shall see her again when the crop has been finally stored; and harvest
meanwhile chance has preserved a fragmentary figure of her, which
must have come either from this place or from the winnowers' floor.
The destination of the grain is twofold. Part of it is naturally re- Marketing
the grain
quired by the owner and his household; the rest is destined for the city
market and for the purchase (by exchange, of course) of other commod-
ities. All this is shown below. Transport from the distant fields is
preferably by water, whether that of the Nile or of a canal connecting
with it, as the overhanging trees may indicate. Economy has been
shown in drafting the scene, for loading is going on in the stern of the
two boats anchored side by side at the bank, while the unloading, when
the destination shall be reached, is already in full swing at the prow.
The grain has been conveyed from the fields to the ships on the backs
of men and asses, and opportunity has been taken to cater for urban
needs by including flowers and bales of green stuff in the cargo. A youth
with a ring in his ear bends under the weight of a bouquet, which, if
there were any need to believe the artist, is twice his own height.
The idea of money so dominates our ideas now that we do not shipmen
on shore-
readily grasp the fact that the crew will be paid in kind, but we realize leave
it as we see the men spending their wages with female hucksters on the
bank. Whether they have been compelled to wait till they arrive in
port, or have fallen into temptation before they start, is not clear. But
it is amusing to trace back by millennia the lure of the saloon for sailors,
which is none the less a lure from being as primitive as their appetites.
One of the women who are ready on the quay to exchange with boat-
men the products of the town for those of the land has set up a little
shelter of reeds. A great jar of wine and another of beer (?) form the
rival attractions of her bar, and she has done her best to make them
alluring. To add to the zest, the liquids are drawn from the jar, with-
out fear of floating impurity, by means of two reeds jointed at a right
1 have placed in the winnowing scene another tiny fragment which seems to show a hand grasping grain.
It might be that of a harvest deity (Davies, Tomb of Nakht, p. 63), but other interpretations are possible.
Shipmen angle.
The artist seems to be aware of the proverbial gullibility of
on shore-
leave sailors, who exchange a whole sack of corn for two miserable cakes, a
small fish or two, or a few cucumbers, and think themselves shrewd in
inducing the woman to double hesitatingly her first shameless offer.
The ships The river craft, like the fishing boats in the lowest register, have a
hull built up of short planks. The masts have been unshipped while in
port, and the sail and tackle have been wrapped round the masts and
yards and stowed away on top of the deckhouse. The mast is provided
with a frame at the head which serves the office of a pulley, and with
four disks which may have been attached to the yards and slid up and
down the mast, but seem, from the holes shown, to be contrivances for
keeping t he running tackle apart. Besides the latticed enclosures for
freight, the deck holds a neat cabin with a decorated window; but it is
so small t hat the bed projects beyond the door.
When the ships arrive at their destination, the sacks are carried down
gangplanks to the shuneh (grain yard). As each leaves the ship, a call
boy in the bow yells out the number of the delivery to the responsible
person in the granary. This building is, as today, simply a high-walled
court in which the different kinds of grain are piled. In Egypt the
weather need not be consulted, but the roofless storehouse leaves the
contents at the mercy of the birds. One of the boys set to scare them
away does, if the copy is to be trusted, raise his voice and missile against
these daring invaders, but his fellow sides with them and helps to con-
sume the grain. The artist believes in their efficiency so little that he
depicts the birds confidently nesting in the piles; but he strains our
credulity when he suggests that even wild ducks venture within the walls.
Sloth and piety went hand in hand, then as now. Place is reserved in
the enclosure for the harvest goddess, before whom are laid suitable
offerings of a cup of grain, a sheaf of wheat, and toasted bread whose
odor penetrates subtly to the indwelling deity. Whoever offers, the
*For the drinking-reed see Steindorff, Bliitezeit (1926), p. 56; Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, II,
p. 3i4; Griffith, J. E. A., 1926, p. 22; Erman, A. Z., 36, pp. 126-129; Tomb i 3.
* The women sit on little stools, of which the artist or copyist has sometimes deprived them. Probably
three similar figures of female vendors were shown on the right hand of the boats.
owner gets the credit; for the figure of the serpent is held tenderly to
the breast of his kneeling figure. The group is mounted on a naos-like
The final phase of the harvest home is now reached. However
carefully the crop is cut, and however well-swept the threshing floor,
some grain is spilled and a few inches of stubble are left standing. It
is therefore the business and joy of the younger population to take the
herds of omnivorous goats over the parched fields (Plate XXXIV). The
animals spread eagerly over the grounds that have been so long denied
them, the patriarchal leader of the flock with proper dignity, the young
kids leaping and frisking wherever there is room. Four lads accompany
them, provided with all the necessities for a long day in the fields. One
brings his fieldsman's crook, his dog, a skin of water, a sack of bread,
and his flute (?) in a case. Another, behind his charges, plays his pipe
with one hand. The goats wander as they will, often browsing on the
leaves of trees. When they have stripped these as far as their necks
will reach, their guides cut off the upper branches also for them. The
animals show red, black, and white varieties, besides signs of unrestricted
interbreeding. Some of them exhibit the two wattles which are often
seen on both sexes of the modern breed. One goat is drawn full-faced,
but neither thus nor in profile is the curve of the horns given the true
The scenes in the marshlands are irregularly distributed between The yield of
the marshes
the lowest register of this wall and the subscene on this and the north
wall. The separation of the subscene is not only marked on both walls
by a heavy black line, dividing it from the pictures above, but also by
a complete change of subject or a new treatment of the background,
the latter forming a very pleasing innovation. On the north wall the
usual device has been adopted of placing in the foreground a strip of
water, on top of which the action takes place, as if the men were seen
on the far side of a narrow inlet. But on the east wall so high a point
For kneeling figures holding a patron god, see Legrain, Statues et statuettes de rois et de particuliers,
III, Pis. XVII, XXIII, XLIII, XLVII, LI, and especially Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities in the Posses-
sion ofF. G. Hitton Price, II, PL XV.
The yield of
the marshes
Fishing from
the shore
Fishing from
of view is assumed that all objects are seen against a broad expanse of
water, and this, being treated as a light blue surface with angular black
ripples, has a very decorative effect, making a strong contrast with the
gold ground of the land scenes above it. It is, in effect, the extension to
a narrow strip of water of the treatment accorded under the old regime
to broader sheets when rites were being performed upon them.
On the north wall (Plate XXXVII) a commonplace scene has been
made fresh by a novel style and coloring, and by the introduction of
trees, drawn with the increased naturalism of the later period, when a
greater love of nature was abroad or art was made to harmonize better
with perceived truth. The drawing in of the seine is depicted in the
center of the picture. Though there is no great vigor in the action, the
monotony of the design is broken by the juxtaposition of a solemn
old man and a vivacious young fellow with a shock-head of hair, by the
turning of heads in lively encouragement or reproach, and by the figure
of the naked boy who seizes the fish one by one, as the net emerges
from the water. The fish are pitched into a heap,
and men and women
pack them in bags and carry them off to where "the fisherman Nia"
and a comrade sit, cleaning them on sloping boards. Three varieties of
trees are shown, whether with accurate portrayal or no does not matter,
for their spreading and supple branches, their hacked trunks, and their
sparse or thick foliage are rendered with such a happy blending of arti-
ficiality and truth that they could scarcely be bettered. Two of them,
with willow-like leaves, bear green pods (black at a later stage), like
those of the mimosa. A tree with similar leaf, but without fruit (perhaps
a tamarisk), has been given a light bluish green foliage which well re-
flects the subdued verdancy of a torrid land (Plate XXXIX).
On the east wall the same incident is repeated (Plate XXX), but
in this case, the net is gathered in from two boats, which are drawn to-
^ . g. , in Tombs 5i (PI. XVI), 87, 100.
The artist, being baffled by the thought of the wriggling mass, left it looking like a pale blue sack on the
The end of the scene, torn from the wall when the breach was made in it (p. 35), was found by me in
pieces, lying face down in the last inch of dirt (PL XL, 3).
gether as the operation goes on.
The task would not have been easy
to carry out if the lotus in the water had had a real, and not merely a
decorative existence.
The informative impulse of the Egyptian artist
is carried so far here that even the clod of mud in which the plant is
rooted is noted. The clumsy craft are built up of short planks, as usual,
three or four for both the length and height. The ends are more solidly
formed. Each boat holds a crew of three, besides a man to work the
net and one who exchanges advice with his fellow in the other boat
through his curved hands. The rowers would need to keep working
gently to keep the net taut and the fish enclosed. From the action of
their hands, one would judge them to be paddling, but as they face the
stern they must be using oars. If their flesh color alternates between
red and dark brown, it is only for variation's sake. The fish are shown
very large, the better to indicate the kinds secured (Plate XXXV).
