Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie

Japanese Mountain Religion: Shrines, Temples and the

Development of Shugendō
Hitoshi Miyake, Miyabi Yamamoto, Gaynor Sekimori

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Miyake Hitoshi, Yamamoto Miyabi, Sekimori Gaynor. Japanese Mountain Religion: Shrines, Temples and the Development of
Shugendō. In: Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, vol. 18, 2009. Shugendō. The History and Culture of a Japanese Religion / L'histoire et
la culture d'une religion japonaise pp. 73-88;

doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/asie.2009.1331

https://www.persee.fr/doc/asie_0766-1177_2009_num_18_1_1331

Fichier pdf généré le 06/02/2019

Résumé
Cet article retrace le développement historique du shugendō, depuis ce qu'on pourrait appeler sa
« préhistoire » — avec les croyances et pratiques de la période Jōmon relatives à certaines montagnes
sacrées — jusqu'aux pratiques ascétiques qui prennent le nom de shugendō (le terme shugen lui-
même apparaît dans un document daté de 868, mais le shugendō proprement dit date de l'époque
médiévale) ; et jusqu'à l'époque moderne enfin, avec la mise au ban du shugendō par le gouvernement
de Meiji en 1872 et sa réhabilitation par les forces d'occupation américaines en 1945. L'auteur souligne
la continuité entre les premiers cultes « préhistoriques » et l'ascèse médiévale, mais il insiste aussi sur
la rupture provoquée par la « Restauration » de Meiji.
Une étape importante vers la constitution « officielle » du shugendō est sans doute l'émergence au
début du IXe siècle de nouveaux centres bouddhiques, le mont Hiei et le mont Kōya, le premier
relevant de l'école du Tendai, le second de celle du Shingon. Le développement ultérieur du
bouddhisme ésotérique conduit à la « mandalisation » de la géographie sacrée du Japon, avec
notamment la mise en correspondance des lieux saints de Kumano et de Yoshino avec les deux
grands mandalas de l'ésotérisme Shingon, dits du Plan de Matrice (Taizōkai) et du Plan de Diamant
(Kongōkai). Vers la même époque se développe la légende de l'ancêtre fondateur du shugendō, En no
Gyōja (« En l'Ascète »). À l'époque d'Edo, le shugendō s'instutionnalise sous la pression du bakufu. À
l'époque de Meiji, il est prohibé comme « superstition » et les deux branches du Tōzan et du Honzan,
qui fédéraient jusque-là les groupes locaux de shugenja, passent respectivement sous la tutelle du
Tendai et du Shingon. Elles ne retrouveront leur autonomie qu'à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
Dans ce tableau chronologique, l'auteur aborde des questions diverses comme l'identité des
fondateurs du shugendō, l'histoire locale de ses principaux centres, le développement de sa littérature,
ou encore l'évolution de ses théories religieuses et de ses pratiques rituelles. Il insiste également sur
son histoire institutionnelle, à travers l'exemple des grands monastères bouddhiques comme le Todaiji,
le Kōfukuji, l'Enryakuji, l'Onjōji (ou Miidera), le Kongōbuji (au Mont Kōya), le Negoroji et le Daigoji, ou
des grands sanctuaires comme ceux d'Ise, de Miwa, de Kasuga et d'Usa.
En dépit de son histoire « hybride », fortement marquée par le bouddhisme sur le plan institutionnel (et
à un moindre degré par le taoïsme sur le plan des pratiques), l'auteur estime que le shugendō relève
avant tout des croyances populaires autochtones, et qu'il faut par conséquent l'étudier dans ce
contexte si l'on veut saisir sa dynamique propre. Tel qu'il s'est répandu d'un bout à l'autre de l'archipel
japonais, le shugendō doit se comprendre dans ses rapports tant avec le pouvoir central qu'avec les
notables régionaux, et dans ses structures organisationnelles influencées à la fois par des traditions
locales et étrangères.
 Japanese Mountain Religion:
Shrines, Temples and the Development of Shugendô

Miyake Hitoshi "WBM

Cet article retrace le développement historique du shugendô, depuis ce

qu'on pourrait appeler sa «préhistoire » — avec les croyances et pratiques de la
période Jômon relatives à certaines montagnes sacrées — jusqu'aux pratiques
ascétiques qui prennent le nom de shugendô (le terme shugen lui-même
apparaît dans un document daté de 868, mais le shugendô proprement dit date
de l'époque médiévale); etjusqu'à l'époque moderne enfin, avec la mise au ban
du shugendô par le gouvernement de Meiji en 1872 et sa réhabilitation par
les forces d'occupation américaines en 1945. L'auteur souligne la continuité
entre les premiers cultes «préhistoriques » et l'ascèse médiévale, mais il insiste
aussi sur la rupture provoquée par la « Restauration » de Meiji.
Une étape importante vers la constitution « officielle » du shugendô est
sans doute l'émergence au début du IXe siècle de nouveaux centres bouddhiques,
le mont Hiei et le mont Kôya, le premier relevant de l'école du Tendai, le
second de celle du Shingon. Le développement ultérieur du bouddhisme
ésotérique conduit à la « mandalisation » de la géographie sacrée du Japon,
avec notamment la mise en correspondance des lieux saints de Kumano et de
Yoshino avec les deux grands mandalas de l'ésotérisme Shingon, dits du Plan
de Matrice (Taizôkai) et du Plan de Diamant (Kongôkai). Vers la même
époque se développe la légende de l'ancêtre fondateur du shugendô, En no
Gyôja (« En l'Ascète »). A l'époque d'Edo, le shugendô s'instutionnalise sous la
pression du bakufii. A l'époque de Meiji, il est prohibé comme « superstition »
et les deux branches du Tôzan et du Honzan, qui fédéraient jusque-là les
groupes locaux de shugenja, passent respectivement sous la tutelle du Tendai
et
Guerre
du Shingon.
mondiale.
Elles ne retrouveront leur autonomie qu'à la fin de la Seconde

