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Ali
Ali ibn Abi Talib (Arabic: ‫ ;َعِلّي ْبن َأِبي َطاِلب‬c. 600–661) was the cousin and son-in-law of the Islamic prophet
Ali
Muhammad and the fourth successor (caliph) after his death, who ruled from 656 to 661. Born to Abu Talib
ibn Abd al-Muttalib and Fatima bint Asad, a young Ali was raised by his elder cousin Muhammad and was ‫َعِلّي‬
among the first to accept his teachings. Ali played a pivotal role in the early years of Islam when Muslims Amir al-Mu'minin
were severely persecuted in Mecca. Abu Turab
After immigration (hijra) to Medina in 622, Muhammad gave his daughter Fatima to Ali in marriage and
sworn a pact of brotherhood with him. Ali served as Muhammad's secretary and deputy in this period, and
was the flag bearer of his army. Numerous sayings of Muhammad praise Ali, the most controversial of
which was uttered in 632 at the Ghadir Khumm, "Whoever I am his mawla, this Ali is his mawla." The
interpretation of the polysemous Arabic word mawla is disputed: For Shia Muslims, Muhammad thus
invested Ali with his religious and political authority, while Sunni Muslims view this as a mere statement of
friendship and rapport. When Muhammad died in the same year, a group of Muslims met in the absence of
Ali and appointed Abu Bakr (r. 632–634) as their leader. Ali later relinquished his claims to leadership and
resigned from public life during the reigns of Abu Bakr and his successor, Umar (r. 634–644). Even though
his advice was occasionally sought, the conflicts between Ali and the first two caliphs are epitomized by his
refusal to follow their practices. This refusal cost Ali the caliphate to the benefit of Uthman (r. 644–656),
who was thus appointed to succeed Umar by the electoral council. Ali was also highly critical of Uthman,
who was widely accused of nepotism and corruption. Yet Ali also repeatedly mediated between the caliph Calligraphic pan bearing Ali's name at
and the provincial dissidents angered by his policies. the Hagia Sophia
Fourth Caliph of the Rashidun
Following the assassination of Uthman in 656, Ali was elected caliph in Medina. He immediately faced two Caliphate
separate rebellions, both ostensibly to avenge Uthman: The triumvirate of Talha, Zubayr, both companions Reign June 656 – January
of Muhammad, and his widow Aisha captured Basra in Iraq but were defeated by Ali in the Battle of the
661
Camel in 656. Elsewhere, Mu'awiya, whom Ali had just removed from the governorship of Syria, fought
against Ali the inconclusive Battle of Siffin in 657, which ended in a failed arbitration process that alienated Predecessor Uthman ibn Affan
Successor Abolished position
Hasan ibn Ali (as

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some of Ali's supporters. These formed the Kharijites, who later terrorized the public and were crushed by caliph)
Ali in the Battle of Nahrawan in 658. Ali was assassinated in 661 by the Kharijite dissident Ibn Muljam, First Shia Imam
which paved the way for Mu'awiya to seize power and found the dynastic Umayyad Caliphate.
Tenure June 632 – January
Ali's place is said to be second only to Muhammad in Muslim culture. Ali is revered for his courage, 661
honesty, unbending devotion to Islam, magnanimity, and equal treatment of all Muslims. For his admirers, Predecessor Established position
he has thus become the archetype of uncorrupted Islam and pre-Islamic chivalry. Sunni Muslims regard
Successor Hasan ibn Ali
him as the last of the Rashudin (lit. 'rightly-guided') caliphs, while Shia Muslims venerate him as their first
imam, that is, the rightful religious and political successor to Muhammad. The shrine of Ali in Najaf, Iraq, is
Born c. 600 CE
a major destination for Shia pilgrimage. The legacy of Ali is collected and studied in numerous books, the
Mecca, Hejaz, Arabia
most famous of which is Nahj al-balagha.
Died c. 28 January 661 CE
(c. 21 Ramadan 40 AH)
Birth and early life (aged c. 60)
Kufa, Rashidun
Ali was born in Mecca to Abu Talib ibn Abd al-Muttalib and his wife Fatima bint Asad around 600 CE.[1]
Caliphate
His date of birth is possibly 13 Rajab,[2][3] which is the occasion celebrated annually by Shia Muslims.[4] Ali
may have been the only person born inside Ka'ba,[3][2][1] the holiest site of Islam, which is located in Mecca. Burial Imam Ali Shrine, Najaf,
Ali's father was a leading member of the Banu Hashim, a clan within the Meccan tribe of Quraysh.[2] Abu Iraq
Talib also raised his nephew Muhammad after his parents died. Later when Abu Talib fell into poverty, Ali 31.996111°N
was taken in at the age of about five and raised by Muhammad and his wife Khadija.[3] 44.314167°E
Spouse List of [show]
Aged about eleven,[1] Ali was among the first to accept Muhammad's teachings and profess Islam. Ali did so
either after Khadija or after Khadija and Muhammad's successor, Abu Bakr. While the precise order here is spouses
debated among Shia and Sunni scholars,[5] the earliest sources place Ali before Abu Bakr.[1] Muhammad's Fatima bint
call to Islam in Mecca lasted from 610 to 622, during which Ali assiduously supported the small Muslim Muhammad
community, especially the poor.[3] Some three years after his first revelation,[6] Muhammad gathered his Umama bint Abi al-As
relatives for a feast, invited them to Islam, and asked for their assistance.[7] Aged about fourteen,[7][8] Ali Fatima bint Huzam
was the only relative there who offered his support, after which Muhammad told his guests that Ali was his Asma bint Umais
brother and his successor,[1][7] according to the Sunni historian al-Tabari (d. 923). The Shia interpretation Khawla al-Hanafiyya
of this episode is that Muhammad had already designated Ali as his successor.[7][9] Layla bint Mas'ud
Al-Sahba bint Rabi'a
Companionship of Muhammad Umm Sa'id bint Urwa
Muhayya bint Imru al-
Qays

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When tipped off about an assassination plot in 622, Muhammad escaped to Yathrib, now known as Medina, Issue Descendants [show]
but Ali stayed behind as his decoy.[3][10] That Ali risked his life for Muhammad is said to be the reason for of Ali
the revelation of the Quranic passage, "But there is also a kind of man who gives his life away to please
Hasan
God."[11][12][2] This emigration marks the beginning of the Islamic calendar (AH). Ali too escaped Mecca
Husayn
after returning the goods entrusted to Muhammad there.[5] Later in Medina, Muhammad selected Ali as his
Zaynab
brother when he paired Muslims for fraternity pacts.[13] Around 623–625, Muhammad gave his daughter
Umm Kulthum
Fatima to Ali in marriage,[14][15] aged about twenty-two at the time.[3] Muhammad had earlier turned down
Muhsin
marriage proposals for Fatima by some of his companions, notably, Abu Bakr and Umar.[16][15][17]
Muhammad
Abbas
Event of the mubahala Ruqayya
Abdullah
A Christian envoy from Najran, located in South Arabia, arrived in Medina circa 632 and negotiated a peace Ja'far
treaty with Muhammad.[18][19] The envoy also debated with Muhammad the nature of Jesus, human or Muhammad al-Awsat
divine.[20][21] Linked to this episode is verse 3:61 of the Quran,[22] which instructs Muhammad to challenge Uthman
his opponents to mubahala (lit. 'mutual cursing'),[23] perhaps when their debate had reached a deadlock.[21] Umar
Even though the delegation ultimately withdrew from the challenge,[19] Muhammad appeared for the Abu Bakr
occasion of mubahala, accompanied by Ali, his wife Fatima, and their two sons, Hasan and Husayn.[24][13] Muhammad al-Asghar
The inclusion of these four by Muhammad in the mubahala ritual, as his witnesses and guarantors,[25][26]
likely raised their religious rank within the community.[20][27] If the word 'ourselves' in the verse is a Tribe Quraysh (Banu
reference to Ali and Muhammad, as Shia authors argue, then the former naturally enjoys a similar religious Hashim)
authority in the Quran as the latter.[28][29] Father Abu Talib ibn Abd al-
Muttalib

