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JEAN-CLAUDE REDONNET
Le Commonwealth
Politiques, coopération
et développement anglophones
ISBN 2 13 049148 0
Introduction
P R E M I È R E PARTIE
Héritage et modernité
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De l'Empire à l'Empire-Commonwealth
le comte de Jersey prend soin de noter la loyauté sans faille des colonies
et des dominions vis-à-vis de la Couronne. Les remarques qu'il destine
au ministre sont d'autant plus rassurantes qu'il voit les dominions se tour-
ner volontiers vers la Grande-Bretagne pour recevoir de cette dernière
encouragements et approbation dans tout ce qui touche à leur dévelop-
pement. Comment alors pour la mère patrie ne pas répondre favorable-
ment à ces attentes, dans la mesure où toutes les propositions, même en
matière de commerce (lorsque surgissent des questions de différences et
de préférences), concourent à montrer que le « principe d'autonomie de
gouvernement coïncide en toute harmonie avec l'instinct impérial » (the
self-governing principle is in harmony with the imperial instinct 1 ? En juin 1897,
les chefs de gouvernement des six colonies australiennes, des colonies du
Cap et du Natal, de la Nouvelle-Zélande, de Terre-Neuve et de la Confé-
dération canadienne se retrouvent quelques jours après la célébration du
jubilé de diamant de la reine Victoria pour s'attaquer à la question pres-
sante des relations commerciales coloniales et impériales sur fond de libre-
échange. Il est clair que, bien intégrée au dogme impérial qui consiste
pour la Grande-Bretagne à recevoir de ses dominions au moins autant
qu'elle donne, toute politique globale passe par d'éventuels sacrifices que
devront consentir les différents partenaires pour préférer, à tout autre pro-
duit, ceux qu'ils achèteront à Londres. De même, chacun s'engagera à ce
que des traités bilatéraux ne puissent contrevenir en aucune façon à ce
système préférentiel en voie de constitution, qui pourtant n'aboutira vrai-
ment que lorsque la Grande-Bretagne elle-même aura totalement renoncé
à ses principes libéraux de libre circulation, et accordé, en retour, des pré-
férences à ses dominions. La défense d'intérêts communs, fondés sur le
respect de ces principes, servira de référence à l'Empire des dominions,
bien plus d'ailleurs que toutes les propositions, restées largement lettre
morte, ayant pour objectif de renforcer la cohésion politique et constitu-
tionnelle du groupe. De fait, le groupe impérial ne parviendra jamais à
formaliser ses relations au-delà du système de consultation inauguré par
les Conférences coloniales. L'idée d'une grande fédération ne verra jamais
le jour. Il est vrai qu'à l'image du Premier ministre canadien, le libéral
francophone et anglophile Wilfrid Laurier, les représentants des domi-
nions ne se sentiront guère enclins à souscrire à l'idée d'un système de
1. Cumpston, 12.
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1. Cumpston, 17.
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l e P r e m i e r m i n i s t r e b r i t a n n i q u e , p r é s i d e n t , ses c o l l è g u e s P r e m i e r s m i n i s t r e s
d e s d o m i n i o n s e t le s e c r é t a i r e d ' É t a t a u x C o l o n i e s , c e d e r n i e r a y a n t la
c h a r g e d ' o r g a n i s e r les r e n c o n t r e s i m p é r i a l e s . L a C o n f é r e n c e i m p é r i a l e d e
1911 fut précédée, en 1909, par u n e r e n c o n t r e e n t i è r e m e n t consacrée à
la d é f e n s e . B i e n p l u s q u e le f a c t e u r é c o n o m i q u e , la d é f e n s e s c e l l e les t e n -
t a t i v e s d ' u n i o n d u s y s t è m e i m p é r i a l , f o r ç a n t e n q u e l q u e s o r t e les d o m i -
nions à u n e collaboration plus étroite avec Londres. C e t t e collaboration
est, p e n d a n t la P r e m i è r e G u e r r e m o n d i a l e , le r é s u l t a t d ' u n c h o i x d e la p a r t
des g o u v e r n e m e n t s des d o m i n i o n s qui participent a c t i v e m e n t a u x r é u n i o n s
d u C a b i n e t d e g u e r r e ( W a r C a b i n e t ) e t q u i , d ' u n c o m m u n a c c o r d a v e c la
G r a n d e - B r e t a g n e , a d o p t e n t dès 1 9 1 6 le p r i n c i p e d ' u n e C o n f é r e n c e de
g u e r r e i m p é r i a l e (Imperial W a r C o n f e r e n c e ) . L ' e s p r i t d e c o l l a b o r a t i o n d u
t e m p s d e g u e r r e i n v i t e à la d é f i n i t i o n r a p i d e d e p o l i t i q u e s c o m m u n e s d o n t
les t h è m e s d é b o r d e n t d u c a d r e d e la s é c u r i t é . L e s r é u n i o n s d e 1 9 1 7 p o s e -
r o n t sans a m b i g u ï t é les p r i n c i p e s s u i v a n t l e s q u e l s l ' E m p i r e p e u t é v o l u e r e t
se t r a n s f o r m e r e n u n « C o m m o n w e a l t h i m p é r i a l » : « u n e r e c o n n a i s s a n c e
entière des d o m i n i o n s , nations a u t o n o m e s d u C o m m o n w e a l t h impérial,
et de l'Inde, partie significative d e celui-ci [...] d u droit des d o m i n i o n s et
de l'Inde à u n e représentation adéquate en matière de politique étrangère
et de relations internationales [...] des a r r a n g e m e n t s d e caractère o p é r a -
t i o n n e l p o u r la p o u r s u i t e d u s y s t è m e d e c o n s u l t a t i o n p o u r t o u t e s les q u e s -
tions c o n c e r n a n t des intérêts c o m m u n s à l'intérieur d e l ' E m p i r e et [...]