Dans ce tableau chronologique, l'auteur aborde des questions diverses

comme l'identité des fondateurs du shugendô, l'histoire locale de ses principaux
centres, le développement de sa littérature, ou encore l'évolution de ses théories
religieuses et de ses pratiques rituelles. Il insiste également sur son histoire
institutionnelle, à travers l'exemple des grands monastères bouddhiques comme
le Todaiji, le Kôfukuji, l'Enryakuji, l'Onjôji (ou Miidera), le Kongôbuji (au
Mont Kôya), le Negoroji et le Daigoji, ou des grands sanctuaires comme ceux
d'Ise, de Miwa, de Kasuga et d'Usa.
En dépit de son histoire « hybride », fortement marquée par le bouddhisme
sur le plan institutionnel (et à un moindre degré par le taoïsme sur le plan
des pratiques), l'auteur estime que le shugendô relève avant tout des croyances
populaires autochtones, et qu'il faut par conséquent l'étudier dans ce contexte si
l'on veut saisir sa dynamique propre. Tel qu'il s'est répandu d'un bout à l'autre
de l'archipel japonais, le shugendô doit se comprendre dans ses rapports tant
avec le pouvoir central qu'avec les notables régionaux, et dans ses structures
organisationnelles influencées à la fois par des traditions locales et étrangères.
74 Miyake Hitosh

Introduction

Until recently, Japanese religious history has been studied from the perspective
of established religion in terms of specific religious groups like Buddhism (often
further divided into individual sects), Shinto, and Christianity. Such an approach
defines religious traditions in institutional terms. However, from ancient times, th
Japanese have prayed for protection by asking the deities (kami tt) associated with
sacred sites such as mountains, forests, the ocean and islands to grant them good
harvests, safe childbirth and healthy offspring, and to cure their illnesses. Shintô
emerged from this kind of nature religion, and shrines were built at the foot o
mountains and in groves to pray to the kami. Religious practitioners trained at thes
sacred sites in order to become one with the deities, and people relied on them t
tell them why disasters struck and how they should cope with them. Later, othe
religions that emphasized religious training at sacred sites, such as Buddhism and
Daoism, were introduced from abroad. These religions brought with them rite
and rituals for acquiring magico-religious powers through ascetic practices. Wha
I call "folk religion" (Jap. minzoku shûkyô derived from a combination o
ancient nature religion and the religions introduced from abroad. This religiou
tradition can best be understood not in terms of the institutions they represented
but rather in terms of the needs they addressed. It was passed down by folk reli¬
gious practitioners who answered people's hopes and prayers through the spiritua
powers achieved through training at local sacred sites, shrines and temples. Th
most important of these practitioners are known as yamabushi and shugenja 0
and Shugendô is a typical folk religion. Therefore, by studying Shugendô, w
can gain insight into the common thread that runs through Japan's folk religiou
history. It is from this perspective that I will attempt here to construct a genera
outline of the history of folk religious thought by studying the development o
Shugendô. In doing so, I am particularly interested in focusing on its relationship
with Shintô, which also has its roots in nature religion.

Ancient Mountain Beliefs and Practices

In the Jômon period ULSCHtft (ca 13000-300 BCE), eighty percent of the Japanes
islands were covered by mountains and forests. The people of the time venerated
beautiful conical mountains and those of unusual shape with sharp summits. Th
religious culture of the period is represented by clay figurines called dogû dating
mainly from 2500-1000 BCE. Most depict females with the breasts and genitali
emphasized, from which we can infer that the people prayed to the mountain god¬
dess for fertility. In the Yayoi period (third century BCE-late third century
CE), when wet-rice cultivation was introduced to Japan, decorated ritual bells mad
from bronze (dôtaku MM) and bronze ritual weapons were buried near water source
Japanese Mountain Religion 75

the kami are called yorishiro ft ft. In the succeeding Kofiin period (fourth
to sixth century), large keyhole-shaped mound tombs were constructed. The corpse
and burial goods were deposited in the dome of the mound, which was directly
connected to a square-shaped area where religious rites were conducted. The burial
goods consisted of items to transport the departed soul to the other world, such
as clay birds, horses and ships, as well as the necessities for life in world beyond.
Because the names of imperial tombs in particular were suffixed with expressions
such as "mountaintop" (yama no ue lil Jr.), "ridge-top" (o no ue M_t), and "hilltop"
(saka ue
lllUt). We
®Lh,
see oka
herenothe
ue idea
fSJ±),
ofthey
the mountain
are called collectively
as the other"mountain
world.1 tombs" (. sanryô

From the late 6th century, Mount Miwa H$raiJL| in the eastern part of the Yamato
plain , together with Yoshino pji? in the south and Katsuragi [(or Kazuraki)]
UM considered
was in the west,
a kannabi
were worshipped
("divine
as sacred
seclusion")
mountainsmountain,
( reizan MlU).
where Mount
the deities
Miwa of

water and thunder resided; they were venerated from the Omiwa Shrine
at its base. Yoshino was associated with "water-dividing" ( mikumari ?k5ï) deities,
found in the headwaters of rivers, and also with metal, as its alternative name, Kane
no mitake [another appellation of Kinpusen sklU], indicates. Katsuragi
enshrined the clan deity (ujigami JS#) of the Kamo family regarded as a
thunder deity. Such shrines at the foot of mountains were for the veneration of clan
deities, who were invited there by clansmen during the spring festival (kinensai
and thanked for a rich harvest during the autumn festival (niinamesai ffW).
Villagers avoided entering sacred mountains, considering them the abode of the
deities. However, with the arrival of religions from the continent like Daoism and
Buddhism that encouraged mountain asceticism, they began to be used for religious
training (shugyô Wfs). For instance, at Yoshino, Kume Sennin trained at
Ryumonji while Hisodera was closely associated with the Natural
Wisdom group (Jinenchishu which specialized in a method of training
to obtain the power to memorize sûtras focused on the Bodhisattva Akàsagarbha
called the Kokûzô gumonji hô Being able to memorize sutras was a
sine qua non for official priests in state-supported temples.2 En no Ozunu
(En no Gyôja P-699-?) of the Kamo clan, who was later considered to be the
founder of Shugendô, Gyôki frS (668-749) and Dôkyô MM(?-772) all practiced
on Mount Katsuragi as lay practitioners ( ubasoku MÎÊM).
In the latter part of the eighth century, Saichô US (766-822) made Mount
Hiei ttllXllf a training site for the Tendai school. Hiyoshi (formerly Hie) Shrine 0
lies at its foot; native mountain deities were originally enshrined here, and
later the deities of Mount Miwa, Usa Hachiman Shrine and Hakusan âtfJ
76 Miyake Hitos