Papyrus reeds separate this part of the pool from the shallows,
where the fowling net has been spread beneath the surface with such
care that the ducks swim over it and even preen themselves in fancied
security. Disillusion is near. The hunter, concealed among the reeds,
is already signaling to his comrades, who are ready to jerk the wings of
the net together by a vigorous pull on the rope.
Your Egyptian artist never discontinues anything. Though he has
secured decorative success by using a high viewpoint, he suddenly re-
verts to old habits, perching a fowler's skiff on the top of the pool, as if
this were framed solidly. He does this in order to accommodate an old-
fashioned fowling scene, the dimensions of which force him to make the
waves stand up in a wall, as at the hand of Moses, and to drop the
reeds down to the base fine.
This design, which goes back almost to the
origin of tomb decoration, must here be making its last appearance. It
is quite in the old style, and the decorous and staid action is quite in
Models of two fishing skiffs, with the net stretched between them, have been found by our Expedition:
Bulletin ofM.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 29.
Notice one instance again of the rarer Lotus Nymphaea. Cf. p. 54.
The axiom of draughtsmen that everything must be on a base line rendered them false to their own
convention; the base should have been removed below the boat, so that it might rest on water and not be
stranded on shore.
Fishing from
Treatment of
the catch
A scene of
keeping with a piece of play-acting, such as it really is. The owl in the
reeds plays a studied part, and the marauding cat is a familiar stage
property. Only the convolvulus is a modern touch, employed to soften
the stiffness of the palisade of reeds. The curious figurehead, which
seems a reflection of the bird which often takes its stand there, strikes
one as an old-world element, though almost unparalleled. The figures
in the boat are duly identified as "Apy, sculptor of Amon in ' The place
of Justice' on the west of Thebes," "His wife, the house-mistress Dowes-
miset," and "[His son?], Shemsu." What is left of the color shows that
it was originally a very attractive scene.
Viticulture, which seems to have been often carried on in the vicin-
ity of fens, is shown in the center of the lowest register of the main
scene. It is mixed up with details of the previous subject, for on the
left of this we see the catch of birds being preserved. When plucked,
they are either cured whole or cut in slices, which, after being hung up
to dry on lines stretched between two posts, are potted in salt. The
artist does not forget to depict the hawk which, scenting the offal from
afar, alights on this fence to secure his share.
In the lower division of
this same register naked boys are bringing the fish in bags, on the head,
and in the hand, to be cleaned for drying. In the shade of a tree on the
left, an ill-shaven man is making a net. He has pegged to the ground
the end or the throat of the net; another corner is held between his toes,
and, using a finger as a mesh-stick, he works his netting needle along
the edge to complete a new row.
The picture of the ingathering of grapes (Plate XXXIII) has been
turned into a design unusually decorative in both composition and color,
abandoning with happy result the stiffly arranged trellis-work of older
models and leaving the vine without artificial support.
Though the
leaves when seen in full view are almost as inaccurate as ever, they
A piece of this scene, showing the curing and registration of the catch, was cut out of the wall while it
stood in neglect, but was fortunate enough to reach the Museum of Berlin in fragments, and was published
by Wreszinski in his Atlas (Sheet 385B). Recognizing its provenance, I obtained a tracing by the kindness of
Prof. Schaefer, and have inserted it in my plate.
The holes in the net are injuries to the wall, not damages which are being repaired.
Davies, Tomb of Nakht, PI. XXVI, affords a good example of the old style.
are mingled plentifully with others half-furled and seen from the side,
the introduction of which, combined with gnarled stems and vagrant
tendrils, completely alters the aspect of the picture. The whole displays
aesthetic judgment seizing its opportunity in the midst of prescribed
The winepress, on the other hand, is drawn on the old lines, except
that the turning heads give liveliness to the scene, and that the ferret-
nosed peasants are almost transformed from marionettes into men.
The names of well-known members of the household have been attached
to most of the men but are now almost illegible; a scribe, Any, and
Amenhotpe, a servitor of Amon, may be among them. Another and
simpler form of press, perhaps the only form really used at this distance
from home, is seen, detached from the main action, on the extreme left.
In this case a netted bag is being compressed by torsion over a pottery
receiver. As only one end is being twisted, the other must be secured
to the bowl. It may be done in this case by tying it to a rod which is
laid across the broad mouth of the vessel and held in place by the feet
of the men who operate it.
This closes the description of a wall the lower part of which espe-
cially presents scenes almost unexampled for merit and for individuality
of drawing and coloration, as well as for excellent preservation, despite
mutilation in recent years.
The space between the row of guests at the top of the north wall
(page 42) and the subscene which has been appropriated for aquatic
pictures (page 60) is devoted to the manufacture of burial equipment
in the workshops. It is not, however, entirely for Apy's own use. There
Cf. Davies, Tomb of Puyemre, I, PL XII, and p. 64; also J.E.A., IX, PL XXVI, and p. i44.
Several bowls having two ears in the bottom were found in the vicinity by M. Kuentz, but they are
rather small for the above purpose. Still smaller ones were found at El Amarna (Peet and Woolley, City of
Akhenaten, p. 187 and PL XLVIII), and some of the oil jars at Knossos have ears inside as well as outside.
The rod laid across the mouth seems clear in the picture, though its office might only be to give the men power
to keep the bowl from twisting with the net. Of course this press might possibly be connected with the scenes
amongst which it is placed, and be a means of making potted volaille or fish. It occurs in a scene of cooking in
Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, II, p. 32.
Nevertheless, Pere Scheil dismisses it with the remark, "Le quatrieme registre figurait les vendanges;
le cinquieme la chasse dans les marais"; and then, after a word or two on the persons engaged in fowling, "Les
deux registres sont en trop mauvais Stat pour en tirer autre chose!"
A scene of
The wine-
North wall.
royal and
North wall.
royal and
a royal
Form of the
are two large pieces which the inscribed cartouches, as well as the
character of the designs, clearly assign to the temple furniture, or, less
probably, to the tomb equipment of the deified patron of the necrop-
olis, Amenhotep I, dead well-nigh three hundred years (Plates XXXI,
These are being fitted up and decorated under the super-
intendence of Apy.
What, then, was the occasion for this act of piety which by a lucky
chance has been depicted in this tomb, and can we learn from the pic-
ture the destination of the furniture? We know from records of King
Harmhab that he undertook a general restoration of temples through-
out the land and, in particular, gave orders that the burial, or burial
equipment, of Thothmes IV should be "repeated." It is evident, then,
that during the troublous times of revolution and change of dynasty
the mortuary temples of some of the kings had fallen into ruin and
their tombs had been rifled.
The reestablishment of the temples and
of the cult would go together, and we may conclude from the records
in the tombs of their priests that what Harmhab had done for Thothmes
IV, Rameses I and Sety I did for Thothmes I (Plate XVI) and Thothmes
III (Tomb 3i), and Rameses II did for Amenhotep I (here and Tomb
19). It is, then, open to us to adjudge this furniture to tomb or tem-
ple as best befits it, remembering always that the former affords Apy a
better sanction for the provision of his own burial equipment, a consid-
eration which would naturally be uppermost in his mind.
The two edifices are represented as three times a man's height.
But the feats of agility which the carpenters are performing by holding
on to vertical surfaces by toes and fingers, finding standing-room and
handhold where obviously none exist, while they deliver heavy blows,
are not calculated to give the picture evidential value. The quadruple
catafalque of Tutankhamon has given us an example of a structure as
See also Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheets 368-371.
His presence can scarcely be in doubt, although his name is wanting. A parallel is found in Davies,
Tomb of Two Sculptors, PL XI, where the owner, also unnamed, superintends the workshops of the necropolis.
As chief sculptor, Apy, like Apuki and Nebamun, would act as controller of skilled artisans, though the title
is not given him in the scanty texts.
Breasted, A.R., III, 3i, 32A; Carter and Newberry, Tomb of Thoutmosis IV, pp. xxxni, xxxrv.
solid, and not very much smaller, so that we can no longer say that Form of the
this is too large to be the furniture of a tomb.
We must not be misled
by the steps attached to each of the two structures here; they may be
provided only for the convenience of the workmen or of the artist. Ex-
cept for the white platform with colored decoration, this naos is entirely
black. As the canopied roof is presented as carpenter's work, this un-
usual color must be meant to indicate ebony; but a construction of this
size must have been made of commoner wood, painted or pitched to
imitate the costlier material. The heavy cornice and roof are shown
protruding beyond a smaller cella beneath, but whether in all direc-
tions, in front or in rear only, or merely in front to form a portico,
could not be made clear in an Egyptian design. It may seem to many
that the last form only was truly Egyptian, the others being Greek in
type, but we only need to turn to the temple of Elephantine to find how
untrue such a conclusion would be.
Indeed, if we took such a section
of that edifice as would best show the decorated side, we should have
so exact a model of our naos, save for its proportions and coved roof,
that we may conclude that that temple was in the mind of the later
designers. If the two flights of steps are an integral part of the naos,
it was, or imitated, a sanctuary through which priests might pass, de-
positing the portable image of the god within it and then leaving by
the other door.