Political career Mother Fatima bint Asad


Religion Islam
In Medina, Ali acted as Muhammad's secretary and deputy.[30][5] He was also one of the scribes tasked with
committing the Quran to writing.[3] In 628, Ali wrote down the terms of the Treaty of al-Hudaybiya, the peace treaty between Muslims and
Meccan pagans. In 630, divine orders pushed Muhammad to replace Abu Bakr with Ali for a key Quranic announcement in Mecca,[31][32]
according to the canonical Sunni source Sunan al-Nasa'i.[2] Ali also helped ensure that the Conquest of Mecca in 630 was bloodless and later
destroyed the idols housed in Ka'ba.[3] In 631, Ali was sent to preach Islam in Yemen,[3] as a consequence of which the Hamdanids peacefully
converted.[10][2] Ali also peacefully resolved a blood feud between Muslims and the Banu Jadhima.[2]

Military career

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Ali accompanied Muhammad in all of his military missions except the Expedition of Tabuk in 630, during
which Ali was left behind in charge of Medina.[10] The hadith of the position is linked to this occasion, "Are
you not content, Ali, to stand to me as Aaron stood to Moses, except that there will be no prophet after me?"
This statement appears in the canonical Sunni sources Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim, among others.[33]
For the Shia, this hadith signifies Ali's usurped right to succeed Muhammad.[34] In the absence of
Muhammad, Ali commanded the expedition to Fadak in 628.[5][3]

Ali was renowned for his bravery on the battlefield,[13][5] and for his magnanimity towards his defeated
enemies.[35] He was the standard-bearer in the Battle of Badr (624) and the Battle of Khaybar (628).[30] He
vigorously defended Muhammad in the Battle of Uhud (625) and the Battle of Hunayn (630),[13][3] and
Muslims' victory in the Battle of Khaybar has been attributed to his courage,[5] where he is said to have torn
off the iron gate of the enemy fort.[13] Ali also defeated the pagan champion Amr ibn Abd Wudd in the Battle
of the Trench in 627.[2] According to al-Tabari,[2] Muhammad reported hearing a divine voice at Uhud, "
[There is] no sword but Zulfiqar [Ali's sword], [there is] no chivalrous youth (fata) but Ali."[32][3] Ali and
another companion, Zubayr, apparently oversaw the killing of the Banu Qurayza men for treachery in 626–
627,[5] though the historicity of this account has been doubted.[36][37][38]

Ghadir Khumm Ali in an illustrated copy of the


Turkish epic Siyer-i nebi
On his return trip from the Hajj pilgrimage in 632, Muhammad halted the large caravan of pilgrims at the
Ghadir Khumm and addressed them after the congregational prayer.[39] Taking Ali by the hand, Muhammad
asked the crowd if he was not closer (awla) to believers than they were to themselves, which they affirmed.[40] Muhammad then declared, "He
whose mawla I am, Ali is his mawla."[41][42] Musnad Ibn Hanbal, a canonical Sunni source, adds that Muhammad repeated this statement three
or four more times and that Umar congratulated Ali after the sermon, "You have now become the mawla of every faithful man and
woman."[43][44] Muhammad had earlier alerted Muslims about his impending death.[40][45][46] Shia sources describe the event in greater detail,
linking the announcement to verses 5:3 and 5:67 of the Quran.[40]

The authenticity of the Ghadir Khumm is rarely contested,[42][47][48][45] as its "among the most extensively acknowledged and substantiated"
reports in classical Islamic sources.[49] However, mawla is a polysemous Arabic word and its interpretation in the context of the Ghadir Khumm
is split along sectarian lines. Shia sources interpret mawla as 'leader', 'master', and 'patron', [50] while Sunni sources interpret it as love or
support for Ali.[3][51] Shias, therefore, view the Ghadir Khumm as the investiture of Ali with Muhammad's religious and political
authority,[52][53][2] while Sunnis regard it as a statement about the rapport between the two men,[3][45][54] or that Ali should execute
Muhammad's will.[3] Shias point to the extraordinary nature of the announcement,[51] give Quranic and textual evidence,[55][40][45] and argue to

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eliminate other meanings of mawla in the hadith except for authority,[56] while Sunnis minimize the
importance of the Ghadir Khumm by casting it as a simple response to earlier complaints about Ali.[57] During
his caliphate, Ali is known to have asked Muslims to come forward with their testimonies about the Ghadir
Khumm,[58][59][60] presumably to counter challenges to his legitimacy.[61]

Life under Rashidun Caliphs

Succession to Muhammad

Saqifa

Muhammad died in 632 when Ali was in his early thirties.[62] As he and other close relatives prepared for the
burial,[63][64] a group of the Ansar (Medinan natives, lit. 'helpers') gathered at the Saqifa to discuss the future
of Muslims or to retake control of their city, Medina. Abu Bakr and Umar were among the few representatives
of the Muhajirun (Meccan converts, lit. 'migrants') at the Saqifa.[65] The case of Ali was unsuccessfully brought Muhammad and Ali, a folio from the
fifteenth century Iranian epic
up at the Saqifa in his absence,[66][67] and, ultimately, those present there appointed Abu Bakr to leadership
Khavarannama
after a heated debate that is said to have become violent.[68] Clan rivalries at the Saqifa played a key role in
favor of Abu Bakr,[63][69] and the outcome may have been different in a broad council (shura) with Ali as a
candidate.[70][71] In particular, the Quraysh tradition of hereditary succession strongly favored Ali,[72][73][74]
even though his youth weakened his case.[5][62] By contrast, the succession (caliphate) of Abu Bakr is often
justified on the basis that he led some of the prayers in Muhammad's final days,[63][75] but the veracity and
political significance of such reports have been questioned.[63][76][77]

Attack on Fatima's house

While the appointment of Abu Bakr was met with little resistance in Medina,[75] the Banu Hashim and some
The topmost Arabic text reads,
companions of Muhammad soon gathered in protest at Ali's house.[78][79] Among them were Zubayr and "There is no brave youth except Ali
Muhammad's uncle Abbas.[79] These protestors held Ali to be the rightful successor to Muhammad,[15][80] and there is no sword except
probably in reference to the Ghadir Khumm.[45] Among others,[81] al-Tabari reports that Umar then led an Zulfiqar"
armed mob to Ali's residence and threatened to set the house on fire if Ali and his supporters did not pledge
their allegiance to Abu Bakr.[82][15][83][84] The scene soon grew violent,[81][85] but the mob retreated after Ali's
wife, Fatima, pleaded with them.[82] Abu Bakr later placed a successful boycott on the Banu Hashim,[86] who eventually abandoned their support
for Ali.[86][87] Most likely, Ali himself did not pledge his allegiance to Abu Bakr until Fatima died within six months of her father, Muhammad.[88]
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In Shia sources, the death (and miscarriage) of the young Fatima are attributed to an attack on her house to
subdue Ali by the order of Abu Bakr.[89][15][80] Sunnis categorically reject these reports,[90] but there is
evidence in their early sources that a mob entered Fatima's house by force and arrested Ali,[91][92][93] an
incident that Abu Bakr regretted on his deathbed.[94][95] Likely a political move to weaken the Banu
Hashim,[96][97][98][99] Abu Bakr had earlier confiscated from Fatima the rich lands of Fadak, which she
considered her inheritance (or a gift) from her father.[100][101] The confiscation of Fadak is often justified in
Sunni sources with a hadith about prophetic inheritance, the authenticity of which has been doubted partly
because it contradicts Quranic injunctions.[100][102]