were brought there as well.3 Foreign tutelary deities were also adopted: the Sanmo
lineage of Tendai installed Sekizan Myôjin the deity of Mount Taisha
illll in China with which Ennin Hit (794-864) is said to have had a special bond
and the Jimon lineage, based at Onjôji in Ôtsu enshrined, throug
Enchin (814-71), Shinra Myôjin a deity of Silla origin, together wit
a local tutelary deity, Mio Myôjin Another mountain practitioner wa
Ennin's disciple Sôô (831-918), who trained at Yoshino and at Kuzukawa Bi
in the Hira range ifcfk lilM. He is considered the founder of Hokurei Shugen
It (Shugen of the Northern Peaks, i.e. Hiei and Hira), whose central practice wa
the thousand-day mountain circuit called kaihôgyô Sôô founded the templ
of Mudôji on Mount Hiei, still closely associated with the kaihôgyô practic
The Shingon sect, too, introduced at much the same time, was closely associate
with mountains. Its Japanese founder Kùkai =ëW (774-835) is said to have been le
into the depths of Mount Kôya ïSîiflil by a hunter-deity called Kariba Myôjin
where he was granted the mountain by the deity of the mountain, Niutsuhim
(Niu Myôjin The temple he established here, Kongôbuji
#, and his Kyoto temple Tôji granted by imperial order, became sites of ascet
practice. Traditional biographies of Shôbô HH (832-909), founder of Daigoji H
say he set up a ferry across the Yoshino river inSf/ll to ease the crossing fo
pilgrims to the Omine mountains and built a worship hall on Kinpusen #
(Mount Yoshino) where he enshrined a statue of Nyoirin Kannon
flanked by Tamonten (or Bishamonten and Kongo Zaô Bosatsu #
PJilcïllÈi.4 The expression shugen, referring to the attainment of magico-religiou
powers in the mountains, is found in an item dated JoganH 10 [868] 7.9 in th
Nihon sandai jitsuroku (Record of three reigns) which describes ho
the emperor summoned a priest called Dôju ïË$fc, famous for the magico-religiou
powers Yoshino.
around he had acquired through ascetic practices in the depths of the mountain

The Jinmyôchô (Register of Deities) in the Engishiki (Regula

tions of the Engi era 927, promulgated 967) contains the names of 2861 shrine
enshrining 3132 deities, thought to date from at least around the end of the eight
century, which received offerings from the court at the annual spring festival. O
these, 105 deities are associated with mountains in the broadest sense, fifteen ar
thunder deities, and seven are fire deities (Kagutsuchi no mikoto Th
compilations of local geography and customs known as the Fudoki M±fB (earl
eighth century) mention 27 kami enshrined in the mountains and a further fou
"mountain-entrance" kami (yamaguchigami li|P#). They were regarded as deitie
of a bountiful harvest and were associated with crags and summits and with th

shoin
3. A'XiSfëi,
Sagai Tatsuru
1992. Hie taisha to Sannô gongen El a A-fi t [I I Kyoto: Jinbu
Japanese Mountain Religion 77

dragon/snake deities of ponds and swamps. Volcanoes such as Mount Fuji Hi ± ill,
Mount Aso HUlIl and Mount Chôkai were also revered as deities.5
Deities could also be potentially malevolent. The Kitano Tenmangu
shrine was built around the middle of the tenth century to quiet the vengeful spirit
of Sugawara no Michizane (845-903), who had been exiled to Dazaifu Jk
(Kyushu) and died there. The Gion Shrine îSBlWït, dedicated to Gozu Tennô
of Mount Gozu the guardian deity of the Jetavana monastery in
India, was erected to prevent the spread of disease. Others deities were particularly
associated with oracles ( takusen Iém). These include Fushimi Inari on the
southern outskirts of Kyoto, originally the tutelary deity of the naturalized Hata clan
MB; of Yamashiro lliM, and both the guardian deity of Tôji and the centre of
a widespread cult as a harvest and an oracle deity; and Usa Hachiman, in northern
Kyushu, where the Ômiwa A# ft sacerdotal lineage had installed the empress Jingu
and emperor Ôjin (known collectively as Hachiman AI#) as its
enshrined deities. In 863, this deity was enshrined by Gyôkyô frffc of Daianji
at Hachiman Gokokuji in the district of Iwashimizu 5 If 7_k in Kyoto.
By around the beginning of the eleventh century, the idea that the world was
nearing the period known as the last days of the Buddhist Dharma ( mappô shisô
iS3®) was taking hold of the popular consciousness, particularly in view of the warfare
and natural disasters that had become so prevalent. Belief in Amida Nyorai
M (Amitàbha Buddha) and Miroku Bosatsu flifrlfill (Bodhisattva Maitreya), both
associated with the next world or world renewal, became very popular. Pilgrimage
to Kinpusen (Mount Yoshino, Kane no Mitake) became widespread, after Fujiwara
no Michinaga (966-1028) and other members of the nobility made offer¬
ings on the mountain, believing it to be the site where the future Buddha Maitreya
would descend to earth. Between then and the thirteenth century, more and more
pilgrimage sites gained in popularity, particularly a group of three shrine-temple
complexes in the Kumano region, known as Kumano Sanzan fitlfHLLi: Hongii
believed to be Amida's Pure Land, Nachi thought to be Kannon's Mm
Pure Land Fudaraku (Potalaka), and Shingu fr®, where deities from across
the ocean (the other world) were enshrined. The retired emperor Shirakawa S M
fêt, the first former sovereign to make a pilgrimage to Kumano, appointed Zôyo iff
# (1032-1116) of Onjôji, his guide, as Kumano kengyô (overseer) and raised
Chôkai the Kumano bettô SOU (superintendent), to the priestly ranking of
hokkyô WM (Master of the Dharma Bridge). The position of Kumano kengyô sub¬
sequently became hereditary within Onjôji. Kumano pilgrimage spread from the
nobility to rural gentry across the country and Kumano sendatsu TfcjH (guides) led
people to Kumano from all over Japan. The sendatsu requested local figures called
oshi fPfjif to arrange prayer rituals (ganmon JStSC), lodgings and guidance within the
mountains for the
master-follower ties.6
pilgrims. These contacts eventually developed into a system of
78 Miyake Hitos