The side wall of the naos is decorated with a representation of the
unity of Egypt (shown in red line). Horus and Set hold the entwined
symbolic plants, and in the middle the king kneels on the sema sign
between the goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt. Above is the
winged sun, who shines on South and North alike; below, mankind,
symbolized by rekhyt birds, bows, owning a common object of adora-
tion. The columns carry the titles of Amenhotep-JeserkerS. Two
We must remember, too, the alabaster sarcophagus, or sleeping chamber, of Mentuhotep, made up of
slabs dragged into the sepulcher at Deir el Bahri. But, if the supposed tomb of Amenhotep I is really his
(Carter in J.E.A., III, p. i4o), the subterranean chamber in which our edifice would be placed is little over
man's height.
*Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria, and Assyria, p. 3o5; Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire
de Yart dans Vantiquite, I, pp. 4oi-4o3.
Its decoration
A cubicle
Its use as a
wood-carvers are putting the last touches to this final embellishment,
for, of course, it could not be shown as incomplete. One of those
snakes, whose decreasing folds are often used to fill up spaces of this
shape, also protects a cartouche on the canopy. Vertical texts, giving
an enlarged titulary, run down the corners of the cella. "The god,
good and valiant, the son of Amon, . . . of the lords of Thebes, King of
South and North, . . . , son of Re, beloved of the gods, Amenhotep, to
whom life is given, beloved of Amon-Re, lord of Nesut-tawi, within (?)
Karnak," and "The good god, son of Amon, born of Mut, the great
one, lady of Asher, the King of South and North, ruler of the barba-
rians, lord of both Egypts, Jeserkere, the beloved bodily son of Re,
Amenhotep, to whom life is given, beloved of Amon-Re, lord of Nesut-
tawi, the great god."
The second structure is shown by its contents to be a canopied
sleeping place, set on a dais reached by steps. This scarcely reflects
the usual arrangement of the Egyptian house, or even of the palace.
Sleeping apartments seem to have been rooms of small dimensions, at
one end of which a low bench of brickwork was built to take the bed
or mattress. One has the impression of a confined, dark, and airless
room; even the vizier's bedroom at El Amarna was of this description,
unless it had windows in the outer wall. The royal apartment there,
however, was a columned room under the roof, with a bed set in
the middle of the room, curtained off by hangings stretched from col-
umn to column.
The apparent stuffiness of the ordinary bedroom
makes it likely that there was another sleeping place on the roof, or
in the upper story, for summer use.
In such case a bed, lightly
enclosed and roofed, and slightly raised from the floor, might well be
Though this erection is in the likeness of a canopied cubicle, it
does not seem primarily intended as a sleeping place of the dead king,
but as a portable catafalque, and shows in an unusually striking way
Davies, El Amarna, VI, Pis. IV, XIX, XXVIII; with a roof ventilator, I, PI. XXVI, and III, PI. XIII;
perhaps with a platform, III, PI. XXXIII. Cf. Woolley in J.E.A., VIII, p. 63.
Cf. the chapels on the roofs of temples to which the gods were taken in solemn procession.
that that enclosure which we see carried on men's shoulders, mounted
Its use M a
on runners, or secured on a bark, was happily conceived as a bed-
chamber in which the deceased slept that sleep which was at once his
last on earth and the first in his new existence. Though in our picture
it is empty, and carries a more than usually elaborate decoration, as
befits a king, yet it retains the division into three tiers, the lower one
of which, in other examples also, is left open, or partly open, to show
the reclining dead.
On this supposition, the seeming platform must have been carried
out in woodwork, like the rest, and the stairs have been removable, so
that the erection could be fixed to a sled or bark.
It may be doubted
if the superimposed columns at the corners can correspond t o reality;
corner posts have probably been ignored and attention directed only to
the ornament. The two upper divisions differ in treatment. The top-
most, having a yellow ground like that of the tomb walls,
seems to have
been filled with open woodwork. The red ground of the middle portion
and its polychrome decoration, on the other hand, betray that it is
only a hanging of cloth or leather, which, in the real construction,
would fall somewhat lower, so as to provide privacy for the sleeper and
shelter from draught. Ventilation would thus be afforded above and
Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, III, p. 445. Cf. also Pis. XIII and XXVIII of the present work.
An extremely interesting picture from the inmost chamber of a tomb is given in Davies-Gardiner, Tomb of
Amenemhet, Pis. XXIV, XXVI. It shows a sleeping place like ours, its yellow domed roof supported on light
columns from which birds hang. The sides are divided into three, as here, the lower part open and revealing the
mummy or coffin on the bier, provided with articles of toilet, the upper two divisions white and red respectively,
consisting of hangings, in all likelihood. A priest censes and purifies it, women mourn, and the dead pair are
at meat behind it. Below this a housemaid spreads a bed. Companion pictures show a banquet, and, below it,
two men playing at draughts and being served with wine. The dead is thus thought of as sleeping until due rites
enable him to awake and begin a day of eating, drinking, and amusement. The cabinet in this case differs
considerably from the catafalque which was dragged to the tomb (ibid, PI. XII). Is this symbolism, or was such
a cubicle actually placed in that room and the dead supposed to lie in it? The sleeping place in this form must
have had an original, domestic or funerary. It seems probable, then, that it is the burial catafalque, deposited
in the tomb (above or below ground), and regarded on occasion as the dormitory of the dead.
Many of these catafalques were clearly of such weight that they could not be risked on the deck of a
model bark which was to be dragged; hence the sides of the feigned platform were let down over the bulwarks of
the vessel, so that they rested on, or were mortised to, the runners. Or else the boat was a dummy, made up of
two ends only.
It is a dirtier shade, due, perhaps, to the color being painted directly on the mud surface, without a
white underlay. The fragments of woodwork found (p. 39) may be parts of Apy's own catafalque, which, with
due modesty, followed the model of the king's and was deposited in the tomb after the interment.
below without inconvenience, but these considerations apply only if
there was an actual domestic parallel for this bed place.
The three
orders of columns are all employed here, but the hanging ducks are
lacking, though they are a marked feature of the bedroom at El Amar-
na, perhaps owing to their association with the open air.
Details of the ornament may now be noticed. The carved openwork
is divided into little panels by columns for structural reasons, and the
work on the curtain is made to correspond. The central space of the
upper tier shows the crowned cartouche of Amenhotep I and a golden
collar below it, as if the name stood for the face of the king. It is guarded
by uraei and by the tutelary gods of South and North Egypt, who, by
their symbolic staves, give innumerable years to the king and transfer
to him the stability and life which are shown to be theirs by the symbols
on their heads. The wolf of Shit, the chief town of Middle Egypt, adds
his protection. To right and left stand Bes and Ta-uret, the powers that
guard the sleeper, the one (for men?) with the monotonous tambourine
that in the end induces sleep, the other (for women?) with the security
() that permits it.
In the lower tier the head of Hathor, gold-goddess
of jollity and love, as well as of the sleepful West, takes central place;
while on the other side of the ever-durable and living name of the king,
Horus-Re watches, himself guarded by the cobras of South and North.
To hold the balance even, Jeserkere, the human personality of the king,
has a shade spread over him by Nekhebet of the South.
Patterned curtains are very often used to shroud the occupant of such structures, both when funerary,
and when it is a god who is enshrined. They either completely enclose it, hang to the ground from some distance
up, or only cover the middle portion. The entire covering of a late queen's catafalque has been preserved for us.
It is a patchwork of colored leather and is six feet high: see Stuart, Funeral Tent of an Egyptian Queen, pp. 6-9.
Cf. also Pis. IX, XIII, XXVIII.
In Tomb 48 the statues of the predecessors of Amenhotep III are presented to him, and below is a series
of cubicles with flat tops, each with a valance hanging from the ceiling and a bed below. These might be the
bedrooms of the palace, but are more likely to be the shrines of these royal persons. Behind them are two figures
each of Bes, Ta-uret, and Sekhmet (?). The bedroom of Amenhotep III at Malgata is also adorned with figures
of Bes, above a dado of j? and m emblems: see Bulletin ofM.M.A., Oct. 1912, p. 186.
The inveterate impulse to punning, which is the lowest form of symbolism, as it is of humor, has turned
the body of the vulture into an eye, because it was of this shape and could be associated with the watchful eye
of Deity. To primitive thought a pun is not merely similarity of sound or form: the likeness proves a connec-
tion, even when it is past comprehension. This sapient jest is not made for the first time: see Aegyptische In-
schriften aus den honiglichen Museen zu Berlin, II, p. 35.
The furniture of the bedchamber, revealed below the screening J
curtain, comprises a long and yielding bed with high footboard, movable
steps for mounting it,
a head-rest, a copper mirror, and a bunch of figs
on a table, that early refreshment may not be wanting. As the ends of
the head-rest were liable to snap off, they are supported by two symbols
of well-being (j). The form of the mirror is due to another jeu (Tesprit.