Zulfiqar with and without its shield,


Caliphate of Abu Bakr (r. 632–634) carved on Bab al-Nasr in Cairo,
Egypt
In the absence of popular support, Ali eventually accepted the temporal rule of Abu Bakr, probably for the
sake of Muslim unity.[103][104][105] In particular, Ali turned down proposals to forcefully pursue the
caliphate.[106][5] He nevertheless viewed himself as the most qualified candidate for leadership by virtue of his
merits and his kinship with Muhammad.[107][108][109] Evidence suggests that Ali further considered himself as
the designated successor of Muhammad.[110][59][111] Unlike Muhammad's lifetime,[112][113] Ali retired from
public life during the caliphates of Abu Bakr and his successors, Umar and Uthman.[3][112][13] Even though Ali
reputedly advised Abu Bakr and Umar on government and religious matters,[3][13] their conflicts with Ali is
also well-documented,[114][115][116] but largely ignored in Sunni sources.[117][118] These tensions were
epitomized during the proceedings of the electoral council in 644 when Ali refused to be bound by the
precedence of the first two caliphs.[113][112] In contrast, Shia sources view Ali's pledge to Abu Bakr as a Ali in the Battle of Khaybar
(coerced) act of political expediency (taqiya).[119] The conflicts with Ali are probably magnified in Shia
sources.[117]

Caliphate of Umar (r. 634–644)

Before his death in 634, Abu Bakr designated Umar as his successor.[120] Ali was not consulted about this appointment, which was initially
resisted by some senior companions.[121] Ali himself did not press any claims this time and kept aloof from public affairs during the caliphate of
Umar,[122] who nevertheless consulted Ali in certain matters.[3][123] For instance, Ali is credited with the idea of adopting the migration to
Medina (hijra) as the beginning of the Islamic calendar.[10] Yet Ali's political advice was probably ignored.[5] For example, Umar devised a state
register (diwan) to distribute excess state revenues according to Islamic precedence,[124] but Ali held that those revenues should be equally
distributed among Muslims, following the practice of Muhammad and Abu Bakr.[125][5] Ali was also absent from the strategic meeting of notables
near Damascus.[5] Ali did not participate in Umar's military expeditions,[126][1] although he does not seem to have publicly objected to them.[1]
Umar likely opposed the combination of prophethood and caliphate in the Banu Hashim,[127][128] and he thus prevented Muhammad from
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dictating his will on his deathbed,[129][130][131]


possibly fearing that he might expressly designate Ali as his
successor.[132] Nevertheless, perhaps realizing the necessity of Ali's cooperation in his collaborative scheme of
governance, Umar made some limited overtures to Ali and the Banu Hashim during his caliphate.[133] For
instance, Umar returned Muhammad's estates in Medina to Ali, but kept Fadak and Khayber.[134] By some
accounts, Umar also insisted on marrying Ali's daughter Umm Kulthum, to which Ali reluctantly agreed when
the former enlisted public support for his demand.[135]

Election of Uthman (644)

Before his death in 644,[136] Umar tasked a small committee with choosing the next caliph among
themselves.[137] Ali and Uthman were the strongest candidates in this committee,[138][139] whose members
were all early companions of Muhammad from the Quraysh tribe.[137] Another member, Abd al-Rahman ibn
Awf, was given the deciding vote either by the committee or by Umar.[140][141][142] After deliberations, Ibn Awf
appointed his brother-in-law Uthman as the next caliph,[143][144] when the latter promised to follow the
precedent of the first two caliphs.[143] By contrast, Ali rejected this condition,[143][142] or gave an evasive The Investiture of Ali at the Ghadir
answer.[145] The Ansar were not represented in the committee,[146][141] which was evidently biased toward Khumm (MS Arab 161, fol. 162r,
Uthman.[147][148][142] Both of these factors worked against Ali,[141][149][150] who could have not been simply 1307–8 Ilkhanid manuscript
excluded from the proceedings.[151] illustration)

Caliphate of Uthman (r. 644–656)

Uthman was widely accused of nepotism,[152] corruption,[153][154] and injustice.[155] Ali too criticized
Uthman's conduct,[5][1][156] including his lavish gifts for his kinsmen.[157][158] Ali also protected outspoken
companions, such as Abu Dharr and Ammar,[159][160] and overall acted as a restraining influence on
Uthman.[159] Some supporters of Ali were part of the opposition movement,[161][162] joined in their efforts by
Talha and Zubayr, both senior companions of Muhammad, and by his widow Aisha.[163][164][161] Among such The election of Uthman, a folio from
supporters of Ali were Malik al-Ashtar and other religiously learned qurra (lit. 'Quran readers').[165][158] These Tarikhnama
supporters wanted to see Ali as the next caliph but there is no evidence that he coordinated with them.[166] Ali
also rejected the requests to lead the rebels,[5][167] although he probably sympathized with their
grievances.[168][167] He was therefore considered a natural focus for the opposition,[169] at least morally.[5]

Assassination of Uthman (656)

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As their grievances mounted, provincial dissidents poured into Medina in 656.[13] The Egyptian opposition sought the advice of Ali, who urged
them to negotiate with Uthman.[170][171] Ali similarly asked the Iraqi opposition to refrain from violence, which they heeded.[172] He also
repeatedly mediated between Uthman and the dissidents,[13][173][174] to address their economical and political grievances.[175][13] In particular,
Ali negotiated and guaranteed the agreement that ended the first siege.[176][13] He then convinced Uthman to publicly repent,[177] but the caliph
soon retracted his statement, possibly pressed by his secretary Marwan ibn al-Hakam.[178] Egyptian rebels laid siege to Uthman's residence for a
second time when they intercepted an official letter ordering their punishment. They demanded the caliph's abdication but he refused and
maintained his innocence about the letter,[179] for which Marwan is often blamed in the early sources.[180][181] Ali also sided with Uthman,[179]
but the caliph apparently accused him about the letter.[182] This is probably when Ali refused to further intercede for Uthman,[179][169] who was
assassinated soon afterward by Egyptian rebels.[180][183][184] Ali played no role in the deadly attack,[5][185] and his son Hasan was injured while
guarding Uthman's besieged residence at the request of Ali.[3][186][161] He also convinced the rebels to deliver water to Uthman's house during the
siege.[179][159]

Caliphate

Election (656)

When Uthman was assassinated in 656 by Egyptian rebels,[180] the potential candidates for caliphate were Ali and Talha. The Umayyads had fled
Medina, leaving the provincial rebels and the Ansar in control of the city. Among the Egyptians, Talha enjoyed some support, but the Iraqis and
most of the Ansar supported Ali.[103] The majority of the Muhajirun,[13][167][187] and key tribal figures also favored Ali at this time.[188] The
caliphate was offered by these groups to Ali, who, after some hesitation,[167][13][1] publicly took the oath of office.[189][190][191] Malik al-Ashtar
might have been the first to pledge his allegiance to Ali.[191] Talha and Zubayr, who both aspired to the caliphate,[192][193] also gave their pledges
to Ali, most likely willingly,[1][194][186] but later broke their oaths.[195][1][196] Ali probably did not force anyone to pledge,[189] and there is little
evidence of any violence, even though many broke with Ali later, claiming that they had pledged under duress.[197] At the same time, the
supporters, who were in majority in Medina, might have intimidated others.[198]

Legitimacy

Ali thus filled the power vacuum created by the regicide.[199][173][200] His election, irregular and without a council,[103] faced little public
opposition in Medina,[185][201][199] but the rebels' support for him left him exposed to accusations of complicity in Uthman's assassination.[5]
Even though underprivileged groups readily rallied around Ali,[202][192] he had limited support among the powerful Quraysh, some of whom
aspired to caliphate.[203][103] Within the Quraysh, two camps opposed Ali: the Umayyads, who believed that the caliphate was their right after