Shrines and the Development of Shugendô

The Shozan engi ffllllilB (Origins of Various Mountains, ca 1180) includ

the legend of En no Ozunu (En no Gyôja), the legendary histories (engi) of th
mountains of Kinpu, Ômine, Kumano and Kasagi 5£u!lJLl, and descriptions of th
sacred sites of Ômine, Katsuragi, Kasagi and Ikoma 4JffiJ|I|.7 There are also scattere
references to Shugendô as a folk religion in other legendary histories of Shuge
mountains, such as Yamato Katsuragi hôzangi AffllIfcicîllIlfB, Kinpusen sôsôki
and Kinpusen himitsuden Relying on these, I would like
introduce briefly the ideas, ritual practices, sacred sites and organization of Shugend
in the early stages of its development.
Shugen ascetics, to whom practice at sacred sites is central, hold the lay prac
titioner En no Ozunu and the magico-religious powers he attained through h
ascetic practices as their ideal, as is clear from the titles by which he is best known
En no Gyôja (the ascetic) and En no Ubasoku IS®!!!! (the lay practitioner). Th
legendary biography relates that he attained power by chanting the mantra
the Peacock Deity (Kujaku Myôô ïLiÉffiiE)» and was able to make demons do h
bidding. He ordered kami from various locales, as well as the deity of Katsurag
Hitokotonushi -fîtt, to erect a bridge joining the Katsuragi and Kinpusen peak
but because Hitokotonushi would not obey, En cast a binding spell on him. Late
he was exiled to Izu on a false charge made by Hitokotonushi but was pardone
through the auspices of the deity of Mount Fuji. Legend says that later he travelle
from Mount Minoo 38® lU in Settsu 8§ to China with his mother. The Konjak
monogatarishû $}mîM (Tales of Times Now Past) contains the story that En n
Gyôja made Kongo Zaô Bosatsu, the main deity of Shugen, appear at Kinpusen
while the Kumano gongen gosuijaku engi MMWt (Origins of the Kuman
Deities) which survives in excerpts quoted in the Chôkan kanmon (116
contains the tradition that Kumano Gongen was originally Wangzij in (Jap. Qjishin
ï.-?# , the guardian deity of Mount Tiantai (Tendai) nlil, who flew to Kuman
by way of Hikosan 0UJ (or 0|!|) and Ishizuchi ïïHiii.9
Many well-known mountains in the central provinces were associated with
sacred geography based on the Diamond and Womb mandalas. For example, th
Omine range, stretching from Yoshino to Kumano via peaks such as Misen HU
and Shakagatake WMïiïï, was divided into the Diamond and Womb realms, on th
Yoshino and Kumano side respectively. Similarly the twenty-eight chapters of th
Lotus Sutra were buried among the peaks in the Katsuragi range, which extend
from Futagamiyama — ±lU in Yamato (Nara prefecture) to Kada in the K

19)] 9.
7.
8.
; Kinpusen
Editor's
"Shozan
Editor's
Kinpusenji
sôsôki
note:
engi"Yamato
note: ffllliMS.
Chôkan
shiryô
Katsuragi
kanmon
Jisha
5T"Jinja-hen
engi
hôzangi Afnltft£îïll|f2
5,Kai
Yamato
Tokyo:
(NST
sôsho,
20),
no
Kokusho
vol.
[Chûsei
kuni
pp. 8342-43.
[Kai
kankôkai
Shintôron
sôsho
; Kinpusen
SIITUfr#,
himitsud
vol.
200
(NS
Japanese Mountain Religion 79

peninsula (Wakayama prefecture fOSfclil®!). Other places where shugenja

practised asceticism (tosô include the mountains between Kasagiyama (Kyoto)
and Hasedera running through Higashiyama ïKlil in Nara, and those between
Shigisan #Jt|jL| and Iwashimizu Hachimangù, running through the Ikoma hills.
Shugenja who trained in such places were considered to be capable of warding off
evil spirits by reciting, for example, the Heart Siitra , the mantras of Fudô Myôô
ITOI and other divinities, the Kômyô mantra the darani of Senju Kan-
non {senju darani "f--PÈH/Ê:), and the Nakatomi no harae
Such ideas can also be found at much the same period at the main shrines. For
example, according to the Bikisho B-MW (1324; compiled by Chien ©HI), a text
belonging to Segidera the jinguji WIeTtF of the Outer Shrine (gekù
of Ise, a shrine dedicated to Amaterasu, the most famous of the heavenly deities
(tenjin #), the Inner Shrine (naiku 1*1 HO represented the Womb realm and the
"cause," while the Outer Shrine represented the Diamond realm and the "effect";
together they manifested the indivisibility of the two realms and of cause and effect
{kontai funi , ingafuni The central, or "heart," pillar ( shin no
mihashira driven into the ground inside the main shrine of Ise Jingù
K represents Mount Sumeru, the cosmic mountain of Buddhist tradition, and it is
guarded by the eight great dragon kings (hachi dairyûô Acflï). Further, the text
says that the deities of Sannô, Kamo Hachiman and Kumano are suijaku
1ÉSÉ (manifestations) of Amaterasu Omikami The Asakumagatake giki
(early fifteenth century), a text associated with Mount Asakuma
5, the inner precinct of the Ise Shrine, says that Shôtoku Taishi ISf&ifcF1 rode to
Mount Ômine on the black horse of Kai (Kai no kurokoma ¥Sc<£>Hi&0, and then,
in response to an oracle from the deity of Ise, went on to Mount Asakuma.11
At Ômiwa, a shrine dedicated to Ôkuninushi, the most famous of the earthly
deities ( chigi ifefift), there were two important temples: Byôdôji established
by Kyôen HEM (1140-1223), who had practiced at Ryumonji flHf at Yoshino and
at Kinpusen; and the Ômiwa jingiiji (later Daigorinji fiSIINp), restored by Eizon
H$M (1201-90), a central figure in the precept revival movement at Saidaiji
in 1285. According to the Miwa daimyôjin engi (Origins of the Great
Miwa Deity; 1318?), Miwa ("Mount Mimuro" fflMlU) is made up of the Diamond
realm of Dainichi in the north, where the Great Hibara Deity dwells,
of the Dainichi of the Womb realm in the south, where the Great Ômiwa Deity
dwells, and in the middle is the Non-dual Dainichi and Amida.12 This
description recalls a passage in the Shozan engi that near Jinzen $Ëfil], the site of
consecration rituals in the Ômine mountains, is a triple rock-cave whose bottom
80 Miyake Hitosh

layer enshrines the Amida mandata, whose middle layer enshrines the Womb realm
mandala, and whose top layer enshrines the Diamond realm mandala. The lore and
traditions
to the laterrecorded
formation
in of
works
Miwa
such
Shinto.
as the Bikisho and the Miwa daimyôjin eng. le