t o u t e a c t i o n c o n c e r t é e q u i se r é v é l e r a i t n é c e s s a i r e , f o n d é e s u r la c o n s u l t a -
tion, q u e l'ensemble des g o u v e r n e m e n t s jugerait n é c e s s a i r e » E n juillet
Si L o n d r e s p e u t e f f e c t i v e m e n t i g n o r e r les i n t é r ê t s d e ses p a r t e n a i r e s
e n m a t i è r e d e p o l i t i q u e é t r a n g è r e , il e s t c l a i r q u e s e s p a r t e n a i r e s n ' h é s i -
t e r o n t plus à p r e n d r e e n m a i n l e u r destin et à s t r u c t u r e r des services d i p l o -
m a t i q u e s « n a t i o n a u x » . La C o n f é r e n c e impériale d e 1 9 2 3 fut l a r g e m e n t
consacrée à cette n o u v e l l e distribution des p o u v o i r s et des c o m p é t e n c e s .
Q u e l q u e s j o u r s plus tard, L o r d Salisbury, L o r d Président d u Conseil,
r e c o n n a i s s a i t : « N o u s d e v o n s c o m p t e r a v e c l ' o p i n i o n d e l ' E m p i r e . » E t il
proposait q u e d é s o r m a i s c h a q u e d o m i n i o n soit r e p r é s e n t é à L o n d r e s p a r
u n émissaire p e r m a n e n t d u r a n g d ' a m b a s s a d e u r qui « serait c o n s u l t é sur
t o u t e s les q u e s t i o n s d ' i m p o r t a n c e p o u r l ' E m p i r e [ . . . ] e t q u i , a v a n t q u e
t o u t e d é c i s i o n fût prise, servirait d e relais d e c o m m u n i c a t i o n [...] d e telle
sorte q u e s o i e n t établis des p o i n t s d e v u e c o m m u n s » A u fur et à m e s u r e
qu'il s'achemine vers la d e u x i è m e moitié du XX siècle, l'Empire-
C o m m o n w e a l t h é v o l u e vers u n e f o r m u l e qui verra e n c o r e p e n d a n t l o n g -
t e m p s l a G r a n d e - B r e t a g n e c o n s e r v e r sa s u p r é m a t i e e t s o n l e a d e r s h i p ,
alors q u e la « p a r t d u l i o n » v a sans cesse d i m i n u e r e t q u e d o m i n i o n s e t
1. « We must reckon with Empire opinion [...] who should be consulted by us upon ail inter-
national issues of Impérial importance [...] and before décisions are made should act as the chan-
nel of communication [...] so that a community ofview may be established. » Cab. 24/62 C.P. 408
(23), October 10, 1923 (Cumpston, 52).
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colonies vont progresser vers une plus grande autonomie de fait. Ver-
sailles a marqué la fin de la Pax Britannica impériale, le Statut de West-
minster affirmera la vocation des anciennes colonies blanches à gérer leurs
affaires intérieures et à s'impliquer, à l'échelle de leur zone géographique,
dans la politique mondiale. Les dominions sont de fait exclus d'une poli-
tique purement européenne. Mais on verra, en 1921, l'émancipation de
l' Irlande éclore avec leur soutien. A cette époque, le Canada est déjà lar-
gement impliqué dans les Caraïbes, l'Australie dans le Pacifique, l'Afrique
du Sud en Afrique australe. Cette influence est étayée par le jeu des man-
dats sur les territoires des empires récemment défaits ; l'Inde prend pied
en Afrique grâce au mandat qu'elle reçoit en 1921 sur le Tanganyika, ce
qui aura en quelque sorte pour effet de compenser les difficultés que le
gouvernement indien éprouve à faire respecter un statut d'égalité pour
ses communautés immigrées, en Afrique du Sud notamment. La balance
en faveur de l'Empire ne penchera que lentement dans les domaines poli-
tique, constitutionnel ou plus généralement culturel ; le changement sera
plus net dans le domaine économique. La permanence du lien culturel
évitera à l'Empire-Commonwealth de se dissoudre, alors que la remise
en cause du dirigisme économique de la Grande-Bretagne sur le système
et les avantages qu'elle en retirait marque la fin de l'ère impériale pro-
prement dite. Si la Couronne, une et indivisible, sert de référence à toutes
les composantes de l'Empire, on peut concevoir dès 1931 que ce sont
sept personnes juridiques distinctes qui se reconnaissent dans le souve-
rain britannique. En 1937, la nouvelle Constitution irlandaise abolit la
fonction de gouverneur général, remplacée par celle de président, et ins-
taure des relations politiques et constitutionnelles d'un type nouveau.