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Uthman, and those who wished to restore the caliphate of Quraysh on the same principles laid by Abu Bakr
and Umar. This second group was likely the majority within the Quraysh.[195][185] Ali was indeed vocal about
the divine prerogative of Muhammad's kin to leadership,[204][205] which would have jeopardized the political
ambitions of the rest of the Quraysh.[206]

Administrative policies

Justice

The caliphate of Ali was characterized by his strict justice.[207][208][13] He implemented radical policies to
restore his vision of prophetic governance,[209][210][211] and dismissed nearly all of Uthman's governors,[203]
whom he considered corrupt.[212] Ali also distributed the treasury funds equally among Muslims, following
the practice of Muhammad,[213] and is said to have shown zero tolerance for corruption.[214][215] Some of
those affected by Ali's egalitarian policies soon revolted against him under the pretext of revenge for
Uthman.[216] Among them was Mu'awiya, the incumbent governor of Syria.[162] Ali has therefore been
criticized by some for political naivety and excessive rigorism,[5][217] and praised by others for righteousness
and lack of political expediency.[216][211] His supporters identify similar decisions of Muhammad,[218][219] and
argue that Islam never allows for compromising on a just cause, citing verse 68:9 of the Quran,[219] "They
wish that thou might compromise and that they might compromise."[220][221] Some instead suggest that Ali's
decisions were actually justified on a practical level.[190][222][13] For instance, the removal of unpopular Ali receiving pledges of allegiance,
governors was perhaps the only option available to Ali because injustice was the main grievance of the from a manuscript of Maktel-i Ali
rebels.[190] resul, dated late sixteenth or early
seventeenth century

Religious authority

As evident from his public speeches,[223] Ali viewed himself not only as the temporal leader of the Muslim community but also as its exclusive
religious authority.[224][225] He thus laid claim to the religious authority to interpret the Quran and Sunna.[226][227] Some supporters of Ali
indeed held him as their divinely-guided leader who deserved the same type of loyalty that Muhammad did.[228] They felt an absolute and all-
encompassing bond of spiritual loyalty (walaya) to Ali that transcended politics.[229] For instance, many of them publicly offered Ali their

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unconditional support circa 658.[230][231]


They justified their absolute loyalty to Ali on the basis of his merits,
precedent in Islam, [232] his kinship with Muhammad,[233] and also the announcement by the latter at the
Ghadir Khumm.[229] Many of these supporters also viewed Ali as the rightful successor to Muhammad after
his death,[234] as evidenced in the poetry from that period, for instance.[235][236]

Fiscal policies

Ali opposed centralized control over provincial revenues.[188] He equally distributed excess taxes and booty
among Muslims,[188][5] following the precedent of Muhammad and Abu Bakr.[237][213] In comparison, Umar
had distributed the state revenues according to perceived Islamic merit,[238][239] and Uthman was widely
accused of nepotism and corruption.[152][240][153] The strictly egalitarian policies of Ali earned him the
support of underprivileged groups, including the Ansar, the qurra, and the late immigrants to Iraq.[202] By
contrast, Talha and Zubayr were both Qurayshite companions of Muhammad who had amassed immense
wealth under Uthman.[241] They both revolted against Ali when he refused to grant them favors.[242][213]
Some other figures among the Quraysh similarly turned against Ali,[243][244] who even withheld public funds
Ali receiving pledges of allegiance,
from his relatives,[245][246] whereas his archenemy Mu'awiya readily offered bribes.[244][247] Ali instructed his same source
officials to collect tax payments on a voluntary basis and without harassment, and to prioritize the poor when
distributing public funds.[248] A letter attributed to Ali directs his governor to pay more attention to land
development than taxation.[249][250]

Rules of war

During the Muslim civil war, Ali forbade his soldiers from looting,[251][252] and instead paid them from tax
revenues.[251] He also pardoned his enemies in victory.[252][253] Both of these practices were later enshrined
Coin minted in Bishapur during the
in Islamic law.[252] Ali also advised his commander al-Ashtar not to reject any calls to peace, not to violate any
caliphate of Ali
agreements,[254] and ordered him not to commence hostilities.[255] Ali similarly barred his troops from
disturbing civilians,[256] killing the wounded and those who fled, mutilating the dead, entering homes without
permission, looting, and harming women.[257] He prevented the enslavement of women in victory, even though some protested.[5] Before the
Battle of Siffin with Mu'awiya, Ali did not retaliate and allowed his enemies to access drinking water when he gained the upper hand.[258][259]

Battle of the Camel

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Aisha publicly campaigned against Ali immediately after his accession.[260][203] She was joined in Mecca by
her close relatives, Talha and Zubayr, [261] who thus broke their earlier oaths of allegiance to Ali.[195][1][196]
This opposition demanded the punishment of Uthman's assassins,[262][173] and accused Ali of complicity in
the assassination.[173][195][13] They also called for the removal of Ali from office and for a Qurayshite council to
appoint his successor.[203][263] Their primary goal was likely the removal of Ali, rather than vengeance for
Uthman,[263][264][265] against whom the triumvirate had stirred up public opinion.[186][266][267] The
opposition failed to gain enough traction in Hejaz,[13][5] and instead captured Basra in Iraq,[1][13] killing many
there. Ali raised an army from nearby Kufa,[186][268] which formed the core of Ali's forces in the coming
battles.[268] The two armies soon camped just outside of Basra,[269][13] both probably numbered around ten
thousand men.[270] After three days of failed negotiations,[271] the two sides readied for battle.[271][13][1]

Account of the battle

The battle took place in December 656.[272][273] The rebels commenced hostilities,[186][274] and Aisha was
present on the battlefield, riding in an armored palanquin atop a red camel, after which the battle is
named.[275][276] Talha was soon killed by another rebel, Marwan, the secretary of Uthman.[277][278] Zubayr, Battle of the Camel, from a
manuscript of Siyer-i nebi
an experienced fighter, deserted shortly after the battle had begun,[274][186] but was pursued and
killed.[274][186] His desertion suggests he had serious moral misgivings about their cause.[279][186] Ali won the
day,[186][280][190] and Aisha was respectfully escorted back to Hejaz.[281][186][272] Ali then announced a public pardon,[282] setting free all war
prisoners, even Marwan,[283][281] and prohibiting the enslavement of their women. Their seized properties were also returned.[284] Ali then
stationed himself in Kufa,[285] which thus became his de facto capital.[272][265]

Battle of Siffin

Mu'awiya, the incumbent governor of Syria, was deemed corrupt and unfit by Ali,[212] who wrote to and removed him from his post.[286][287][288]
In turn, Mu'awiya, as Uthman's cousin, launched a propaganda campaign across Syria, blaming Ali for the regicide and calling for
revenge.[289][290][291] Mu'awiya also joined forces with Amr ibn al-As,[292] a military strategist,[293] who pledged to back the Umayyads against
Ali in return for life-long governorship of Egypt.[294] Yet Mu'awiya also secretly offered to recognize the caliphate of Ali in return for Syria and
Egypt,[295] which Ali rejected.[296] Mu'awiya then formally declared war, charging Ali with regicide, demanding his removal, and a Syrian council
thereafter to elect the next caliph.[297] Contemporary authors tend to view Mu'awiya's call for revenge as a pretext for power
grab.[298][225][299][300][301][302]