Its shape naturally recalled the figure of the sun, and, as its weight made
support advisable, the artist bethought himself of the arms of the god-
dess of the horizon which receive the sinking, or uplift the rising, orb.
Mystic faith was thus added to common sense, and the arms were fitted
to the symbol of stability as to a body. An excellent design resulted;
structurally sound, tasteful, and full of thought.
The figures of the workmen who clamber about the erection, as if
it were of the most solid sort, are extraordinarily interesting. Their
mingled sloth and industry, their incessant chatter and frolicsome by-
play, are no longer reflected in legends attached to the groups, but the
loss is more than made good by an almost exaggerated dumb-show. As
an overseer in Egypt today will find an itinerant barber shaving the
heads of his men in, or out of the dinner hour, so here the professional
kohl-painter is treating the eyes of one of the carpenters (on the left-
hand stairway), who turns his head from his work to be attended to.
The man's stock in trade consists of a double tube of eye-paints with
the little rod of hematite slipped into its groove, a bag of dry powder,
a little phial (?) of water for mixing, and the wicker case which holds all.
Above this a foreman is shouting directions, or announcing the approach
of the surveyor, to an old man who is using a heavy mortising chisel
where no tenon can possibly be required. On the roof a carpenter is
more profitably employed in rubbing down the boards with a piece of
His simple outfit comprises a copper saw, and three chisels
for mortising and graving. A less industrious fellow has taken advantage
Steps like these, or high footstools, are commonly shown below the couch, yet existing beds have such
short legs that they could not be necessary. But if the bed were near the edge of a low platform they might be
called for.
Cf. Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 28.
of these
of this retired spot to lie down for a snooze. Apy (on the right), however,
has espied him and shouts vituperations, and a comrade tries to awake
him before worse happens. The men on the side from which the master
approaches are, of course, working diligently; but it rather looks as if
another barber had appropriated the steps below. Behind Apy were
other artisans or servants, to judge by a scrap of a figure which remains
beyond the breach in the corner.
On the whole, then, it seems likely that these two pieces of furni-
ture were destined for the mortuary temple of the king, the one being
the naos for its shrine, the other a catafalque in the form of a sleeping
chamber, to replace that used at the interment, or to serve in repetitions
of the burial on anniversaries and festivals.
Whether, by the close asso-
ciations here and on Plate XVI, Apy regards the shrines he has made
for the gods as a sanction for his own well-furnished burial, or is only
chronicling such services under a commission from the king, must be
left undecided.
The shallow register above this scene appears to deal with the
provision of burial furniture for Apy himself (Plate XXXVI). On the
left the shipped shrine in which his body will be dragged to the grave
is receiving the finishing strokes. One man drives home the finial of
the recurved poop; another saws off the pin which secures its fellow in
front; and a third fits on the staple which holds the drag-rope. A
fourth is beginning t o insert the emblems with which the panels are
to be filled, and which two or three men nearby are completing with
the adze. The two mummy cases which this shrine is to contain are
set up close by; both are bearded, although one must be t hat of Apy's
wife. We are informed in a naively indirect way that they are the
work of chisel and paint-brush, and are taken back to their origin in a
sycamore tree which is being felled for the purpose and the layers of
The ebony shrine of Thothmes II (Naville, Deir el-Bahari, Pis. XXVII-XXIX) forms an almost exact
parallel. The sides were mortised to footing beams or a sled, and it may even have been of the form shown in
our picture, since the more solid timber has been abstracted. The cella was 66 inches high and 44 deep, with
double-leaved half-doors in front. It may be added that it affords evidence that the mortuary chapel of this
king lay on the upper terrace of the temple. Another ebony shrine existed at Dendereh (ibid, p. 2), 5 feet high
and 66 inches deep, containing the bed of Osiris, probably from a bedroom of the god on the roof.
cloth which are glued together to form the cartonnage. The great
glue-pot is seen resting on mud supports over the fire, and being attended
to by an apprentice on elbows and knees, who blows up the fire with
his breath, despite the heat. Though on the lowest rung of the artist's
ladder, he has ambitions: when not absorbed in the task of keeping the
glue hot, he practises the commonest hieroglyphs on a stuccoed board.
A saw, two mortising chisels, and two gravers lie beside him, for he is a
man-of-all-work. The artist must also needs hint at the future use of
the furniture. The assistant holds the coffin erect in the attitude of a
mourner, and the eldest son, the sculptor, Any, reads "the service of the
opening of the mouth," as he would on the actual day of burial. The
apparatus for the rite is before him: a feather, an ams scepter, a snake,
a mace (?), a two-lipped flint, a finger, a ram's head scepter, a chisel,
two adzes, a haunch, five cups of grain, and one of water. An assistant
is smearing stucco or varnish over the face of a cartonnage mask with
his hands only, and can therefore attend to other men's business also.
Farther on, a store of finished articles is seen: two chairs, three
walking sticks, two caskets, two folding stools, two scribe's cases, two
head-rests. The finest piece of the outfit is being shown to Apy by his
son Nebnakht. It is apparently a pectoral, to which is attached for sus-
pension the usual fourfold string of round and drop beads. The inter-
rupted array of objects is continued to the right. Three caskets, four
bottles of ointment (made of glass, or of wood imitating it), a stool with
sandals and a washing ewer, a bed with fan and head-rest, and, below
this, a bowl of ointment for the head and a caraffe on a stand are still
The provision is sufficiently impressive, but there is no need to
suspect that, had we had the good fortune to find the inner chambers
intact, our booty would have been any less handsome. The room of the
Turin Museum, crammed to overflowing with exquisite products of
domestic art, all derived from one unpretentious gallery in this same line
Probably a
typical one
Apprentice-work on these and other simple signs is often found by excavators, cut or painted on sherds
or flakes of stone.
9 c a s
t s out effectively the spirit of detraction. Some shpddy things,
but also a large proport i on of beautiful and subst ant i al ones, were really
buried wi t h t he well-to-do dead in periods when good t ast e and good
workmanshi p prevailed.
Fragments As h
a s
been said (page 34), t he numerous fragments of pai nt ed
of destroyed .
surfaces plaster found in or about t he t omb, most or all of which may be pre-
sumed t o come from its walls, have not been very product i ve of definite
As t he dest royed l unet t es of t he end walls are t oo restricted
to hold all the scenes thus indicated, and as they appear, more than
once, to duplicate existing subjects, there is every reason to place many
of them on the vault. It is clear from fragments that a horizontal line
of polychrome text ran round the four walls near the spring of the arch,
and that columns of text rising from this divided the spaces into panels
on each side of a plain yellow mock-beam running along the crown of
the vault.
Such paneled scenes are often found both on the vaults and
on the flat ceilings of neighboring tombs. They are nearly always relig-
ious in character, but the least definitely so is one of the most favored,
the picture, namely, of the garden where the deceased kneels to drink
from the pool or to adore its goddess, and sits to receive food and water
from her hands, as in Plate IX.
The fragments bear witness to scenes
differing widely in scale of treatment. Those on the vault were probably
all of somewhat large type and carried out for the most part in fine
detail and rich color, though there are indications that some of the
panels were left blank or only roughly dealt with. The horizontal band
contains signs to which untraditional and inappropriate colors have
been given, showing how easily the love of gaudy decoration prevailed
over restrictive rules, even at this date.
The more interesting fragments, other than those introduced into the plates and those of the columns
and cornice of PL XXIV, will be found on Pis. XLI, XLII, numbered consecutively and so cited. Though they
are sometimes grouped together for convenience, approximate connection, or interpretation, there is scarcely a
single case where they fit with certainty, and many where they cannot. It must be confessed that none of the
fragments show a curved surface due to vaulting; but few are of a size to make this plain.
Cf. Nos. 33, 47 The vertical texts run, "Said by the amakhy. . ., chief of sculptors, Apy . . .."
So in Tombs 1, 5, 6, 7,10, 211, 2i5, 290, and on the walls of Tombs 3, 218. By exception ceiling panels
also show the dead playing at draughts (Tomb 7) and reaping the harvest (Tomb 215).
The lost scenes which these fragments presuppose, on the principle
ex pede Herculem, may be distributed as follows:
(i) A ceremonial procession of the deified king, Amenhotep I, is
revealed in the group No. 23, where the seated king is being carried by
priests in a gilt palanquin, on the side of which his attendant lion is rep-
resented. He is protected also by the wings of a hawk perched behind
him, and the accompanying priests shadow him behind and before with
feathered fans.
Probably his mother, Nofretari, was borne in state at
the same time, as there are extra sunshades and in No. i 3 a black figure
is being censed. The scene may have included Nos. 8, i 3, i4, 22, and
the attendants of No. 3o, if these do not belong to Plate XXVII or
XXVIII. A potsherd, No. 24, has a sketch in red ink, giving, no doubt,
the draft from which the group was drawn. Contemporary pictures of
the rite, quite parallel to this, survive in Tombs 19, 65, and elsewhere.