Bien que le pays ne soit pas encore une république, son exemple tend à
démontrer que l'on peut rester membre de l'Empire-Commonwealth
tout en prenant ses distances constitutionnelles. C'est par ailleurs la pre-
mière fois qu'un dominion propose une forme d'association dont l'ori-
ginalité est alors niée, alors qu'elle sera reconnue au dominion indien,
après l'indépendance du pays et l'adoption du statut de république. Mais
l' Irlande n'est pas l'Inde. A cette époque, son statut de dominion ne lui
vaut guère plus d'estime que celle que la Grande-Bretagne porte au sous-
continent, secoué lui aussi par des formes de nationalisme menaçantes
pour l'intégrité impériale.
L 'Empire-Commonwealth est cependant, malgré tous les signes d'agi-
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1. « [... ] ail parts of the Commonwealth were untted in a common desire that all practicable steps
should be taken to promote and develop inter-Imperial trade. » XII. General Economie Conclusions.
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c e s s e u r H e r t z o g v o u l a i t le c o n f i n e r , m a i s aussi c e l u i q u i l ' a f i n a l e m e n t
r e t o u r n é e n f a v e u r des alliés, alors q u e se m a n i f e s t a i e n t d a n s la p o p u l a -
tion b l a n c h e des sentiments o u v e r t e m e n t pro-nazis. C e p r e m i e r g r o u p e
des c i n q n a t i o n s ( l ' I r l a n d e est a b s e n t e , l ' I n d e e t la R h o d é s i e d u S u d s o n t
r e p r é s e n t é e s à u n é c h e l o n i n f é r i e u r ) se r e t r o u v e e t d é c l a r e f o r m e r u n e
libre association destinée à j o u e r s o n rôle dans u n m o n d e b i e n t ô t e n paix.
C o m m e le p r o c l a m e la p h r a s e d e c o n c l u s i o n d e la D é c l a r a t i o n f i n a l e :
« N o u s c r o y o n s q u e l o r s q u e la g u e r r e s e r a g a g n é e e t q u e la p a i x r e v i e n -
dra, c e t t e m ê m e l i b e r t é d ' a s s o c i a t i o n , la v o l o n t é c o m m u n e q u i s ' y a t t a c h e ,
n o u s p e r m e t t r o n t de n o u s m e t t r e e n c o r e plus a u service d e l ' h o m m e . »
D e s u r c r o î t , alors q u e les p a y s r e p r é s e n t é s s a v e n t f o r t b i e n q u e la g u e r r e
n est pas e n c o r e f i n i e e t q u e d ' a u t r e s c o m b a t s a u r o n t l i e u , l ' e s p o i r est m i s
d a n s u n é q u i l i b r e m o n d i a l q u i s e r a g a r a n t i p a r d e s « n a t i o n s u n i e s ».
L ' h e u r e n ' e s t pas e n c o r e à la s t r u c t u r a t i o n d ' u n n o u v e a u C o m m o n w e a l t h
q u e seules les i n d é p e n d a n c e s f a ç o n n e r o n t b i e n t ô t , m a i s à la m a n i è r e d o n t
« les p e u p l e s d e l ' E m p i r e b r i t a n n i q u e e t d u C o m m o n w e a l t h des N a t i o n s »
j o u e r o n t u n rôle de paix et d e d é v e l o p p e m e n t dans u n n o u v e l o r d r e
m o n d i a l . L e s six p a r t e n a i r e s ( l ' I n d e é t a n t c e t t e fois r e p r é s e n t é e p a r u n
m e m b r e d u C o n s e i l e x é c u t i f d u v i c e - r o i ) se r e t r o u v e r o n t d a n s c e t e s p r i t ,
à q u e l q u e s j o u r s d e la v i c t o i r e e n E u r o p e , p o u r se c o n s u l t e r e n v u e d e la
c o n f é r e n c e d e S a n F r a n c i s c o e t p o u r é c h a n g e r d e s p r o p o s i t i o n s s u r la
f u t u r e C h a r t e des N a t i o n s u n i e s . L e c o m m u n i q u é final d e c e t t e r e n c o n t r e
r é a f f i r m e r a la v o l o n t é des p a y s d u « C o m m o n w e a l t h b r i t a n n i q u e » d ' o c -
c u p e r u n e place au sein d ' u n e n o u v e l l e organisation internationale d i g n e
des sacrifices c o n s e n t i s .
E n 1 9 4 6 , lors d e la p r e m i è r e r é u n i o n q u i suit le r e t o u r d e la p a i x m o n -
diale, les a n c i e n s p a r t e n a i r e s ( l ' A u s t r a l i e r e p r é s e n t é e p a r J . B . C h i f l e y , le
C a n a d a p a r W . L . M a c k e n z i e K i n g , la N o u v e l l e - Z é l a n d e p a r W . N a s h e t
l' A f r i q u e d u S u d p a r J . C . S m u t s ) se r e t r o u v e n t à L o n d r e s a u t o u r d u n o u -
veau P r e m i e r ministre britannique, C l e m e n t Attlee. L ' h o m m e qui décla-
rera qu'« u n e m p i r e n e p e u t ê t r e v r a i m e n t c o m p a t i b l e a v e c la d é m o c r a t i e »
sera l ' h ô t e d e s t r o i s r é u n i o n s p o s t é r i e u r e s ( o c t o b r e 1 9 4 8 , a v r i l 1 9 4 9 ,
1. «We believe that when victory is won and peace retums, this same free association, this inhe-
rent unity of purpose, will make us able to do further service to mankind. » Commonwealth at the
Summit (CAS), 14.