Account of the battle

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In the summer of 657, the armies of Ali and Mu'awiya camped at Siffin, west of the Euphrates River,[303]
numbering perhaps at 100,000 and 130,000, respectively.[304] Many of Muhammad's companions were
present in Ali's army, whereas Mu'awiya could only boast a handful.[208][304] The two sides negotiated for a
while, to no avail,[173][305][13][306][307] after which the main battle took place from Wednesday, 26 July
657,[302][298] until Friday or Saturday morning.[308][305] Ali probably refrained from initiating hostilities,[190]
and later fought alongside his men on the frontline, whereas Mu'awiya led from his pavilion,[309][310] and
rejected a proposal to settle the matters in a personal duel with Ali.[311][302][312] Among those killed fighting
for Ali was Ammar.[310] In canonical Sunni sources, a prophetic hadith predicts Ammar's death at the hands
of al-fi'a al-baghiya (lit. 'rebellious aggressive group') who call to hellfire.[313][304][305]

Map of the First Fitna; green


Call to arbitration territory under Ali's control; pink
territory under Mu'awiya's control.
Fighting stopped when some Syrians raised pages of the Quran on their lances, shouting, "Let the Book of God
be the judge between us."[314][305] Since Mu'awiya had for long insisted on battle, this call for arbitration
suggests that he now feared defeat.[314][173][315] By contrast, Ali exhorted his men to fight, telling them that
raising Qurans was for deception, but to no avail.[314][302] Through their representatives, the qurra and the
ridda tribesmen of Kufa,[316][306][305] the largest bloc in Ali's army,[13][306] both threatened Ali with mutiny if
he did not answer the Syrians' call.[314][13][317][318] Facing strong peace sentiments in his army, Ali accepted
the arbitration proposal,[319] most likely against his own judgment.[305][319]

Arbitration agreement

Mu'awiya now proposed that representatives from both sides should find a Quranic resolution.[13][320] Combat between the forces of Ali
Mu'awiya was represented by his ally Amr, [321] whereas, despite Ali's opposition, the majority in his camp and Mu'awiya during the Battle of
pressed for the neutral Abu Musa, the erstwhile governor of Kufa.[322][305][323] The arbitration agreement was Siffin, from the Tarikhnama
written and signed on 2 August 657, [324] stipulating that the two representatives should meet on neutral
territory,[325] adhere to the Quran and Sunna, and restore peace.[324][298] Both armies left the battlefield after
the agreement.[326] The arbitration agreement thus divided Ali's camp, as many did not support his negotiations with Mu'awiya, whose claims
they considered fraudulent. By contrast, the agreement strengthened Mu'awiya's position, who was now an equal contender for the caliphate.[327]

Formation of the Kharijites

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Some of Ali's men left him in protest to the arbitration agreement.[326][190] Many of them eventually rejoined
Ali, [328][329][330][5] while the rest gathered in the town of al-Nahrawan. [190] They became known as the
Kharijites (lit. 'seceders'), who later took up arms against Ali in the Battle of Nahrawan.[331][332][13] The
Kharijites, many of whom belonged to the qurra,[333] were likely disillusioned with the arbitration
process.[334][13] Their slogan was, "No judgment but that of God,"[298] highlighting their rejection of
arbitration (by men) in reference to the Quranic verse 49:9.[335] Ali called this slogan a word of truth by which
the seceders sought falsehood because he viewed the ruler as indispensable in the conduct of religion.[336]

Arbitration proceedings The Nahrawan Canal ran parallel to


the east bank of the Tigris.
The two arbitrators met together in Dumat al-Jandal,[337] perhaps in February 658.[13] There they reached the
verdict that Uthman had been killed wrongfully and that Mu'awiya had the right to seek revenge.[338][339][13]
They could not agree on anything else.[340] Rather than a judicial ruling, this was a political concession by Abu Musa, who probably hoped that
Amr would later reciprocate this gesture.[340] Ali denounced the conduct of the two arbitrators as contrary to the Quran and began organizing a
second Syria campaign.[341][5] Solely an initiative of Mu'awiya,[338] there was also a second meeting in Udhruh.[338][190] The negotiations there
also failed,[341] as the two arbitrators could not agree on the next caliph: Amr supported Mu'awiya,[13] while Abu Musa nominated his son-in-law
Abd Allah ibn Umar,[13][127] who stood down.[13][342] At its closure, Abu Musa publicly deposed both Mu'awiya and Ali and called for a council to
appoint his successor per earlier agreements with Amr. When Amr took the stage, however, he deposed Ali and appointed Mu'awiya as his
successor.[127][343][13] The Kufan delegation reacted furiously to Abu Musa's concessions,[341] and the common view is that the arbitration
failed,[338][322] or was inconclusive.[344][328][345] It nevertheless strengthened the Syrians' support for Mu'awiya and weakened the position of
Ali.[338][346][208][13][347]

Battle of Nahrawan

After the arbitration, Mu'awiya received the Syrians' pledge as caliph.[348] Ali then organized a new, much smaller,[13] Syria
campaign.[330][127][349] But he postponed the expedition,[350] and instead marched to Nahrawan with his army,[350] when he learned that the
Kharijites were interrogating and executing civilians.[351][352] They killed many, apparently not even sparing women.[331] Ali convinced many of
the Kharijites to separate from their army, leaving about 1,500–1,800, or 2,800, out of about 4,000 fighters.[353][354] The rest of the Kharijites
then attacked and were crushed by Ali's army of about 14,000 men.[355][354] The battle took place either on 17 July 658,[356][330] or in

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657.[357][356]Ali has been criticized by some for killing his erstwhile allies,[358][359][360]
many of whom were
outwardly pious Muslims. For others, subduing the Kharijites was necessary, for they were violent and
radicalized rebels who posed a danger to Ali's base in Kufa.[361][362][322][363]

Final years

Following the Battle of Nahrawan, Ali could not muster enough support for a second Syria campaign.[364][360]
Perhaps his soldiers were demoralized, [359] or perhaps they were recalled by their tribal leaders,[365][366]
many of whom had been bribed and swayed by Mu'awiya.[367][366][359] By contrast, Ali did not grant any
financial favors to tribal chiefs as a matter of principle.[243][244] At any rate, the secession of so many of the
qurra and the coolness of the tribal leaders weakened Ali.[365][173][368] Ali consequently lost Egypt to
Mu'awiya in 658.[343][369] Mu'awiya also began dispatching military detachments,[343] which targeted
civilians along the Euphrates river, near Kufa, and most successfully, in the Hejaz and Yemen.[370] Ali could
not mount a timely response to these assaults.[5] He eventually found sufficient support for a second Syria
offensive, set to commence in late winter 661. His success was in part due to the public outrage over Syrian
raids.[371] However, plans for a second campaign were abandoned after the assassination of Ali.[372]

Assassination and burial


Battle of Nahrawan, a folio from a
Ali was assassinated during the morning prayer on 28 January 661 (19 Ramadan 40 AH) at the Great Mosque manuscript of Maqtel-i Ali resul, late
of Kufa. The other given dates are 26 and 30 January. He was struck over his head by the Kharijite dissident sixteenth or early seventeenth
Ibn Muljam with a poison-coated sword,[373] in revenge for their defeat in the Battle of Nahrawan.[374] Ali century
died from his wounds about two days later, aged sixty-two or sixty-three. By some accounts, he had long
known about his fate by premonition or through Muhammad.[373] Before his death, Ali requested either a
meticulous application of lex talionis to Ibn Muljam or his pardon. At any rate, Ibn Muljam was later executed by Hasan, the eldest son of Ali.[373]
Fearing that his body might be exhumed and profaned by his enemies, Ali was buried secretly near Kufa.[5] His burial site was identified during
the caliphate of the Abbasid Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809) and the town of Najaf developed around it, which has become a major destination for
Shia pilgrimage.[5] The present shrine was built by the Safavid monarch Safi (r. 1629–1642),[375] near which lies an immense cemetery for Shias
who wished to be buried next to their imam.[5] Najaf is also home to top religious colleges and prominent Shia scholars.[5][1]