People also visited Mount Hiei, where the three precincts (Eastern Pagoda o
Tôdô Western Pagoda or Saitô and Yokawa HîJI[) were said to correspon
respectively to the Diamond realm (the Wisdom Fist Peak, chikenhô th
Womb realm (the Principle Fist Peak, rikenhô and the Susiddhikara (Sos
hitsuji (the Peak of Nonduality, funi-hô This division is in accor¬
dance with the esoteric teachings associated with Tendai (Taimitsu □ $?), which
interpreted Sannô ill 3:, the tutelary deity of the mountain, as the personification o
the principle of the unity of all aspects of truth. The three vertical strokes and on
horizontal stroke of Uj (mountain) and the one vertical stroke and three horizonta
strokes of 3Î (king) express the basic Taimitsu principles of the "three provisiona
manifestations as one truth" ( sangon ichijitsu H®Jï), the "oneness of the thre
truths" (santai sokuichi ), and the "three Insights in one thought" (isshi
sankan -hHfH), out of which Sannô Shinto |JL|3Î#jë grew.13
Such Taimitsu hermeneutical strategies closely resembles those of Shugendô
which made a similar interpretation based on the word yamabushi ll|{£. Here, th
strokes of the character ill were said to represent the "unity of the three division
of the teachings" (sanbu gôitsu Hnfl-o), the "oneness of the three bodies of th
Buddha" ( sanshin sokuichi HJpgp— ), and the "three truths in one thought" (santa
ichinen ), while the left hand radical (A [man]) of expresses the origina
state of all phenomena ( hosshô ?£1Ê) that exists inherently within all beings and th
right hand radical (it [dog]) our inherent unenlightened nature, which, combined
expresses the nonduality of ignorance and enlightenment ( mumyô hosshô Juni
ti'F— ).14 Again, shugenja belonging to the Amano Nagatokoshu based a
the Niutsuhime (Amano) Shrine in the foothills of Moun
Kôya practiced copying the Lotus Sutra and depositing it in the mountains, an
their mountain-entry ritual centred on practices associated with the twenty-eigh
siitra burials in the Katsuragi mountains.
In the late medieval period, the Kumano sendatsu were allocated specific "par¬
ishes" (kasumi ft) by the Kyoto temple Shôgoin HHI in its capacity of Kumano
superintendent (Kumano sanzan kengyô). Within these areas they had rights t
perform prayer-rituals for supporters, to distribute talismans and amulets, and t
guide local people to the sacred mountains. Even during the disruptions caused b
civil war in the sixteenth century, backing by Shôgoin ensured that their activitie
continued under the protection of provincial rulers {shugo daimyô wh
Japanese Mountain Religion 81

power rose at that time. Shôgoin worked to bring local shugen under its control
and from this grew the so-called Honzan -ha $|JLlM group, which created lore and
legends that associated En no Gyôja with pilgrimages to sacred mountains all over
Japan as well as an image of En no Gyôja on the model of the deity Shinra Myôjin
of Onjôji. By around the latter half of the thirteenth century in the province of
Yamato AfQBl, proto -shugen groups associated with the large Nara temples, such
as those belonging to the East and West Kondô of Kôfiikuji and
the Lotus Hall and Chùmondô of Todaiji were practicing
in the Eastern Hills LU of Nara and the Ômine mountains. At that time, many
mountain temples in the Kasagi, Ikoma and Katsuragi ranges of Yamato, includ¬
ing Kinpusen, were branch temples of Ichijôin — and Daijôin the two
most powerful subtemples of Kôfukuji, which meant that Kôfiikuji influenced their
mountain-entry practices in the Omine mountains.15 However, as time passed,
shugenja belonging to these temples began disassociating themselves from Kôfukuji
and formed their own association, known as the Tôzan shôdai sendatsu group ft
Many of them were Kumano sendatsu. Other temples joined them
from the latter part of the sixteenth century, including two sendatsu of Handôji IS
(Umemotoin and Iwamotoin ë$l) who ran fund-raising offices for
Kumano Hongù Shrine, and Segidera in Ise. The most powerful temples of the
group were Negoroji Handôji, Segidera, Bodaisen Shôryakuji
(Nara), Kongôbuji (Mount Kôya), Uchiyama Eikyuji Sakuramotobô ®
7U#j (Yoshino), and Byôdôji (Miwa).
In the course of the sixteenth century, fully-fledged biographical literature about
En no Gyôja appeared, such as the En no Gyôja hongi which recounts
stories of him proselytizing at sacred sites across the country, and of his birth and
early years, such as that he was conceived when his mother, Shiratoume
dreamed she swallowed a vaj'ra pounder, and that he received consecration from
Ryuju Bosatsu (Nàgàrjuna) at Mount Minoo.16 Various ritual practices were
also devised at this time: mountain-entry practices such as that of the ten realms
(jikkai shugyô -ffr-Wij), the hashiramoto rite in which the shugenja become
the axis joining heaven and earth, and exorcism rites in which shugenja become one
with Fudô Myôô and subdue evil deities with the vajra pounder.17 "Shiratoume,"
the name of En's mother, is thought to signify the female deity who houses the
spirit of the rice plant (more specifically, the fox), and in fact rites exist where shu¬
genja manipulate fox spirits, received from Fushimi Inari and the like, to exorcise
evil spirits. Also popular were beliefs and practices centring on Izuna iK$S, a form
82 Miyake Hitos

of the fox, and the tengu (long-nosed goblins). According to the Bikisho , th
vajra pounder used by shugenja symbolized the unity of the diamond and wom
realms. The central pillar used in the hashiramoto rite has much in common wit
the "heart" pillar that connects heaven and earth inside the main shrine at Ise,
well as the Daigengu jZT&Ë of Yoshida Shinto §EH#ift.18
The origin tales, legends and ritual practices of temples and shrines at majo
sacred sites in the medieval period share a great deal with Shugendô origin tale
ideas, and ritual practices. In other words, there is an underlying idea that acts as
supernatural basis for bringing benefits to ordinary people: that sacred mountain
are places where deities and spirits dwell, from whom shugenja look for divine revela
tions and with whom they seek to become one through their religious practices, s
they can conduct magico-religious activities among the people. Such ideas of th
function of the sacred are symbolized by the "mandalaization" of sacred sites an
the existence of a pillar that represents the cosmic axis.