(2) Whether the foregoing rite can include another group of frag-
ments is doubtful, though Plate XVI would justify the addition of No.
42. If not, a repetition of the scene of interment must be presumed,
to which Nos. 4, 6 (a catafalque on its bark and another shrine of some
sort), and perhaps Nos. 27, 36, 37 also would be referable. There ex-
isted several other shrines of various sizes and sorts, as Nos. 2, 3, 5,10,
15-21 prove. They must come from one of these two ceremonies or
from Plates XXVIII, XXXVI. Tomb 2i5 shows a burial procession
which affords close parallels to several of our derelict fragments.
(3) Nos. 1,11,12 suggest two representations of a king in a pavilion
or shrine, or else two royal statues outside the pylons of a temple
; for
the scene of the royal reward is not likely to have been duplicated.
The supposed temple might be the goal of the procession of Amenhotep
I, No. 9 showing its starting point. If all the pieces cited under these
three sections could be referred to this one subject, the hypothesis
which places it on the north lunette would be more satisfactory; since,
even if the interment of Apy were added, these subjects would corre-
The cult of
Amenhotep I
Burial rites
A royal
CL PL XVI and Prisse, UAH Egyptien, PL 88.
*Cf. Theban Tombs Series, III, PL XIV.
A scene of
The hospital-
ity of Nut
Merits of
the scene
spond admirably to the double narrative of Plates XXXVI, XXXVII
below the intervening band of text.
(A) Fragment No. 7 on Plate XL suggests that there was a repeti-
tion of the scene of fowling (Plate XXX), to which No. 5i may also
have belonged. The pieces grouped under No. 48 show a similar sub-
ject, but treated in a totally different style, being crude in color, rough
in form, and without outlines, whereas the goose on the prow of a fish-
ing skiff and the great papyrus heads come from a richly colored and
finely finished scene. If inadmissible on the vault, it must come from
another tomb. It will be noticed that it repeats the boat with swan
figurehead and the papyrus with entwined creepers of Plate XXX.
(5) Numerous fragments are referable to one, or more probably
two, episodes of the hospitality of Nut, goddess of t he garden (Plate
XL, 2, and Nos. 5o, 53-57). Parallel pictures perfectly preserved
enable us to reconstruct the scene, even in color, and see Apy sitting
against the bright foliage and fruit before the goddess, or kneeling at
the foot of the tree which is her home. The artist makes no concession
to pragmatists who might object that he had placed his hero at the bot-
tom of the pond, instead of on the nearer bank. It is still more aston-
ishing to find a turtle and a hippopotamus in the water.
The representations here of both the date and dom palms are of
extreme interest as showing the artist's real interest in the forms and
color values of the trees, which he enhanced by setting them amongst
shrubs and clumps of large red poppies, evidently making of the whole
a panel of vivid, yet tempered, brightness. The dark maroon trunks of
the palms are jagged with the black stumps of the old branches, but at
the top those of last year are still fleshy and take on a pink, or, with
the ddm palm, a bluish flush. From these spring the great blue fronds
and the red-stemmed bunches of streaky yellow dates, whereas the dom
palm branches into two or three stems before it breaks out in slowly
unfolding dull green fans, relieved in this picture by masses of red nuts
frontispiece; Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet i n ; Tomb 290. For the immersed figure cf. Tomb 6.
Perhaps No. 53 belongs to the scene of fowling. A pond on the vault of Tomb 2i5 contains a turtle
and a crocodile.
and the long red fibrous streamers from which they sprang. Fragment
54, which shows stems of corn-flowers in bright metallic blues and greens,
must be added to our mental picture of this garden of Eden.
(6) Fragment 25, which shows a bowl of incense set on a pile of
offerings and a bunch of papyrus (possibly to be made up from the pieces
of No. 5i), wreathed in creepers with tassels of white and green, may
indicate that another panel contained a scene of offering, in which Apy's
son Shemsu
was presenting lotus flowers (Nos. 4i , 45, 46). An extant
fragment of a list of offerings might come from such a scene.
(7) No. 52 seems part of a bark of Sokar, or some such god; wor-
ship of this forms the subject of a ceiling panel in Tomb 211.
Nos. 34, 35 may come from the continuation of the scene on Plate
XXVIII. If No. 32 is from the row of guests seen on Plate XXVI, Apy
was seated on the right at the head of his guests, and a servant pre-
sented him with onions, saying "[For] thy [ka]; onions for [thy neck]."
No. 28 shows blue hair, and is therefore the head of a deity or of a
coffin. No. 29 resembles the symbol of the Thinite nome. No. 26 con-
tains two fragments which recall the trained vine and oval threshing
floor of Plate XXX, but, as there is no place for them there, they may
come from the garden on the vault. No. 7 looks like a chariot wheel
with the leg of a negro beyond it; it might be a lost addition to Apy's
reward or retinue on the southeast wall.
The net result is thus a vague idea of the range of illustrated sub-
jects which the lost spaces of wall and ceiling contained, and also of the
rich color with which the whole was filled, and which may have been
redeemed from garishness by the dim lighting of the tomb and the dark-
ness of the vault. To crawl into subterranean chambers which were an
anteroom of the underworld and find them already filled with unearthly
wealth of color was, no doubt, a gospel to those children of men over
Merits of
the scene
A scene of
The message
of these
The fragmentary character of these remains prevents their being shown in color, but copies will be
preserved in the archives of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, since few examples of Ramesside color work of
this quality are likely to be found. A newly found mural painting in the northern palace at El Amarna fur-
nishes the best parallel.
Cf. p. 62.
The message whose spirit the fear of death and darkness swept in recurrent shocks.
paintings The apparent duplication of scenes on walls and ceiling may have its
meaning. The frequent appearance of the watered garden and its god-
dess overhead suggests t hat a belief in a heaven which lay in the sky,