2. « I do not myself think an Empire is really compatible with democracy. » Azad mémorial lec-
ture, Indian Council for Cultural Relations, 1961.
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j a n v i e r 1 9 5 1 ) p e n d a n t la p é r i o d e q u i m a r q u e , à p a r t i r d e l ' i n d é p e n d a n c e
d e l ' I n d e , le d é b u t d e l ' è r e d e s d é c o l o n i s a t i o n s e t la n a i s s a n c e d ' u n
C o m m o n w e a l t h des N a t i o n s f o r m é p a r des n a t i o n s i n d é p e n d a n t e s . D a n s
c e t t e c o u r t e p é r i o d e s ' i n s c r i v e n t t o u t à la fois la fin d ' u n e m p i r e et la n a i s -
s a n c e d ' u n e o r g a n i s a t i o n i n t e r n a t i o n a l e , le C o m m o n w e a l t h , d o n t s o n t issus
des d o m i n i o n s m a i s aussi d e s c o l o n i e s d e v e n u e s i n d é p e n d a n t e s . E l l e
c o n t i e n t la p l u p a r t des é v é n e m e n t s et des t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s q u i c a r a c t é r i s e n t
la m é t a m o r p h o s e d ' u n e m p i r e e n u n e a s s o c i a t i o n l i b r e d ' É t a t s s o u v e r a i n s .
O n p o u r r a r e m a r q u e r q u ' e n g é n é r a l les c o n d i t i o n s d ' a d h é s i o n des n o u -
v e a u x États a u C o m m o n w e a l t h s e r o n t f o n c t i o n des c o n d i t i o n s d a n s les-
q u e l l e s ils a c c è d e n t à la s o u v e r a i n e t é e t d e l e u r s r e l a t i o n s a v e c la
G r a n d e - B r e t a g n e a u m o m e n t d u transfert d e p o u v o i r . C ' e s t ainsi q u ' i l est
c o m m o d e d ' o p p o s e r l ' i n d é p e n d a n c e , à b i e n des é g a r d s m e n é e sous des
a u s p i c e s d e c o m p r é h e n s i o n et d ' e f f i c a c i t é , p u i s l ' a d h é s i o n d e l ' I n d e a u
C o m m o n w e a l t h d e u x ans p l u s t a r d m a l g r é s o n passage à la r é p u b l i q u e , a u
c h e m i n i n v e r s e choisi p a r l'Eire. C ' e s t ainsi q u e l ' o n n e p o u r r a g u è r e s ' é t o n -
n e r d u refus d ' a d h é r e r d e c o l o n i e s c o m m e la B i r m a n i e . Pas p l u s d ' a i l l e u r s
d e l ' h o s t i l i t é d e t e r r i t o i r e s sous m a n d a t , c o m m e la P a l e s t i n e , d a n s la g e s -
t i o n d e l a q u e l l e la G r a n d e - B r e t a g n e avait p e r d u e n q u e l q u e s m o i s t o u t e
c r é d i b i l i t é e t t o u t e a u t o r i t é , v i c t i m e des résultats négatifs d ' u n e p o l i t i q u e
d e dual containment e n t r e Juifs e t Arabes. M o i n s q u e j a m a i s les t r a n s f o r m a -
t i o n s d ' u n e m p i r e finissant t i e n n e n t e n c o r e à des r é v i s i o n s c o n s t i t u t i o n -
nelles ; elles s o n t à l ' i n v e r s e t o t a l e m e n t d i c t é e s p a r des a c t i o n s p o l i t i q u e s e t
d i p l o m a t i q u e s . La C o n f é r e n c e des P r e m i e r s m i n i s t r e s d e 1 9 4 6 a b e a u se
féliciter d e l ' é t a t d ' e s p r i t c o n s t r u c t i f , d e la s i t u a t i o n d e l i b e r t é des é c h a n g e s
et d e la v o l o n t é d e c o n s u l t a t i o n q u i se s o n t installés e n t r e les m e m b r e s d u
C o m m o n w e a l t h e n t e m p s d e p a i x c o m m e e n t e m p s d e g u e r r e , f o r c e lui
sera d e c o n s t a t e r q u ' i l y a e n c o r e l o i n des p a r o l e s a u x actes. E n o u t r e , c h a -
c u n est à l ' é v i d e n c e t r o p p r é o c c u p é p a r ses p r o p r e s affaires, p a r ses r e l a -
t i o n s n o u v e l l e s a v e c ses voisins s u r u n e carte m o n d i a l e b o u l e v e r s é e p a r la