Succession

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When Ali died, his son Hasan was acknowledged as the next caliph in Kufa.[354][376] As Ali's legatee, Hasan
was the obvious choice for the Kufans, especially because Ali was vocal about the exclusive right of
Muhammad's kin to leadership.[377][376] Most surviving companions of Muhammad were in Ali's army, and
they also pledged their allegiance to Hasan,[378][379] but overall the Kufans' support for Hasan was likely
weak.[380][381] Hasan later abdicated in August 661 to Mu'awiya when the latter marched on Iraq with a large
force.[380][381] Mu'awiya thus founded the dynastic Umayyad Caliphate. Throughout his reign, he persecuted
the family and supporters of Ali,[382][383] and mandated regular public cursing of Ali.[382][384]

The Great Mosque of Kufa in Kufa,


Descendants of Ali Iraq, where Ali was assassinated

The first marriage of Ali was to Fatima, who bore him three sons, Hasan, Husayn, and Muhsin.[383] Muhsin
either died in infancy,[15] or Fatima miscarried her when she was injured in a raid on her house during the
succession crisis.[89] The descendants of Hasan and Husayn are known as the Hasanids and the Husaynids,
respectively.[385] As the progeny of Muhammad, they are honored in Muslim communities by nobility titles
such as sharif and sayyid.[3] Ali and Fatima also had two daughters, Zaynab and Umm Kulthum.[386] After
Fatima's death in 632, Ali remarried multiple times and had more children, including Muhammad al-Awsat
and Abbas ibn Ali.[386] In his life, Ali fathered seventeen daughters, and eleven, fourteen, or eighteen
sons,[383] among whom, Hasan, Husayn, and Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya played a historical role.[5] Imam Ali Shrine in Najaf, near Kufa,
Descendants of Ali are known as the Alids.[385] where Ali is believed to be buried

Under the Umayyads (661–750)

Mu'awiya succeeded Ali in 661 and founded the dynastic Umayyad Caliphate,[387] during which Alids were
severely persecuted.[386] After Ali, his followers (shi'a) recognized his eldest son Hasan as their imam. When
he died in 670, likely poisoned at the instigation of Mu'awiya,[388][387][389] the Shia community followed
Hasan's younger brother Husayn, who was killed by Umayyad forces in the Battle of Karbala in 680,
alongside many of his relatives.[385] To revenge the Karbala massacre, soon followed in 685 the Shia uprising
of al-Mukhtar, who claimed to represent Ibn al-Hanafiyya.[385] The main movements that followed this Hazrat Ali Mazar, also called Rawz-
uprising were the now-extinct Kaysanites and the Imamites.[390] The Kaysanites mostly followed Abu e-Sharif, in Mazar-i Sharif,
Hashim, the son of Ibn al-Hanafiya. When Abu Hashim died around 716, this group largely aligned itself with Afghanistan, where some claim Ali
the Abbasids, that is, the descendants of Muhammad's uncle Abbas.[385][391] On the other hand, the Imamites is buried.

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were led by quiescent descendants of Husayn, through his only surviving son, Ali Zayn al-Abidin (d. 713). An exception was Ali's son Zayd, who
led a failed uprising against the Umayyads around 740.[385] For his followers, known as the Zaydites, any learned Hasanid or Husaynid who rose
against tyranny qualified as imam.[392]

Under the Abbasids (750–1258)

Alids were also persecuted under the Abbasids, who toppled the Umayyads in 750.[385][393] Some of the Alids thus revolted,[383] while some
established regional dynasties in remote areas.[385][394] In particular, through imprisonment or surveillance, the Abbasids removed the imams of
the Imamites from public life,[395][396] and they are thought to be responsible for the imams' deaths.[397][398] Mainstream Imamites were the
antecedents of the Twelvers,[399] who believe that their twelfth and final imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi, was born around 868,[400] but was hidden
from the public in 874 for fear of persecution. He remains in occultation by divine will until his reappearance at the end of time to eradicate
injustice and evil.[401][402] The only historic split among the Imamites happened when their sixth imam, Ja'far al-Sadiq, died in 765.[385][399]
Some claimed that his designated successor was his son Isma'il, who had predeceased al-Sadiq. These were the antecedents of the Isma'ilites,[385]
who found political success at the turn of the tenth century,[403] as the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt and the Qarmatians in Bahrain.[404]

Works
Most of the works attributed to Ali were first delivered as speeches and later committed to writing by others.
There are also supplications, such as Du'a Kumayl, which he may have taught others.[1]

Nahj al-balagha

Nahj al-balagha (lit. 'the path of eloquence') is an eleventh-century collection of sermons, letters, and sayings,
all attributed to Ali, compiled by Sharif al-Radi (d. 1015), a prominent Twelver scholar.[405][406] Because of its
sometimes sensitive content, the authenticity of Nahj al-balagha has long been polemically debated.
However, by tracking its content in earlier sources, recent academic research has attributed most of Nahj al-
balagha to Ali.[407][408] The book, particularly its letter of instructions addressed at al-Ashtar,[1] has served as
an ideological basis for Islamic governance.[406] The book also includes detailed discussions about social
responsibilities, emphasizing that greater responsibilities result in greater rights.[406] Nahj al-balagha also
contains sensitive material, such as sharp criticism of Ali's predecessors in its Shaqshaqiya sermon,[1] and
disapproval of Aisha, Talha, and Zubayr, who had revolted against Ali.[405][409] Celebrated as an example of
Folio from an old manuscript of Nahj
al-balagha, circa 1150 CE

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the most eloquent Arabic,[1]


Nahj al-balagha has significantly influenced the Arabic literature and rhetoric.[407] Numerous commentaries have
been written about the book, including the comprehensive work of the Mu'tazilite scholar Ibn Abil-Hadid (d. 1258).[1]

Ghurar al-hikam

Ghurar al-hikam wa durar al-kalim (lit. 'exalted aphorisms and pearls of speech') was compiled by Abd al-
Wahid al-Amidi (d. 1116), who was either a Shafi'i jurist or a Twelver scholar. The book contains thousands of
short sayings of Ali on piety and ethics.[410][1] These aphorisms and other works attributed to Ali have
considerably influenced the Islamic mysticism.[411]

Mushaf of Ali

Mushaf of Ali is a recension of the Quran compiled by Ali, who was one of its first scribes.[412] By some Shia
accounts, this codex (mushaf) of Ali was rejected for official use during the succession crisis.[413] Some early
Shia traditions also suggest differences with the standard Uthmanid codex,[414] although now the prevalent
Shia view is that Ali's recension matches the Uthmanid codex, save for the order of its content.[415] Ali's codex
is said to be in the possession of Muhammad al-Mahdi, who would reveal the codex (and its authoritative
commentary by Ali) when he reappears.[416][401]

Kitab Ali

Kitab Ali (lit. 'book of Ali') is a non-extant collection of prophetic sayings gathered by Ali. The book may have Folio from an old manuscript of
Ghurar al-hikam
concerned matters of lawfulness (halal) and unlawfulness (haram), including a detailed penal code. Kitab Ali
is also often linked to al-Jafr, which is said to contain the esoteric teachings of Muhammad for his
household.[417][418] Copies of Kitab Ali were likely available until the early eighth century, and parts of it have
survived in later Shia and Sunni works.[419]

Other works

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The Du'a' Kumayl is a popular Shia supplication attributed to Ali, transmitted by his companion, Kumayl ibn
Ziyad.[1] Also attributed to Ali is Kitab al-Diyat on Islamic law, fully quoted in the Shia hadith collection Man
la yahduruhu al-faqih.[420] The judicial decisions and executive orders of Ali during his caliphate have also
been recorded.[421] Other extant works attributed to Ali are collected in Kitab al-Kafi and other Shia
sources.[1]