instead of beneath the western mountain, may have been in force; the
actual garden of the tomb was regarded only as a prototype and forecast
of a surpassing paradise above or beyond.
Abydos, voyage t o and from, 19
Adzes, 70, 71
Agricultural scenes, 56
Ahmose, Prince, 23
Ahmose, Q ueen, 9
Ai, shawabti figure of, 3
Akheperkereseneb, i 3, i4, 22
Akhnaton, King, xv, 7, 47
Alabaster, i4
Altars, 12, i 5, 25, 37, 38, 54, 55
Altars with arms, 12
Amenhotep I, King (Jeserkere), 39, 4o, 55,
64-66, 68,
Amenhotep I I I , King, 11, 17, 18, 55, 68
Amenhotpe, an official, 23
Amenhotpe, priest, 26
Amenhotpe, servitor, 63
Amenmose, chief priest, 22, 27
Amon, 8, 9,12, 29, 3o, 54, 55, 66. See also
"Singer of Amon"
Amon, temple of, 4o, 43
Amulets, 6, i4, 16, 28, 4i , 44
Angling, 20
Animals, mythical, 6, 28
Anubis, the god, 6, 7, i 3, 27, 29, 4i
Any, a scribe, 63
Any, son of Apy, 43, 5o, 71
Apprentice depicted, 71
Aprons, 7, 8, 10
Armlets, 43
Art, features of Ramesside, xv-xix, 6, 8, i 5,
16, 18, 42, 45, 46, 49, 54, 55
Art, freedom in, xvi, 8, i 5, 17, 19, 20,44
Asses, 57
Assessor gods, 12, 15
Aton, worship of t he, xv, xvi, 7
Atum, the god, 29, 38
Avenging monster, 28
Awning, 49
Axis of tomb demarked, 5
Baboons adoring, 28
Bag as winepress, 63
Balances, 5o
Baldachins, 6, 9. See also Naos
Baraize, M., 33
Barber' s outfit, 69
Base lines, 6, 5g, 61
Batter of walls, 34, 5i
Beads, 6, 16, 17, 39, 4o, 43, 44, 71
Beards, 10, 26, 70
Bedrooms, 66, 68
Bedrooms, furniture of, 69
Bedrooms of gods, 66, 70
Beds, 5o, 58, 66, 67, 69, 71
Beer, 12, 57
Belief in a heavenly world, 76
Birds, 17, 4i , 58, 62, 67
Birds preserved in j ars, 62
Black as color of royalty, 23, 73
Boats, 16, 19, 23, 25, 49, 54, 55, 58, 61,
74, 75
Booths, 24, 26, 49, 5o
Bouquets, 6, 10, 23, 25, 26, 43, 57
Bowl with internal ears, 63
Bowls, 10,39
Bracelets, 25,44
Braziers, 10, 24, 4i
Brick-work in tombs, 3, 4, 35-37
Bruyere, M., 34, 38
Burial chambers, 4, 37, 38
Burial chambers, concealment of, 4, 37, 38
Burial furniture, 22, 24, 49, 63-72
Burial places, 4, 5, 35, 37, 38
Burial procession, 25, 26, 49, 73
Burial rites re-enacted, 11, 22, 70
Cabins of ships, 58
Cartonnage, 24, 39, 71
Cartouches, 7-10, i3, i4 22, 26-28, 4o, 54,
64, 66, 68
Catafalques, 19, 39, 49, 54, 64, 66-70, 73
Catafalques, triple division of, 67
Gats, 42-44, 62
Ceiling, canopied, 5
Ceiling, patterns on, 5
Ceiling, pictorial panels on, 72-75
Ceiling, texts on, 5, 29, 72
Censer, 24
Chairs, 10, 17, 42, 44, 5o, 71
Charcoal, 7, 4i
Chariots, 25, 75
Chests, 26, 39, 49, 5o, 71
"Chief priest of Akheperkere," 8, 9, 11, i3,
i4, 21, 24, 26, 27, 29, 3o
Chisels, 69, 70, 71
Chnemet-ankh, temple of, 24, 26
Clearance of tombs, 3, 33
Coffin of wife shown by anticipation, 26,49,
Coffins, 4, 24, 26, 28, 39, 49, 5o, 75
Collars, 6, 7, 16, 24, 68
Collars as reward, 48
Color in art, xvii, xviii, 8, 18, 75, 76
Color of backgrounds, xvii, i5, 20, 36, 37,
51, 54, 60, 67
Color of decorative designs, 5, 6,28,4o, 4i,
45, 54, 74
Color modified for artistic ends, 9, 16
Columns, 3, 9, 20, 65-68
Columns with composite capitals, 9, 4i
Commemoration of a royal burial, 22, 55,
Cones of ointment for the head, 16
Cones presented, 4i
Corn-flower, 53, 75
Corselet of gods, 4i
Courtyards of tombs, 3, 4, 34-36
Cows as draught animals, 25, 26
Cressets, 12
Crocodile, 28, 74
Crook of herdsman, 59
Crowns, 6, 9, 21, 49, 68
Cubicle, 49, 66, 68
Cult of statue, 20, 73
Curtains, 68
Cushions, 44, 5o
Date palm in court of tomb, 35
Dates, 7, 44, 74
Deir el Bahri, 25, 27, 52, 65
Deir el Medineh, xix, 34
Deities attendant on Osiris, 6, i3
Delinquents punished, 56
Detail, over-attention to, xvii, xviii, 6, 7
Different executants in tomb, xix, 19
Different styles in a tomb, xix, n , 19
Dogs, 20, 28, 53, 59
Dom palm shown, 74
Doors, 4, 36
Doors, framing of, 4, 38, 39
Doors, shutter in, 52
Dowesmiset, wife of Apy, 38,42,43,56, 62
Draft for drawing, 3g, 73
Draughts, game of, 67
Drawing in white line, 36, 54
Dress, 6-10, 16, 17, 23, 47, 48, 53
Dress, stained, decorative t reat ment of, 44,
Dress, striped, 8, 45
Drinking booth, 57
Drinking reed, 57, 58
Dust sprinkled by mourners, 26, 45
Earrings, 25, 43, 44, 57
Ebony, 23, 65, 70
El Amarna, xix, 8,17, 20, 25,47,52,63,66,68
Elephantine, temple of, 65
Emblems, 49, 68, 70
Enmi t y shown t o Userhet, 11, i4 27
Erasures, 9-14, 21, 26-28
Ernut et , the goddess, 57-59
Evidence of additions t o Tomb 51, 5,11,19,
2 1 , 22
Ewers, 48, 71
Eye powder, 48, 69
Family records, small value of, 9, 10, 21, 22
Fan, 71
Fan-bearers, 47, 48
Fanes of north and south, 29
Fellahin, pictures of, 53, 60, 63, 69
Festal ointment, 45, 71
Figs, 18, 44, 53, 69
Figureheads of boats, 23, 49, 54, 55, 62, 74
Fish, 48, 58, 60, 61
Fish cleaned, 60, 62
Fishing nets, 60-62
Flagstaffs, 54
Flax harvest, 56
Flesh color, 9, 16-18, 61
Flowers, 20, 4o, 4i 43, 52, 53, 57, 74, 75
Flute, 59
Fly-whisks, 6, 5o
Foliage, increased attention t o, xvii, i 5, 20,
5i , 74
Footstools, 17, 42, 69
Fowling, scenes of, 61, 74
Fragments of scenes, painted, 4, 5, 20, 21,
23, 25, 34, 42, 49, 5i , 55, 57, 60, 62, 72-75
Frieze, 6
Fruit, 16-19, 35, 44, 60, 69, 74
Fumigation, 7, n , i 3, 49- See also Incense
Garden, 23, 46, 49
Garden of the tomb, 5,19, 20,35,72,74, 76
Garlands, use of, 6, 7, 10, 11, 16, 26, 27
Geb, the god, 29
Genealogies in tombs, 21, 22
Genii of the dead, 6, i 5, 28
Gloves, 48
Glue used on coffins, 71
Goatherds, 59
Goats, 56, 59
Goddesses of South and North, 65
Gods of t he heavens, i 5, 29
Gods of the necropolis, i 5, 29
Gods of South and North, 68
Goose as pet, 74
Graffiti, 28
Grain found, 39
Grain offered, 4o> 58, 71
Grapes as ornament, 4i
Graving tool, 71
Groom, 25
Hair, blue, 42, 75
Hair, fashions in, 8, 12, 4, 4i , 53
Hair, gray, 4o
Hapi, the god, 29
Hapu, vizier, 21, 22
Hapuseneb, chief priest, 21, 22
Harakhti, the god, 29, 38
Harmhab, King, 3, 22, 64
Harvest, deities of, 57, 58
Harvest scenes, 56, 72
Harvest thanksgiving, 56, 57
Hassock, 20
Ilathor, the goddess, 6, i3, 20, 27, 29, 39,
Hatshepsut, Queen, 21-23, 29
Hatshepsut, wife of Userhet, 9, 11, 16-18,
25, 28
Hawk, the divine, 42, 73
Hawk as scavenger, 62
Hawk-headed gods, 12, 21
Head-rests, 5o, 69, 71
Henet-tawi, mother-in-law of Userhet, 10
Heredity in office, 10, 11, 21
Hermonthis, 12, 29
Hesamentet, priest, 12
Hieroglyphs, mock, 28
"High priest of Amon," 21
Hippopotamus, 28, 74
History of Egypt, cleavages in, xv
Hoes, 56
Honeycombs (?), 7, 17
Horses, 25
Horus, the god, 39, 65, 68
IJotep dy nisut formula ("Ritual offering"),