c h u t e des p u i s s a n c e s d e l ' A x e , a v a n t q u e d ' ê t r e r e m a n i é e p a r les d é c o l o -
n i s a t i o n s e t f i g é e p a r l ' a n t a g o n i s m e E s t - O u e s t , p o u r p l a c e r t o u t e s ses f o r c e s
d a n s u n e c o o p é r a t i o n i n t e r n a t i o n a l e élargie. D ' a i l l e u r s , u n pays c o m m e le
C a n a d a v i e n t , e n m a t i è r e d e législation n a t i o n a l e , d e p r e n d r e des d i s p o s i -
t i o n s q u i a f f e c t e n t t o u t e la c o m m u n a u t é d u C o m m o n w e a l t h sans q u ' e l l e
ait e u à d i r e m o t . E n effet, e n a d o p t a n t la loi s u r la c i t o y e n n e t é c a n a d i e n n e
e n 1 9 4 6 , les C a n a d i e n s v o n t c o n t r a i n d r e la C o n f é r e n c e des P r e m i e r s
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m i n i s t r e s à se p e n c h e r s u r u n e s i t u a t i o n i n é d i t e e t à e n t é r i n e r u n e d é c i s i o n
u n i l a t é r a l e q u i a, sans c o n s u l t a t i o n p r é a l a b l e , r e m i s e n c a u s e le p r i n c i p e
d ' u n e c i t o y e n n e t é b r i t a n n i q u e u n i q u e . M a i s , e n fin d e c o m p t e , p o u r
a b r u p t e q u ' e l l e soit, c e t t e d é c i s i o n n e v a g u è r e à l ' e n c o n t r e des i n t é r ê t s d e
tous, p u i s q u ' e l l e i n s t a u r e d e fait u n e « c i t o y e n n e t é d u C o m m o n w e a l t h »
(les p a y s p r e n d r o n t t o u r à t o u r d e s d é c i s i o n s s e m b l a b l e s p a r l e s q u e l l e s
c h a q u e n a t i o n a l j o u i r a à la fois d e sa p r o p r e n a t i o n a l i t é e t r e s t e r a s u j e t b r i -
t a n n i q u e ) . E n f i n , à c e t t e é p o q u e , le n o u v e a u C a b i n e t b r i t a n n i q u e s ' i n t e r -
r o g e s u r la n o u v e l l e d o n n e p o l i t i q u e p o s t i m p é r i a l e e t s u r la n a t u r e d u s t a t u t
d a s s o c i a t i o n q u i p o u r r a i t ê t r e p a r t a g é p a r des p a y s a u x c o n s t i t u t i o n s e t a u x
destins d é j à si d i s s e m b l a b l e s . L e t e r m e e t le s t a t u t d e « d o m i n i o n » n ' é t a n t
p l u s a u g o û t d u j o u r , A t t l e e s u g g è r e à ses c o l l è g u e s m i n i s t r e s d e p a r v e n i r
r a p i d e m e n t à d é g a g e r u n e f o r m u l a t i o n , p e u t - ê t r e « États associés d u
C o m m o n w e a l t h », q u i satisfasse les esprits les m o i n s c o n c i l i a n t s e t t r a d u i s e
a v e c h o n n ê t e t é e t p r é c i s i o n la n o u v e l l e s i t u a t i o n
L a r é f l e x i o n , l a n c é e a u m o m e n t o ù s ' a c c é l è r e e n I n d e le t r a n s f e r t d e
s o u v e r a i n e t é a n n o n c é p o u r j u i n 1 9 4 8 , t r o u v e r a u n e r é p o n s e d a n s les m o i s
qui suivront cette i n d é p e n d a n c e qui aura lieu avec plusieurs mois
d ' a v a n c e e n a o û t 1 9 4 7 . L e g o u v e r n e m e n t t r a v a i l l i s t e p e u t alors d o n n e r
l' i m p r e s s i o n d ' a b a n d o n n e r l ' E m p i r e « a v e c fracas », d e le « s a b o r d e r », s u i -
v a n t les t e r m e s d e W i n s t o n C h u r c h i l l , l e a d e r d e l ' o p p o s i t i o n a u x
C o m m u n e s . E n fait, il est p l u s s û r e m e n t e n t r a i n d e le t r a n s f o r m e r e n u n
« e m p i r e i n f o r m e l » a u s e i n d u q u e l le C o m m o n w e a l t h des N a t i o n s v a
p o u v o i r t r o u v e r sa v o c a t i o n e t d é c o u v r i r sa m o d e r n i t é .