Contributions to Islamic sciences


The first three verses of the Surah
The standard recitation of the Quran has been traced back to Ali,[422][423][208] and his written legacy is dotted al-buruj (85:1–3) in what might be a
with Quranic commentaries.[419] Ibn Abbas, a leading early exegete, credited Ali with his interpretations of folio from the Mushaf of Ali in the
the Quran.[424] Ali also related several hundred prophetic hadiths.[419] He is further credited with the first library of the Imam Ali shrine, Najaf,
systematic evaluations of hadiths, and is often considered a founding figure for hadith sciences.[419] Ali is also Iraq
regarded by some as the founder of Islamic theology, and his sayings contain the first rational proofs of the
unity of God (tawhid) in Islam.[425][32] In later Islamic philosophy, Ali's sayings and sermons were mined for
metaphysical knowledge.[3] In particular, Nahj al-balagha is a vital source for Shia philosophical doctrines,
after the Quran and Sunna.[426] As a Shia imam, statements and practices attributed to Ali are widely studied
in Shia Islam, where they are viewed as the continuation of prophetic teachings.[419]

Names and titles


Ali is known by many honorifics in the Islamic tradition, some of which are especially used by Shias.[3] His
titles include Abu al-Hasan (lit. 'father of Hasan'),[427][3] al-Murtada (lit. 'one with whom [God] is pleased' or Khan School (est. 1595) in Shiraz,
'one who is chosen and contented'),[427][3] Asad Allah (lit. 'lion of God'),[428] Haydar (lit. 'lion', the name Iran, where the Shia philosopher
Mulla Sadra taught. In the Sadra
initially her mother gave him),[427] Amir al-Mu'minin (lit. 'commander of the faithful'), and Imam al-Muttaqin
school of thought, Ali is celebrated
(lit. 'leader of the God-fearing').[427][3] In particular, Twelvers consider the title of Amir al-Mu'minin to be
as the foremost metaphysician of
unique to Ali.[429] He is also referred to as Abu Turab (lit. 'father of dust'),[3] which might have initially been a Islam.
pejorative by his enemies.[5]

Character
Often praised for his piety and courage,[208][430][5] Ali fought to uphold his beliefs,[5][431] but was also magnanimous in victory,[432][208] even
risking the ire of some supporters to prevent the enslavement of women.[5] He also showed his grief, wept for the dead, and reportedly prayed
over his enemies.[5] Yet Ali has also been criticized for his idealism and political inflexibility,[5][217] for his egalitarian policies and strict justice

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antagonized many.[433][216]
Or perhaps these qualities were also present in Muhammad,[219][218] whom the
Quran addresses as, "They wish that thou [Muhammad] might compromise and that they might
compromise."[434] At any rate, these qualities of Ali, rooted in his religious beliefs, contributed to his image
today for his followers as a paragon of Islamic virtues,[5][435][433] particularly justice.[2] Ali is also viewed as
the model par excellence for Islamic chivalry (futuwwa).[436][437][438]

Historical accounts about Ali are often tendentious.[5] For instance, in person, Ali is described in some Sunni
sources as bald, heavy-built, short-legged, with broad shoulders, hairy body, long white beard, and affected by
eye inflammation.[5] Shia accounts about the appearance of Ali are markedly different. Those perhaps better Eighteenth-century mirror writing in
Ottoman calligraphy depicts the
match his reputation as a capable warrior.[439] Likewise, in manner, Ali is presented in some Sunni sources as
phrase 'Ali is the vicegerent of God'
rough, brusque, and unsociable.[5] By contrast, Shia sources describe him as generous, gentle, and
in both directions.
cheerful,[437][2] to the point that the Syrian war propaganda accused him of frivolity.[214] Shia and Sufi
sources are also replete with reports about his acts of kindness, especially to the poor.[440] The necessary
qualities in a commander, described in a letter attributed to Ali, may have well been a portrait of himself: slow
to anger, happy to pardon, kind to the weak, and severe with the strong.[441] His companion, Sa'sa'a ibn
Suhan, described him similarly, "He [Ali] was amongst us as one of us, of gentle disposition, intense humility,
leading with a light touch, even though we were in awe of him with the kind of awe that a bound prisoner has
before one who holds a sword over his head."[2][441]

Legacy
Ali's sword and shield carved on the
Bab al-Nasr, Cairo
In Islam

Ali's place is said to be second only to Muhammad in Muslim culture.[13] Ali is revered for his courage, Ali
honesty, unbending devotion to Islam, magnanimity, and equal treatment of all Muslims.[432] For his
admirers, he has thus become the archetype of uncorrupted Islam and pre-Islamic chivalry.[435]

In the Quran

Ali regularly represented Muhammad in missions which are commonly linked to Quranic
injunctions.[442][443] For instance, the verse of walaya (5:55) is a reference to when Ali gave his ring to a
beggar, while praying in the mosque, according to Shia and some Sunni accounts.[444] If so, then this verse
gives Ali the same spiritual authority (walaya) as Muhammad.[445][446] In Shia sources, the verse of tabligh
(5:67) spurred Muhammad to designate Ali as his successor at the Ghadir Khumm, while the verse of ikmal
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al-din (5:3) subsequently announced the perfection of Islam.[447] The verse of purification (33:33) concerns
the status of purity of the Ahl al-Bayt (lit. 'people of the house'), which is limited to Ali, Fatima, and their two
sons in Shia and some Sunni sources.[448][449][450] Another reference to the Ahl al-Bayt might be the verse of
mawadda (42:23).[451][452][453] For Shias, this verse is a Quranic mandate to love and follow the Ahl al-
Bayt.[454][451]

In hadith literature

Muhammad frequently praise the qualities of Ali. The most controversial such statement, "He whose mawla I
am, Ali is his mawla," was delivered at the Ghadir Khumm. This gave Ali the same spiritual authority
(walaya) as Muhammad, according to the Shia.[455] Elsewhere, the hadith of the position likens Muhammad
and Ali to Moses and Aaron,[33] and thus supports the usurped right of Ali to succeed Muhammad in Shia Gouache illustration of Ali (centre)
Islam.[456] Other examples in standard Shia and Sunni collections of hadith include, "There is no youth and his sons, Hasan and Husayn,
braver than Ali," "No-one but a believer loves Ali, and no-one but a hypocrite (munafiq) hates Ali," "I am 1838, by an unknown painter
from Ali, and Ali is from me, and he is the wali (lit. 'patron' or 'guardian') of every believer after me," "The
Caliph · Imam
truth revolves around him [Ali] wherever he goes," "I am the city of knowledge and Ali is its gate (bab)," "Ali
is with the Quran and the Quran is with Ali. They will not separate until they return to me at the [paradisal] Venerated in Islam
pool."[457][32] Baháʼí Faith
Druze Faith
Yarsanism
In Sufism
Major shrine Imam Ali Shrine,
Ali is the common source of mystical and spiritual currents within both Sunni and Shia sects of Najaf
Islam.[458][459] In particular, Ali is the spiritual head of some Sufi movements,[1] for Sufis believe that Ali
inherited from Muhammad his esoteric knowledge and saintly authority,[3] which guide believers on their journey toward God.[1] Nearly all Sufi
orders trace their lineage to Muhammad through Ali, an exception being the Naqshbandis, who reach Muhammad through Abu Bakr.[3]

In Sunni Islam

In Sunni Islam, Ali is venerated as a close companion of Muhammad,[460] a foremost authority on the Quran and Islamic law,[424][461] and the
fountainhead of wisdom in Sunni spirituality.[458] When the prophet died in 632, Ali had his claims to leadership, perhaps in reference to the
Ghadir Khumm,[104][45] but he eventually accepted the temporal rule of the first three caliphs in the interest of Muslim unity.[462] Ali is portrayed
in Sunni sources as a trusted advisor of the first three caliphs,[3][13] while their conflicts with Ali are minimized,[117][118] in line with the Sunni
tendency to show accord among companions.[118][463][464] As the fourth and final Rashidun caliph, Ali holds a particularly high status in Sunni
Islam, although this doctrinal reverence for Ali is a recent development for which the prominent Sunni traditionist Ibn Hanbal (d. 855) is likely to