The Spread of Shugendô and its Relationship with Shrines and Temples

In the seventh month of 1665 (Kanbun 5), the Edo government issue
Regulations for Temples of all Sects (Shoshûjiin hatto ordering th
Buddhist authorities to maintain strict hierarchical relationships between head an
branch temples and to encourage learning appropriate to sectarian tradition. Als
issued the same year were regulations (Shosha negi kannushi hatto
JS!) authorizing the Yoshida house to supervise all shrine priests.19 Regulations ha
already been issued to Shugendô in 1613 (Keichô MS 18) which recognized th
differentiation between the Honzan and Tôzan groups, and allowed them to compet
with each other (shugendô hatto JësiltîSK).20 Onmyôdô SHHHt (the Way of Yin an
Yang), too, was regulated, when Emperor Reigen lËTGÎjË ordered Tsuchimikad
Yasutomi (1655-1717) to supervise Onmyôdô practitioners from all ov
the country in 1683 (Tenwa 3) (an order that was recognized by Tokugaw
Tsunayoshi f&JIIHin as well). Shugendô suffered a diminution of authority in th
early Edo period, losing out to Buddhism over the performance of rites (especiall
funerals), to the Yoshida house over the control of female shamans (miko M#;), an
to Onmyôdô over divination (about which Shugendô was involved in continuou

according
see
offt
Ganshôdô
Yoshida
Takano
18.
19.
Tokyo:
Date
Editor's
toshoten
Kanetomo."
Toshihiko
this.
Tôkyô
Mitsuyoshi
note:
For daigaku
more
For
MN the
on47:
shuppankai
government
Daigengu
1930,
Kinsei
1 (Spring
Nihon
pp.
Nihon
and
371-72.
shùkyô
policy
1992):
Yoshida
no seidoshi
towards
kokka
27-58.
AllShinto,
acts
kenryoku
ruijukô
shrines
1989.
and
seeedicts
Allan
and
to shùkyô
temples
G. Grapard.
mentioned
in thehereafter
"The
Edo Tôky
perio
Shina
Japanese Mountain Religion 83

disputes).21 This may be attributed to the fact that Shugendô, as an ancient and
combinatory form of religion, carried out many of these activities as a matter of
course, while the Edo shogunate gave authority to each individual sect to develop
its own distinct doctrine and ritual practices. Thus, in accord with government
policy, both the Honzan and Tôzan groups codified their own doctrine and ritual
practices and gave guidance to their branch temples. In addition, traditional centres
of Shugendô such as Rumano, Kinpusen, Haguro, and Hikosan affiliated themselves
with Tendai through Tôeizan Kan'eiji in Edo, and they too worked to
bring local shugenja and supporters under their control.
In the Honzan group, Shôgoin, the Kumano superintendent, allotted its high
ranking (inge MM) subtemples (such as Nyakuôji the Kumano magistrate
[Kumano sanzan bugyô , Jushin'in and Sekizen'in "par¬
ishes" (kasumi ) in particular provinces and gave them control over Honzan shugenja
in those areas. Powerful local Shugen temples were also given control over certain
regions: for example, Fudôin in Satte (in Kasukabe #0®, Saitama
prefecture i«ï3Efl) controlled Kantô, and Musashi iKit province in particular, while
Gyokuryubô ïÊilt#/ of Odawara /M33JE (in Kanagawa prefecture had
authority in Sagami fëMfî and Izu Goryu Shugen a powerful force in
the eastern part of the Chùgoku region 4*1 Hife# and Shikoku since the end of the
medieval period, was authorized to continue its control there, as were Hômanzan
î?}P§lLj and Kubotesan ïïïllJLl in Kyushu. Administrators ( nengyôji were
appointed for almost every district in the kasumi, and during the Genroku jtfà era
(1688-1704), the government ordered that liaison officers (furegashira Mil) also be
appointed to provide a channel of communication between the head temples and
the magistrate for shrines and temples; at that time, the Bettô of the Hikawa Shrine
in Akasaka MM (Edo), Daijôin was named to fill this position for
the Honzan group.22
At Kumano, each of the three shrine-temple complexes set up an office (hon -
ganjo to coordinate fund-raising efforts to pay for repairs to their buildings.
Shugenja and bikuni ifcftM (itinerant "nuns") played a particularly important role in
this regard at the Shingù and Nachi offices. Some Kumano bikuni had begun bas¬
ing themselves at Ise from around the latter half of the sixteenth century and they
worked to raise funds for the Uji Bridge and for the periodical rebuilding
(sengU M'Ê) of the Ise Shrine.
During the Edo period, twelve temples made up the core of the Tôzan shôdai
sendatsu group: Handôji Temple (Umemotoin and Iwamotoin), Segidera, Boda-
isen Shôryakuji (Daibô 335 and Hôzôin MMffîc), Bikôsan Ryôzenji
Miwasan Byôdôji Uchiyama Eikyûji (jingûji of Isonokami Shrine
S-hfftt), Fudarakusan Matsunoodera Hôyusan Takamadera 9.
in the district of Kazuraki no kami H_hfjP in Yamato, Kongôbuji on
84 Miyaké Hitosh

Mount Kôya and Sakuramotobô in Yoshino. They all maintained lineages (calle
kesamoto throughout the country. By contrast, Sanbôin, which had take
over control of the Tôzan shôdai sendatsu group, aimed to acquire shugenja wh
were directly under its control, including those belonging to the lineages of th
twelve sendatsu temples. To do so, it employed to good effect the tradition tha
Shôbô, regarded as both the founder of Daigoji and the instigator of the Tôzan
shôdai sendatsu group, performed the Ein consecration at Hôkakuji BIS
#F in Yoshino; it renamed Kaijôin in Edo as the Edo Hôkakuji and mad
it the general superintendent (sôkesagashira $H§§SSgS) for the Tôzan group all ove
Japan, appointing it thtfuregashira of the Tôzan group. The position of head pries
of both the Yoshino and Edo temples was combined and given to Nitaibô
bettd of Hakusangù SlJLlK, the guardian shrine of Kamoeji in Hamamats
(Shizuoka prefecture fflfl), where there was a high concentration of Tôzan
group shugenja ,23
Shugenja of both the Honzan and Tôzan groups entered the Ômine mountain
through Yoshino. Yoshino as a whole was under the authority of Tôeizan Kan'ei
in Edo, the de facto head of the Tendai sect. Both Tendai gakuryo I
fS (higher-ranking priests) and Shingon mandô (lower-ranking priests) wer
an integral part of the shrine temple complex. There were also shugenja belongin
to both the Honzan and the Tôzan groups there as well. The chief deity there ha
long been Kongo Zaô Gongen and his cult extended all over Japa
as a result of proselytization by shugenja .