Dès l ' i n d é p e n d a n c e de l'Inde acquise, u n débat d'idées s'engage sur
sa p l a c e d a n s le C o m m o n w e a l t h . Il t r o u v e r a sa c o n c l u s i o n e n 1 9 4 9 a u
m o m e n t d u p a s s a g e d u p a y s à la r é p u b l i q u e . L a C o n f é r e n c e des P r e m i e r s
m i n i s t r e s d ' o c t o b r e 1 9 4 8 a c c u e i l l e p o u r la p r e m i è r e fois les ch ef s d e g o u -
v e r n e m e n t des trois nations asiatiques n o u v e l l e m e n t souveraines, J a w a -
harlal N e h r u pour l'Inde, L i a q u a t Ali K h a n pour le P a k i s t a n e t
D . S . S e n a n a y a k e p o u r C e y l a n . E n n o t a n t q u e le m a r i a g e d e l ' O c c i d e n t
e t d e l ' O r i e n t ainsi réalisé p a r les n a t i o n s d u C o m m o n w e a l t h d o n n e u n
signal d ' e s p o i r à u n m o n d e d i v i s é q u i n ' e n f i n i t pas d e p a n s e r d e s b l e s -
1. Minute by Mr Attlee to Bevin and other ministers, FO 800/444, ff 20-23, 14 May 1947
(Hyam IV, 146-7).
2. Reynolds, 169.
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1. « This blending of the West and the East in the lofty task of building a lasting peace on the
foundations of freedom, justice and economic prosperity provides a new hope for harassed man-
kind. » Final Communiqué, 21 octobre 1948 (Commonwealth at the Summit, 26).
2. « The real difficulty which arose in the case of Burma and may arise in the case of India is
that of theoretical republicanism. It is also latent in our relations with Eire and South Africa. I say
theoretical because there is really no practical issue. [...] But in fact all the Dominions are as free
from control by Great Britain as a republic entirely separate would be. » PREM 8/735, CR (0) (48)
2, Minute by Mr Attlee for Official Committee on Commonwealth Relations (9 mars 1948) (Hyam
IV, 152).
3. « There is (therefore) nothing inherently impossible in a republic forming part of a monar-
chy », ibid. (Hyam IV, 153).
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d ' a n g l o p h i l e . L e c o u r r i e r qu'ils é c h a n g è r e n t a u p r i n t e m p s d e 1 9 4 8 m o n t r e
à q u e l p o i n t les d e u x h o m m e s a v a i e n t c o n s c i e n c e d e l ' i m p o r t a n c e d e la
d é c i s i o n i n d i e n n e s u r le d e v e n i r d ' u n C o m m o n w e a l t h r é n o v é . L a s i t u a -
t i o n p a r u t d ' a b o r d c o m p r o m i s e p a r l e fait q u e les d e u x i n t e r l o c u t e u r s
a c h o p p è r e n t s u r la q u e s t i o n d e la r é p u b l i q u e , A t t l e e c h e r c h a n t à d i s s u a d e r
s o n illustre c o r r e s p o n d a n t d e p r e n d r e c e t t e v o i e , a u m o t i f q u e l ' i d é e d ' u n e
r é p u b l i q u e n e c o r r e s p o n d a i t e n r i e n à la t r a d i t i o n e t à la c u l t u r e d u s o u s -
c o n t i n e n t e t n e p o u v a i t p r o c é d e r q u e d ' u n e « m o d e o c c i d e n t a l e ». D e s o n
c ô t é , N e h r u n e d o u t a i t pas q u e l ' A s s e m b l é e c o n s t i t u a n t e i n d i e n n e d é b o u -
c h e r a i t à c o u p s û r s u r la p r o c l a m a t i o n d ' u n e r é p u b l i q u e s o u v e r a i n e e t i n d é -
p e n d a n t e . D a n s ces c o n d i t i o n s , si la G r a n d e - B r e t a g n e et l ' I n d e s o u h a i t a i e n t
e n t r e t e n i r des liens d e c o o p é r a t i o n , ce d e v r a i t ê t r e d a n s le c a d r e d ' u n e
structure informelle au sein d e laquelle disparaîtrait t o u t lien de n a t u r e
constitutionnelle. Le C o m m o n w e a l t h b r i t a n n i q u e n e saurait être cette
s t r u c t u r e , p u i s q u e s o n u n i q u e f o n d e m e n t , la j u s t i f i c a t i o n m ê m e d e s o n
u n i t é , d é c r i t e p a r le p r é a m b u l e d u S t a t u t d e W e s t m i n s t e r , é t a i t p r é c i s é -
m e n t l ' a l l é g e a n c e q u e c h a q u e m e m b r e d e v a i t à la C o u r o n n e b r i t a n n i q u e ,
l i e n c o n s t i t u t i o n n e l p a r e x c e l l e n c e . Q u e disparaisse c e t t e clause, et les n o u -
v e a u x États i n d é p e n d a n t s , m ê m e s'ils s o u h a i t a i e n t a d o p t e r u n r é g i m e d e
t y p e r é p u b l i c a i n , n ' a u r a i e n t a u c u n e difficulté à r e s t e r associés à des r é g i m e s
d e t y p e m o n a r c h i q u e q u i , e u x , c o n s e r v e r a i e n t à travers la C o u r o n n e u n
lien c o n s t i t u t i o n n e l a v e c la G r a n d e - B r e t a g n e . A f i n d e p r é s e r v e r u n e a s s o -
c i a t i o n c o m m e le C o m m o n w e a l t h , e t p o u r q u e c h a c u n c o n t i n u e à r e t i r e r
les a v a n t a g e s q u e la f o r m u l e p r é c é d e n t e garantissait a u x d o m i n i o n s , il d e v e -
n a i t d e p l u s e n p l u s é v i d e n t q u e les liens i m m a t é r i e l s s u r lesquels l ' u n i o n
serait f o n d é e n e s e r a i e n t p r é s e r v é s q u ' à la c o n d i t i o n e x p r e s s e d ' a b o l i r u n
lien c o n s t i t u t i o n n e l q u i avait t o u j o u r s c o n d i t i o n n é les autres. M a l g r é la
p e r s p i c a c i t é d e s o n analyse, A t t l e e n e s e m b l a i t pas e n c o r e p r ê t à f r a n c h i r
le pas q u e le r e c u l d e l ' h i s t o i r e m o n t r e sous le j o u r d e l ' é v i d e n c e . Il p r é -
férera s u g g é r e r à l ' I n d e d e se c o u l e r d a n s le m o u l e d e W e s t m i n s t e r :
Au-delà des ces liens immatériels, il n'en reste qu'un : la Couronne. L'allégeance
commune à la Couronne constitue le lien qui rend possibles toutes les formes de l'as-
sociation qui servent nos intérêts mutuels ; s'il n'existe pas, les autres liens sont plus
difficiles à nouer. Si l'on veut dépasser cette question et essayer de proposer une autre
1. PREM 8/820, p. 29-37 (11 mars 1948) et PREM 8/820, p. 13-15 (18 avril 1948) (Hyam
IV, 153-157).