12, 26, 29, 38
''House-mistress," 9,10, i3,16,29,42,43,62
House of Apy, 46, 5o-52
House, raised platform of, 52
Hucksters, 57, 58
Huy, son of Userhet, 29
Imamhab, daughter of Apy, 4i , 43
Imhotpe, 23
Imhotpg, vizier, 21, 22
Incense, 7, n , i3, 23, 29, 43
Inexactitude of artists, xviii, 19
Infanticide, a case of (?), 53
Inner lines shown, 18, 41
Isis, the goddess, 29, 38, 49
Jars, 39, 43, 53, 71
Judgment, scene of, 5, 20, 27
Ka of the king, emblematic, 23
Karnak, temple of, 43, 66
Khekers, 6
Khensem . . . , ancestor of Userhet, 21, 22
Khent(et)-Amentet, a goddess, 38
Khons, the god, 29
Khons-To, n
Kom el Ahmar, 3
Knossos, 63
Kuentz, M., 39, 56, 63
Kyiri, priest, 28
Lake, ceremonial on, 23, 24, 55
Lake as pedestal, 6, 17
Lamps, see Tapers, Cressets
Laziness of peasants depicted, 56,58,69-71
Leather bed-hangings, 67, 68
Legrain, Georges, 33, 46, 49, 5i, 53, 54
Libations, n , 26, 29, 4o, 4i
Libations, table for, 38
"Lieutenant of the army," 23
Lily in design, 9, 4i
Linen used on statues, 36, 37
Lion as symbol, 73
Lions' heads as ornament, 4i
Lotus, 6, 28, 35, 61, 75
Lotus (nymphaea), 41, 54, 61
Lunettes of vault, 36, 72, 73
Mafdet bark, 29
et, the goddess, 6, 27, Sg
Mamheka, 23
Man weighed against heart, 27
Marketing, 57
Marsh scenes, 59-63
Masonry lining to walls, 4
Mastabas (platforms) in tombs, 3, 35, 36
Medinet Habu, temple of, 4o
Menat, 4i
Mentuhotep, temple of, 27, 65
Merymose, son of Apy, 43
Meryt-seger, the goddess, 12
Milk sprinkled, 49
Mimosa, 60
Mirror, 69
Mond, Robert, 3
Mont, the god, 12, i 3, 20, 21
Moon, i 3
Mourners, 11, 23, 26, 29, 49. 7
Mud as material for statues, 36
Mud, tile of, 39
Mummy, coverings of, 24, 39, 71
Music, 25
Mut , the goddess, 3g, 66
Nakht, scribe, 26
Nakhtamun, son (?) of Apy, 36
Names written on arms, 16
Naos, 6, 9, i 3, i 5, 25, 28, 4o, 4i , 7
Nebmehyt, overseer, 23
Nebmehyt, priest, 11, i 3, 22
Nebmosg, an official, 26
Nebnakht, son (?) of Apy, 43, 71
Nebseny, priest, 26
Neferhebef, priest, 26
Neferhebef, son of Hapu, 22
Neferhebef (Userhet), 21
Nekhebet, the goddess, 68
Nephthys, the goddess, 49
Neti (?), water of, 4o
Net-making, 62
Netting needle, 62
Nia, a fisherman, 60
Nlnl attitude, 28
Nofretari, Queen, 73
Nut , tree goddess, i 5, 17*
35, 72,
Oars, 61
Obelisks, 54
Objects found in tombs, 3, 3&-4o
Offerings, list of, 75
Ogdoads of gods, i 5
Ointment, see Cones, Festal
On, city of, 29
Onions, 11, 75
Onnofer, the god, i 5, 29
Opening the mouth, instruments for, 71
Osirid statues, 25
Osiris, 6,12, i 3, i 5, 17, 19, 20, 24,27-29, 38
42, 70
Ostraca, 39, 71, 73
Outlines in painting, xvi, xvii
"Overseer of the treasury of silver," 23
"Overseer of the workshop of Amon," 26
Oxen, 48, 56
Paheripedet, vinedresser, 4o
Painting, degeneration of, xvi
Painting, schools of, xvi, xvii, xix
Painting, subjects of, xvi
Palace fagade shown, 25, 46
Palanquin, 39, 73
Palette of scribe, i 3
Papyrus as offering or amulet, 6, 8, 4o, 49
Papyrus as ornament, 9
Papyrus as source of designs, xvi, xviii
Papyrus columns, 4i , 52
Pavements, 36, 37
Pectorals, 6, i4, 24, 71
Performer of rite benefited, 8, 11
Pergola, 20
Persea tree (?), 53
Perspective, 18
Pet animals, 42, 44, 53, 74
Pet animals quarreling, 42
Petal garland as frieze, 6, 23
Pictures and models, their similarity, 5o, 52,
Pigeons, 4i
"Place of Justice, " i4, 38, 39
Plant found in tomb, 3g
Plaster obliterating designs, 9, 23, 26-28
Point of view altered, 59-61
Pomegranates, 5i, 53
Ponds, 20, 23, 35, 52, 54, 72, 74
Poppies, 43, 53, 74
Porch, 3, 4
Portable bark, 23
Portico, 4, 52, 65
Priest representing the king, 8, 4o
Priestly influences, xvi, xix
Priests, 11, i4, 23, 26, 27, 29, 4o, 55, 65, 67,
Ptah-Sokar, 38, 4i
Punning in Egyptian art, 68, 69
Purification, 5, n , i4, 26
Purification, slab for, i4
"Pylon of the Syrians," 4o
Pyramidal tombs, 4, 27, 49
Pyramidion, 38
Queen, rarer appearance of, 47
emwia, son of Userhet, 29
Rain, provision against, 4
Rameses I, King, 3, 7, 8, 64
Rameses II, King, xv, xviii, xix, 3, 11, 4o,
Rameses III, King, 4o, 5o
Ramesseum, 4o
Ramesside era, features of, xv, i5, 17,18,
42, 45, 46, 49, 54, 55
Ranunculus, 53
Rations issued, 5o
Re, the god, 29, 38, 39, 66
Realism in art, 8, 18, 20, 45, 5i, 52, 54, 60
Rebus used in design, 6
Rekhyt birds, 65
Relatives of deceased as guests, 42, 55
Restoration of fragments, 20, 21, 25,34,60,
Rewards of officials, 5, 20, 24, 25, 46-48, 73
Ritual outfits, 24
Rosettes in design, 5
Royal burials imitated by officials, 24,
55, 64, 70
Royal tombs, later restorations of, 64
Sandals, 5o, 71
Sandstone, 3-5, 25, 36, 69
Sashes, 7, 28, 47
Saws, 69, 71
Scaring birds, 58
Schaefer, Prof., 62
Scheil, Pere, 33, 46-49, 5i , 53, 56, 63
Schools of painting, xvi, xvii, xix, 8
"Scribe of the treasury of the god," 26
Scribe's case, 5o, 71
Scribe's tablet, 48, 71
"Sculptor (in the Place of Justice)," 38,
43, 62, 71
Second wife of Userhet, 10, 13
Sekhmet, the goddess, 68
Sektet bark, 29
Stem-priest, 11
"Servitor (in the Place of Justice)," 39,
Set, the god, 65
Sety I, King, 3, 8, 10, 64
Shading in pictures, 8, 18, 43, 45
Shaduf, 52, 53
Sheaves, 56, 58
Shemsu, son of Apy, 62, 75
Shepsut, wife of Userhet, 9, 11, i 3, 20
Ships, sailing, 19, 57
Shrubs depicted, 20, 5i, 74
Side-locks, 10,4i
"Singer of Amon," 9, 10, 16
"Singer of Mont," 10, 16, 29
Sistrum, 10
Sketches, xvii, 73
Skin, symbol of infernal gods, 6, 42
Skin worn by laborer, 53
Skin worn by priest, 7, 10, 21, 4o, 44
Slaughterhouse, 5o
Sleeping places of the dead, 66, 69, 70
Sokar, the god, 29, 75
Son as officiant, i 4, 21, 24
Soul-birds, 17, 19
Sparrows, 17
Sphinx, 7, 54, 55
Spirits of Buto, 28
Spirits of Nekhen, 28
Staff as burial equipment, 4
Stairways, 3, 65-67, 69
Stapf, Dr., 39
Stars as decorations, 7, 4o
Statues, 19, 20, 23, 25, 36, 37, 65, 73
Statues of god and worshiper, 59
Stelae, 3, 28, 38
Sticks, walking, 5o, 71
Stools, folding, 20, 5o, 71
Store, grain, 56, 58
Stucco, use of, 37, 39, 41, 71
Sun worshiped, 4, 38
Sunshades, 23, 73
"Superintendent of the city," 21
"Superintendent of vinedressers/' 4o
Sycamore, i 5, 17-19, 70
Symbolism, 6, 19, 27, 28, 65, 67-69, 75
Tackle of snip, 58
Tamarisk, 60
Tambourine, 68
Tapers, 12
Ta-uret, the goddess, 68.
Ta-usret, 10, 11, 16, 22, 29
Temple depicted, 23, 73
Temple of Mentuhotep, 27, 65
Tentant, relation of Userhet, 10
Texts, omission of, xvii, xviii, 5, 16, 19, 46
Thot, the god, i 3, 27, 29
Thot . . . , son of Userhet, 9
Thothmes I, King (Akheperkere), 5,6,9-11.