The Banning and Restoration of Shugendô and its Relationship with Mountain
Temples and Shrines

In 1868, the Meiji government enacted a series of laws (known as the shinbuts
bunrirei "Separation Orders") which banned Buddhist priests from
serving the kami, prohibited the use of Buddhist titles such as Gongen for kam
and the cult of hybrid deities such as Gozu Tennô and required that all statue
and implements related to Buddhist rites be removed from shrines.24 This had a
enormous impact on the mountain shrine-temple complexes that had venerate
the kami as combinatory deities (Gongen ffiJM) for many centuries, and on th
village shugenja. Places that were essentially Buddhist temples enshrining tutelar
kami either released their control of the shrines, as at Mount Hiei, or turned them
into temples, as at Mount Kôya where the shrine of Kôya (Kariba) Myôjin ïbSf (ï
M) and Niutsuhime became the Hall of Dainichi of the Diamond and Wom
realms (Kontai no Dainich idô #§p<7)À0). However, mountains complexes whos
main object of worship had the title of Gongen were automatically considered to b
Japanese Mountain Religion 85

shrines. As a result, the Kumano Gongen Shrine at Hongù became Kumano Nimasu
Shrine the Zaô Gongen Shrine at Yoshino became Kinbu Shrine
tttt and the Haguro Gongen Shrine became Ideha (Dewa) Shrine their
Buddhist components were abolished. From around 1888 though it was possible
to get permission to restore the Buddhist temples in such places. Former Gozu
Tennô complexes in the mountains continued after changing their name
to Gion Shrine Many village shugenja who had served tutelary deities and
small local shrines "laicized" in order to continue as kami priests.25
In October 1872, the government banned the "Shugen Sect" (Shugenshù #
IÉtï?) and required the Honzan, Tozan and Haguro groups to affiliate with either
the Tendai and Shingon sects. In 1890 a set of regulations governing the "Honzan
Shugen sect" were drawn up at Shôgoin, principally by Jushin'in and and
by Jikôbô Ê7Ï6#;, the administrator ofMorioka (Morioka nengycji
This stipulated that the former Honzan group would become part of Tendai, with
Shôgoin as head temple. The Tôzan group similarly became part of the Shingon
sect under the jurisdiction of Sanbôin. At first, shugenja at Yoshino served Kinbu
Shrine, but in 1886, the Zaôdô HïH: was given permission to be revived as a Bud¬
dhist temple affiliated with Tendai. Under these circumstances, shugenja restored
mountain-entry practices and worked to revive the doctrinal study of Shugendô.26
Thirteen Shinto sects were recognized by the government during the 1870s, in
what is known as Kyôha Shinto WÙÂWM.. Most incorporated mountain beliefs and
practices, either directly through former Fuji confraternities (Fuji-ko ll±ii) (Fusôkyô
Jikkôkyô Hfrlfc) or Kiso Ontake confraternities (Ontakekyô
ifc, Taiseikyô or more indirectly, incorporating some elements derived from
mountain practices through them (for example, Shinrikyô WMWi, Shinshukyô ttS1
Shûseikyô and Shinto honkyoku Groups of lay practitioners
(tohaikô mountain veneration confraternities), organized by local shugen-type
figures called oshi MM, also continued to climb sacred mountains even though the
old Shugendô complexes had mostly been turned into shrines as a result of the

Ambros.
graphics
see
eton:
Chicago
and
Cambridge
64:
TheJames
125.
26.
27.
Politics
Buddha
(Spring
1991.
Princeton
in
Press,
Editor's
Emplacing
Inoue
Ketelaar.
the
(Massachusetts)
Editor's
of
Worship
2009):
aEdo-Meiji
2005;
Nobutaka
Pilgrimage
University
note:
note:
Of
anote:
83-125.
Gaynor
Pilgrimage,
in
Heretics
For
For
Haguro
Transition,
also
the
Site
studies
and
Press,
Sekimori.
see
and
Meiji
inLondon:
Shugendo,
The
Japan,
Id.
Martyrs
on
1989;
Kyôha
history
Shingon
Oyama
"Sect
shinbutsu
"Paper
1573-1912.
Sarah
Harvard
shinto
in
Shinto,"
of
1869-1875."
Cult
Meiji
and
Fowl
Shugendô,
bunri
Thai.
no
and
Tôzanha
University
Japan:
and
keisei
inChicago
and
Regional
Rearranging
Shinto,
Wooden
JJRS
its
see
Buddhism
Shugendô
effects
Press,
Miyake
and
AReligion
32:Fish,
Short
London:
2the
2008;
particularly
and
(2005):
in
2005,
The
History,
Landscape
in
Western
its
Early
Tôkyô:
Id.
Separation
Persecution.
pp.
The
197-234;
"Clerical
ed.
Modern
90-93.
on
Sagami."
University
Kôbundô
of
Inoue
Shugendô,
the
of
Barbara
Demo¬
Japan.
Princ¬
Gods:
Kami
et
MNal.
of
86 Miyake Hitos

Separation Orders. Temples such as Shôgoin and Sanbôin too provided an institu
tional base for lay confraternities in the Kinki region.28
On December 15th, 1945, following World War II, the Occupation authoritie
(GHQ) issued the Shinto Directive abolishing State Shintô, permitting Shintô t
continue only as a religion supported by its adherents. Some two weeks later th
government lifted all restrictions on religious organizations with the publication o
the Religions Corporations Ordinance (shûkyô hôjin rei which allowe
groups to register as religious juridical persons by submitting the rules that governe
their particular group. Subsequently, the Shugendô groups that had been banne
since 1872 gradually reestablished themselves. In 1946, a number of groups tha
had been under the Tendaishu umbrella gained independence: Shugenshu (Shôgoin
the former Honzan sect, now known as Honzan Shugenshu), Shugendô (Gory
Sonryuin lEffîMW&c), Hagurosan Shugen Honshu (Kôtakuji Tn
and Tendaishu Jimonha (Onjôji); Ôminesan Shugenshu
(Kinpusenji now known as Kinpusen Shugen Honshu
became independent in 1948. In 1946, Shingonshu Daigoha RlfSliSlM (Daig
Sanbôin) separated from Shingonshu.