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all citizens regardless o f gender, race, colour, creed or political belief, and
in the individual's inalienable right to participate by means of free and demo-
cratic political processes in framing the society in which he or she lives;
• we recognise racial prejudice and intolerance as a dangerous sickness and a
threat to healthy development, and racial discrimination as an unmitigated
evil;
• we oppose all forms of racial oppression, and we are committed to the prin-
ciples o f human dignity and equality;
• we recognise the importance and urgency of economic and social develop-
ment to satisfy the basic needs and aspirations of the vast majority of the
peoples of the world, and seek the progressive removal of the wide dispa-
rities in living standards amongst our members.
5. In Harare, our purpose has been to apply those principles in the contem-
porary situation as the Commonwealth prepares to face the challenges of the
1990s and beyond.
6. Internationally, the world is no longer locked in the iron grip o f the Cold
War. Totalitarianism is giving way to democracy and justice in many parts of the
world. Decolonisation is largely complete. Significant changes are at last under
way in South Africa. These changes, so desirable and heartening in themselves,
present the world and the Commonwealth with new tasks and challenges.
7. In the last twenty years, several Commonwealth countries have made signi-
ficant progress in economic and social development. There is increasing recogni-
tion that commitment to market principles and openness to international trade
and investment can promote economic progress and improve living standards.
Many Commonwealth countries are poor and face acute problems, including
excessive population growth, crushing poverty, debt burdens and environmental
degradation. More than half our member states are particularly vulnerable
because o f their very small societies.
8. Only sound and sustainable development can offer these millions the pros-
pect o f betterment. Achieving this will require a flow of public and private
resources from the developed to the developing world, and domestic and inter-
national regimes conducive to the realisation of these goals. Development faci-
litates the task of tackling a range of problems which affect the whole global
community such as environmental degradation, the problems of migration and
refugees, the fight against communicable diseases, and drug production and traf-
ficking.
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29 October 1991
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DOCUMENT 3
is not a one-way process: we can explain our own points of view but we should
also listen to the views o f others. Commonwealth countries have an advantage
in doing this because we have shared views of right and wrong, and because we
use the common language o f English. This makes it all the easier to listen, to
exchange knowledge, and to share opinions and feelings with others whose daily
lives may be very different from our own.
When we talk to one another, we can meet together in one place or we can
use technology to hold discussions across the world. Whichever way we choose
to communicate, the important point is that we keep talking and keep listening.
By doing so, we ensure that the Commonwealth continues to grow as an infor-
med and open-minded community of nations.
DOCUMENT 4
1 9 9 7 Commonwealth D a y Statement
by the Commonwealth Secretary-General E m e k a A n y a o k u
Wide Web. In the course o f its evolution over the last 50 years into a truly
diverse association, the Commonwealth has become a user-friendly network of
people sharing their ideas and experiences. These links, fashioned of goodwill
and fellowship rather than wires, cables and satellites, bring practical benefits to
all members and do much to help combat racism and prejudice around the
world.
That is one o f the tangible benefits of today's Commonwealth. Whether
across an ocean, or across a table, the Commonwealth brings people face-to-
face for so many purposes and benefits. This year in Edinburgh, for example,
Britain will be hosting the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
from 24-27 October. I am certain that our leaders will benefit greatly from this
meeting; not only from its formal deliberations but also from its opportunity to
talk to one another informally and exchange views. Yet the Commonwealth's
Presidents and Prime Ministers will not be the only ones meeting in 1997. So,
too, will the Commonwealth's Education Ministers, Finance Ministers, scien-
tists, forestry personnel and non-governmental organisations. The Common-
wealth helps bring people together at all levels and in all walks of life and, in so
doing, brings the world within reach and enable our peoples to talk to one ano-
ther as we seek to build a better world.
DOCUMENT 5
good for the Commonwealth, it should be good for others also, and for the
world at large."