i 3, i 4, 20-22, 24, 55, 64
Thothmes I I , King, shrine of, 70
Thothmes I I I , King, 64
Thothmes IV, King, i 5, 17, 64
Threshing floor, 56, 57, 75
Titles of Apy, 38-4o, 42, 43, 62, 72
Titles of Userhet, 5, 8, 25
To, 11
Toes indicated, 17, 41
To-joser, the necropolis, 29
Tomb depicted, 27, 49
Tomb, essential character of, 5
Tomb of Nofretari, xix, 18
Tomb of Rameses I I I , 5o
Tombs of Thebes cited
No. 1, xix, 18, 72
No. 3, xix, 72
No. 5, 72
No. 6, 35, 72, 74
No. 7, 72
No. 8, 17, 44
No. 10, 42, 44, 72
No. 19, xix, 55, 73
No. 23, 52
No. 3o (KhensmosS), 3
No. 3i (Khons), 11, i 3, 16, 22, 24,
No. 38, 17
No. 39, 52
No. 4o (Huy), xvi, 47
No. 4i , i 5
No. 48, 68
No. 49, 18, 47, 52, 53
No. 5o (Neferhotpe), 3, 47
No. 51 (Userhet), xvi, 3-3o, 46, 60
No. 54, 17
No. 55, 47, 48, 55
No. 56, 16
No. 57, i 5
No. 60, 5o
No. 63, i 5
No. 65,
No. 66, 22
No. 69, 18, 44
No. 80, 52
No. 81, 52
No. 87, 24, 60
No. 90, 52
No. 93, 15, 18, 5o
No. 96A, 52
No. 96B, i 5
No. 100, 24, 60
No. io4, 62
No. 106 (Paser), 8, 19, 35, 47> &
No. i n (Amenwahsu), 3
No. 112, 5o
No. i38, 53
No. i57, 47
No. 181, 18
No. 188, 47
No. 211, 72, 75
No. 215, 20, 72-74
No. 216, 36, 52
No. 217 (Apy), xix, 8, 17, 24, 33-76
No. 218, 72
No. 254, 5o, 52
No. 266, 36, 56
No. 290, xix, 19, 72, 74
No. 299 (Anhur-kha
)> 38
No. 3i 8, 5o
No. 324, 20, 22, 3o
No. 332, i 5
Transitional period in art, xix
Trees, i 5, 18, 19, 35, 5i , 53, 57, 59, 60, 62,
Trees, felling, 59, 70
T-shaped pond, 17, 24
T-shaped pond as dish, 4i
Turtle, 74
Tutankhamon, xviii, 64
Unfinished decoration, 5, 16, 19, 29, 3o
Unity of Egypt, symbol of, 65
Unity in pictures, lack of, xviii
Uraei, 10, 41, 4 2, 68
Urner, daughter of Apy, 42, 43
Usermont, vizier, 22
Userpehti, priest, 26
Vase of libation, 24, 4o, 5o
Vaults, 36, 72, 75
Vine, 20, 62, 75
Vineyard, 4o, 62
Vintage, 62, 63
Vizier, 21-23, 47, 48
Vulnerability of late paintings, xviii
Walls, preparation for painting, xvii
"Warden of the temple of Rameses I I , " 28
Washerman shown, 54
Waterskin, 42, 53, 59
Wattles of goats, 5g
Weft-priests, 22, 26, 28, 29
Weeds as decoration, 6, 8, 4o, 43, 62, 74, 75
Weigall, Mr. , 33
Whorls in design, 5
Wife as comrade in sport, 20
Wigs, use of, 8-10, 43
Willow (?), 53
Window, 58
Wine, 12, 4o, 4*> 57, 67
Wine jars, 39, 55
Winepress, 63
Winged goddess, 28, 54
Winnowing, 56
Wol fofSi ut , 68'
Woodwork, pierced, 3g, 67
Worship, scenes of, 5, 6, 12, 20, 21, 28, 38, 4o
^ - ^
The plan is at the top of the page. A longitudinal section on the line indicated is below it, and a cross-section on a
line through the pit in the pillared hall is between them. Cross-hatching indicates brickwork
(See pages 3-5)
f i i i, ? i i ,i i i | i i i, i i q
Modi In England by Charlts lVhltlinghun V Grlggl (Prbam) Ltd.
A. From the northwest. The steps in the entrance are a modern addition
B. From the east. The contrast between the execution of the scenes on the near and on
the far side of the doorway is clear in both pictures
(See pages 4-6)
The upper part shows the worship of Osiris by Userhet and his family; the lower, their
adoration of Thothmes I and his Q ueen, of whose mortuary cult Userhet was priest.
On the right four ritual acts are performed for Userhet' s own benefit
(See pages 6-12 and Plates VI A, VII, VIII, and XI I B)
MU. m t.,'-Jh Cl,y, I i r cm- **" t*l
Offerings presented by Userhet and his family. The frieze is here seen in position
at the top of the wall
(See pages 6-9 and Plate VII)
Userhet, risen from the dead, adores the goddess of the West. Part of the burial scene
(See pages 26-28 and Plate XIV)
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages 6-9 and Plate VI A)
Painted by the late Norman Hardy
(See page 10)
Userhet, his wife, and his mother are accepting food and drink from the goddess of the
sycamore, so indicated by the tree on her head. The voyage of the dead t o
Abydos and his return are shown below
(See pages I5-IO, and Plates I and X)
MmJ* im E*f!Jh/ Chv'ui WTtiaafhmm 8f Grirrs rPrmttrt) LU.
A. The whole east wall, including the unfinished frieze
(See page 6 and Plates VIA and XVIII)
B. The wife and mother of Userhet. The shading on cheek, lip, and chin should be noticed
and the writing of their names on the arms
(See pages I5-IQ. and Plate I)
The procession of figures below is in this case directed t o the throne of the god Mont and
his consort Meryt-seger. Above is the purification of Userhet, and his appearance
before the judgment seat of Osiris
(See pages i 2-i 5 and Plates XI I A and XVII A)
The wives (or wife and sisters) of Userh^t
(See page i3)
The rites of lighting the lamp for Userhet and of consecrating a drink-offering to one Nebmehyt
(Seepages n, 12)
This comprises the acquittal of UserhSt and his entrance into bliss; his burial;
his rewards in life from the king
(See pages 24-28 and Plates VIB and XIV)
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See page 28 and Plate VIB)
Above, the reputed ancestors of Userhfit adore the god Mont. Below, the dead
pair are angling in a pond
(See pages 20-22)
Anniversary celebration of the funeral rites of King Thothmes I. Below is the burial equipment of Userhe"t
(See pages 22-24 and Plate XVIIB)
Userh<3t in the presence of the gods
(See pages I 3 - I 5 )
The funeral rites of the king reenacted
(See pages 22-24)
A. The frieze. It is fully painted on the left, but only one or two colors are put in on the right
(See Plates VI and X)
B, G. The patterns and texts of the ceiling. They also are unfinished at the same point as the frieze on the wall
and, in part, the picture below it
(See pages 5, 29, 3o)
A. From Tomb 217. 1. Three texts from wine jars. Scale 2:3
(See pages 3Q, 4O)
B. From Tomb 5i. 2. Graffito. Scale i:3
(See page 28 and, for its position, Plate VIB)
3, 4i 5. Fragments of stone and plaster. Scale i:4
(See pages 4, a3)
6. Stela in the court. Scale 1:4
(See pages 3, 28, 29)
* The necropolis from the east. The tomb is just above the standing figure
B. The tomb as cleared and repaired by the Expedition
(See page 34)
The plan is at the top of the plate. A longitudinal section on A B G D is below. A small
pyramid may originally have surmounted the tomb
(See pages 34-38)
A. The southwest corner
(See pages 36, 37, 4i and Plates XXIV-XXVI)
B. The west wall, north of the entrance to the inner rooms
(See pages 4o-45 and Plate XXIII)
Apy and his wife adore Anubis and Ptah-Sokar. The figure of the lady is on the adjoining north wall
(See pages 4o, 4i, and Plate XXIIB)
The figure of the lady is on the adjoining south wall
Painted by H. R. 11 op good
(See pages 4i> 4a, and Plate XXII A)
A restoration in color of the main scene
Painted by N. de Gar is Davies
(See pages 42-45 and Plate XXVI)
A. The attempt to show the cat en face is very unsuccessful. Note the white ring in its ear
B. A kitten on the lap of Apy
(See page 44)
G. The south wall in its present state
(See pages 4^-45 and Plate XXV)
Apy is rewarded by King Rameses II. The wall is now destroyed and the plate depends mainly on an earlier copy
(See pages 46-48)
The burial of Apy. His house and garden. His functions as priest
of the cult of a dead king
(See pages 49-55 and Plate XXIX)
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages 5o-54)
Agricultural operations, with an aquatic scene at the foot
(See pages 56-63 and Plates XXXI A, XXXII A, XXXIII-XXXV)
(See pages 55-63 and Plate XXX)
(See pages 60, 63-70, and Plates XXXVII-XXXIX)
The vintage, fishing and fowling
(See pages 6o-63 and Plate XXXIII)
Apy's daughter, Imamhab
(See page hi)
Painted by C. K. Wilkinson
(See pages 62, 63, and Plate XXXI A)
T\T k HPT? "V* "V" "V XT
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See page 69 and Plate XXXI A)
Painted by Nina de G. Davies
(See pages 59-61 and Plate XXXI A)
Above are guests; below, the preparation of the funeral equipment of Apy
(See pages 63, 70-72)
Above are two pieces of furniture to equip a temple of Amenhotep I;
below, a scene of fishing
(See pages 60,64-70, and Plates XXXIB, XXXVIII, XXXIX)
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages 66-70 and Plate XXXIB)
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages 5g, 60, and Plate XXXIB)
i. A sculptured slab. Scale 1:6
(See page 38)
2. The deceased adoring the goddess Nut. Scale i: 6
(See page 74)
3. Cleaning fish (from the north wall). Scale i:4
(See page 60)
4. Text from the door-framing of the inner room. Scale i:4
(See pages 38, 3)
5. Scenes from Tomb 266 for comparison with Plate XXX. Scale 1:6
(See page 56)
6. 7. Fish. A goose in the prow of a boat. Scale 1:4
(See page 74)
(See pages 33, 34, 3g, 73-70)
Fragments 27-46 Scale i:3
Fragments 47-57 Scale i:4
(See pages 33, 34, 73-75)