Conclusion

In Japanese folk religion, people revered sacred places as the abodes of deitie
and spirits, especially mountain ranges and forests that were behind, or could b
seen from, villages on the plains. With the introduction of wet-field agriculture t
the archipelago, such deities were venerated as "water-dividing" kami who allocate
running water. Shrine Shintô was formed around the idea of ujigami (villag
tutelary deities) as such beliefs incorporated reverence of ancestral deities. Wit
the introduction of Daoism and Buddhism, both of which emphasized religiou
training in the mountains, the practice of religious austerities in sacred mountain
were introduced. Such practices gave rise to practitioners who specialised in th
intonation of mantras and other formulas (mikkyô genja and in the Lotu
Sûtra (hokkejikyôsha î£|S:J\ff§f). Shugendô — the way of mastering magico-religiou
power {gen o osameru michi it;£0#>§ïË) — came into being around the thirteent
century. Medieval thought, including that of Shugendô, centred on sacred place
and on the nature of the deities and their entourages enshrined there, on origi
tales connected with them, on ascetic practices performed there and on the bas
of the power (gen IÉ) attained. Such ideas grew up around Ise (especially aroun
the concept of heavenly deities), Miwa (around the concept of earthly deities
Mount Kôya and Mount Hiei, and the Ômine and Katsuragi mountains, of centr
importance in the development of Shugendô. Many of the people who formulate
these ideas were associated with Onjôji, founded by Enchin and a later Shugend
Japanese Mountain Religion 87

centre, and Daigoji, a monastery founded by Shôbô, the priest who had restored
mountain-entry practices in the Ômine mountains.
Beliefs and practices associated with sacred mountains were greatly influenced
by Indian, Chinese, and Korean ideas and there are very close connections between
Japanese mountain beliefs and those of other parts of Asia. Such examples include
legends of deities flying from the Vulture Peak in India, such as at Ôminesan and

refer
otherto
places;
Mount place-names
Sumeru (Shumisen
like Mount
MMlU);
Misen Buddhist
Mill and Myôkôsan
altars (shumidan MMM)
which both
that

symbolize the cosmic worldview based on Mount Sumeru; the cult of Gozu Tennô,
the tutelary deity of the Jetavana monastery in India; the Chinese deity Sekizan
Myôjin associated with the cult of Taishan Sill who became a guardian deity of
Mount Hiei; Shinra Myôjin, a deity probably linked to the mountain deities of
Silla; the legend that Kumano Gongen was originally Wangzijin EE?#, the guard¬
ian deity of Mount Tiantai, who flew to Kumano; and the cults of Hikosan and
Hakusan,
SsBlil in Korea.29
which are thought to have been derived from the cult of Mount Paektu

In the early modern period, the government oversaw religion, allowing sects
to coexist, encouraged sectarian doctrinal study and established a hierarchical
control structure within them (hon-matsu seido A general division of
labor emerged, where Buddhism presided over funerals and memorial rites, local
shrines provided agricultural fertility and personal protection, and village shugenja
practiced divination, giving oracles through mediums and making prayer requests
(kaji kitô Local shrines tended to be managed by local people, but in
northern Japan a large number were under the care of shugenja. Sometimes priests
ofYoshida Shinto and Ryôbu Shinto Rf nfSttîË (based on esoteric Buddhism) would
both offer prayers during local shrine festivals. From the middle of the eighteenth
century, pilgrimage to sacred mountains by ordinary people became very popular,
not only to ancient sites like Ômine, the three mountains of Dewa, and Hikosan,
but also to Mount Fuji and Kiso Ontake. The spread of National Learning ideas
(kokugaku about shedding a mindset based on Chinese ideas ( karagokoro §t'L>)
and returning to native Japanese ways of thinking (yamatogokoro supported
popular beliefs in sacred mountains. Forms of folk religion such as climbing sacred
mountains to venerate them, praying at temples and shrines, and making pilgrim¬
ages were advocated by lay religious figures, including shugenja.
The Separation Orders by the Meiji government resulted in large numbers of
Shugendô mountains becoming shrines and particularly in northern Japan and
Kantô many village shugenja dropped their Buddhist associations to serve their
local kami. Shrines in the sacred mountains continued to conduct mountain open¬
ing and closing festivals, and annual festivals on the peak, and tried hard to exert
control over the sendatsu and oshi with their long-standing ties with lay supporters.

The Fuji and

associated with
Ontake
the Omine
confraternities
mountainsgaveflourished
rise to Shinto
after sects,
the area
while
hadconfraternities
its Buddhist
88 Miyake Hitos

identity recognized after the late 1880s. Shôgoin and Sanbôin, which had affiliate

with the Tendai and Shingon sects respectively after Shugendô was banned, becam

the institutional base for such. Pilgrimage flourished in the 1910s and 1920s, an

during the Second World War, the government encouraged mountain pilgrimage

a way to train imperial subjects. There were also many practitioners who continue

to train in the mountains to gain psychic powers; to make their practices lega

they were variously affiliated with former Shugendô groups and temples now und

the umbrella of Tendai and Shingon, as well as with Shinto sects with mountai

connections. In the postwar period, all these various groups created their own

independent religious organizations. Mountain shrines, now restricted to religiou

activities alone, could openly conduct rituals such as mountain-entry that shugen

had previously practiced. Religious practitioners who sought magical powers in th

former Shugen sects, Shugen temples, and mountain halls founded new religiou

groups and confraternities. When shrine precincts (keidai iiifà) were returned

sangaku (mountain) shrines lilërffitt following the separation of religion and sta

(seikyô bunri they once again conducted mountain-entry rituals.

Belief in sacred mountains as the abodes of deities is central to Japanese religion

and forms of veneration that go back to the prehistoric period as well as incorpo

rating broader Asian forms of mountain worship continue to live on as the bas