This holds true today, and the tone set by those founding fathers in their
early meetings —of friendliness and informality —has been maintained ever since.
Meanwhile, the Commonwealth has grown, with Fiji's return bringing our
numbers to 54. It is one of the largest and most respected organisations of peoples
in the world. I am fortunate indeed to have witnessed its growth and changing
face at first-hand, having visited so many o f the member countries, and by being
in frequent and close touch with individual Heads of Government. I have, for
instance, just returned from most enjoyable visits to Pakistan and India.
The dynamism o f the Commonwealth and its relevance to today's world
were underlined by the Harare Declaration of 1991. This redefined the pur-
pose o f the Commonwealth and, in 1995 in New Zealand, an active programme
was agreed which is putting that purpose into effect. I firmly believe in that pur-
pose —the promotion of democracy, the pursuit o f prosperity through trade and
development, and the building o f consensus.
One of the reasons for the Commonwealth's unique position in the world
is the disparity in size between its larger and smaller members. The majority are
small states, with populations of one million or less. For them the Common-
wealth is o f particular value as a network of alliances and partnerships. But for
all the diversity of its members, the Commonwealth can act globally, transcend-
ing natural boundaries in the same way that they are transcended by the pro-
blems we have to address - political, economic, social or environmental. It is
not a selfish organisation, and self-interest has no part to play in its policies. The
developed and the developing worlds meet here on equal terms.
O r course, our association is more than a partnership o f governments. The
real soul o f the Commonwealth, the motor, the drive, call it what you will, is
provided by people within and without those governments. It is people who
run the non-governmental organisations, who give a helping hand to the sick
or unemployed, where they are working in the field. It is people who become
architects and engineers, journalists and teachers, doctors and vets, magistrates
and judges. It is people who elect their governments and exercise, by the dis-
cipline of the ballot box, their right to choose how they are governed. The
more the activities o f the Commonwealth bring direct benefits to its peoples,
the stronger the organisation will be.
These are exciting times in the Commonwealth. The Business Forum which
took place in London a few days ago promises new and mutually profitable
opportunities in the world o f commerce. And there are, constantly, new chal-
lenges appearing for us to meet, from the environmental which especially affect
the smaller states, to those posed by a global economy in which we can and do
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DOCUMENT 6
tional bodies from the UN to the G8 we are playing our true role again. Our
aim is to be pivotal. To use unique position at the cross-roads between so many
international bodies —in the next six months, as well as chairing this meeting,
we will have the Presidency o f the EU and of the G8. We will be measured by
what we are and what we stand for, not by what we were. We use the strength
of our history to build our future.
One of those strengths is the Commonwealth. I am a passionate believer in
the Commonwealth. Before the Election I wrote an article promising that: ". . . a
Labour Government would make a sustained effort to give new life to the Com-
monwealth and to Britain's role within it..." I was much derided at the time
by our opponents. I was told I did not understand the reality of the Common-
wealth and its limitations. But here is the reality of the Commonwealth. It covers
a quarter of the globe. 1.7 bn people live within it. One in four young people
under the age of 25 are in Commonwealth countries. Its reach is astonishing.
We have enormous bonds of commonality: history, values, culture and above
all the English language. The Commonwealth's historical achievements are
impressive, not least in World War II where we joined arms to save the world
from fascism. That is the reality.
But we also need to be sure that we make the most of the opportunities of
the Commonwealth. The word "Commonwealth" has become so familiar that
we do not pause often enough to think o f its meaning. The very word means
the commonweal; a shared richness; something to be possessed by all. And,
because we have become so accustomed to the Commonwealth, we have not,
in Britain at least, valued it at its true work in recent times. I believe the Com-
monwealth is needed more today than at any time in its history. It is a global
community of nations. An organisation of moral principle and enduring values
that provides stability in a more dangerous world order. In a world of massive
change and upheaval to our local communities, it can provide the hope and
progress that comes from tackling problems together.
In a world where democracy and basic human rights are often under threat,
it can provide a strong moral compass. In a world where all o f our environment
is under threat, it can lead the way in tackling the problem of climate change.
In a world where black and white do not always live together harmoniously, it
can be an example of tolerance, understanding and equality. And in a world
where North and South are often in conflict, the Commonwealth can provide
a forum of cooperation and joint endeavour. The relationship between the deve-
loped and developing world should be a partnership. We need each other. The
richer Commonwealth countries must help the poorer, not least to reduce their
debt burden.
O u r task is to be bridge-builders between the developed and developing
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world, to advance the future —the time when there is one world, a developed
one in which all nations share.
That is our destination. The Commonwealth must show the way. At Harare
we agreed common political aims and democratic rights. Here in Edinburgh, I
hope we will agree an economic declaration setting out our agreed economic
rights and objectives. We should challenge the rest of the world to meet the dual
objectives of democratic and economic freedom together —because we unite all
the continents of the globe, we can set an example for others to follow.
Over the next few days in Edinburgh, I hope my fellow Heads will join me
in working hard to set that example. But I also hope we will take the time,
during the Retreat at St Andrews, to renew the ties of friendship and under-
standing that bind us. And together start to build a Commonwealth for the
21st century.
Source: CHOGM'97
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