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be credited.[1]
His hierarchy of companions places Ali above those companions who fought against him, thus
accommodating into Sunni doctrine the opposite sides of a moral conflict that has split the Muslim
community ever since. But this Sunni hierarchy also places Ali below his predecessors, namely, Abu Bakr,
Umar, and Uthman.[1][465][460] This ordering has required Sunni reinterpretation of those prophetic sayings
that explicitly elevate Ali above all companions.[1]

In Shia Islam

Ali takes center stage in Shia Islam:[3] The Arabic word shi'a itself is short for 'shi'a of Ali' (lit. 'followers of
Ali'),[466] his name is incorporated into the daily call to prayer (adhan),[3] and he is regarded as the foremost
companion of Muhammad.[467][468] The defining doctrine of Shia Islam is that Ali was the rightful successor
of Muhammad through divinely-ordained designation,[13][469] which is primarily a reference to the Ghadir
Khumm.[470] Ali is thought to have inherited the political and religious authority of Muhammad, even before
his ascension to the caliphate in 656.[471][472] In particular, Ali's predecessors are regarded as illegitimate
rulers and usurpers of his rights.[13] The all-encompassing bond of loyalty between Shia Muslims and their
imams (and Muhammad in his capacity as imam) is known as walaya.[229] Ali is also thought to be endowed The verse of walaya, possibly the
most controversial statement in the
with the privilege of intercession on the Judgment Day.[1] Early on, some Shias even attributed divinity to
Quran linked to Ali, is engraved on
Ali,[13][467] but such extreme views were gradually rooted out of Shi'ism.[473]
the margins of this memorial stone,
dating to the Seljuk era
In Shia belief, Ali also inherited the esoteric knowledge of Muhammad,[2][474] for instance, in view of the
prophetic hadith, "I [Muhammad] am the city of knowledge, and Ali is its gate."[2] Ali is thus regarded, after
Muhammad, as the interpreter, par excellence, of the Quran and the sole authoritative source of its (esoteric) teachings.[470] Unlike Muhammad,
however, Ali is not thought to have received divine revelation (wahy), though he might have been guided by divine inspiration (ilham).[471][475]
Verse 21:73 of the Quran is sometimes cited here, "We made them imams, guiding by Our command, and We revealed (awhayna') to them the
performance of good deeds, the maintenance of prayers, and the giving of zakat (alms), and they used to worship Us."[476] Shia Muslims also
believe in the infallibility of Ali, as with Muhammad, that is, their divine protection from sins.[1][477] Here, the verse of purification is sometimes
cited.[478][479] Ali's words and deeds are therefore considered a model for the Shia community and a source for their religious
injunctions.[480][481]

In Alawism

The Alawites venerate Ali, the first of the Twelve Imams, as the physical manifestation of God.[482][483] Even, the Alawite testimony of faith
(shahada) translates as "there is no God but Ali".[484] The Alawite trinity envisions God as being composed of three distinct manifestations,
Ma'na (meaning), Ism (Name) and Bab (Door); which together constitute an "indivisible trinity". Ma'na symbolises the "source and meaning of
all things" in Alawite mythology. According to Alawite doctrines, Ma'na generated the Ism, which in turn built the Bab. These beliefs are closely
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tied to the Alawite doctrine of reincarnations of the trinity.[485][486]The final trinity of reincarnation in the
Alawite trinity consists of Ali (Ma'na), Muhammad (Ism) and Salman the Persian (Bab). Alewites depict them
as the sky, sun and moon respectively. Alawites deify Ali as the "last and supreme manifestation of God" who
built the universe, attribute to him divine superiority, and believe that Ali created Muhammad and gave him
the mission to spread Qur'anic teachings on earth.[487][488][485][489]

In other religions

In the Druze faith, Ali is considered a "minor prophet," like Plato and Socrates.[490] Even though the faith
originally developed out of the Isma'ili branch of Shia Islam, the Druze are not Muslims,[491][492] and do not
accept the five pillars of Islam.[492] In Yarsanism, a religion founded by the Kurdish mystic Sultan Sahak, Ali
is thought to be an incarnation of God,[493] and superior to Muhammad,[493] but their image as a Ghulat
(lit. 'exaggerators' or 'extremists') subsect of Shia Islam is incorrect.[493]

Historiography
Much has been written about Ali in Islamic literature, second only to Muhammad.[3] However, much of this The word 'Ali' in Arabic calligraphy,
material is colored by a positive or negative bias towards Ali.[3] The primary sources about Ali are the Quran, inscribed in Hagia Sophia, Turkey
hadiths, and other early Islamic works,[3] the most notable being The Book of Sulaym ibn Qays, attributed to
a companion of Ali.[494] Such works were initially scarce, but this changed with the introduction of affordable
paper in the Abbasid period. For instance, at least twenty-one monographs were composed on the Battle of
Siffin between 750 and 950, thirteen of which were authored by the early historian Abu Mikhnaf (d. 773–774).
Most of these monographs are not extant except through quotations in later collections, such as the tenth-
century Tarikh al-Tabari.[495] In addition to numerous works authored by Muslims, the secondary sources
about Ali include writings of Arab Christians, Hindus, and also works by Western scholars.[3] When writing
about Ali, early Western scholars often dismissed as fabricated the reports gathered in later periods because
their authors often advanced their own Sunni or Shia partisan views. For instance, L. Caetani (d. 1935) often
rejected the historical reports attributed to the pro-Ali Ibn Abbas and anti-Ali Aisha. Caetani instead preferred
accounts reported without isnad by early historians like Ibn Ishaq (d. 767). By contrast, W. Madelung

Ali with his sons, nineteenth century


Iranian tapestry

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(d. 2023) argued that the tendentiousness of a report alone does not imply its fabrication. Madelung instead advocated for the authentication of
historical reports on the basis of their compatibility with other events and figures.[496]

Footnotes Islam portal

1. Gleave 2008. 28. Mavani 2013, p. 72. Shia Islam portal


2. Shah-Kazemi 2015b. 29. Bill & Williams 2002, p. 29.
3. Afsaruddin & Nasr 2023. 30. Momen 1985, p. 13.
4. Momen 1985, p. 239. 31. Momen 1985, p. 14.
5. Veccia Vaglieri 2012a. 32. Shah-Kazemi 2014.
6. Rubin 1995, p. 130. 33. Miskinzoda 2015, p. 69.
7. Momen 1985, p. 12. 34. Miskinzoda 2015, pp. 76–7.
8. Abbas 2021, p. 34. 35. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 46.
9. Rubin 1995, pp. 136–7. 36. Faizer 2006.
10. Huart 2012a. 37. Donner 2010, pp. 72–3.
11. Mavani 2013, p. 71, 98. 38. Arafat 1976.
12. Abbas 2021, pp. 46, 206. 39. Dakake 2007, pp. 34–9.
13. Poonawala 1982. 40. Veccia Vaglieri 2012d.
14. Kassam & Blomfield 2015. 41. Dakake 2007, pp. 34–7.
15. Buehler 2014, p. 186. 42. Veccia Vaglieri 2012b.
16. Klemm 2005, p. 186. 43. Momen 1985, p. 15.
17. Qutbuddin 2006, p. 248. 44. Mavani 2013, p. 80.
18. Momen 1985, pp. 13–14. 45. Amir-Moezzi 2014.
19. Schmucker 2012. 46. Jones 2009.
20. Madelung 1997, p. 16. 47. Mavani 2013, p. 20.
21. Osman 2015, p. 110. 48. Dakake 2007, p. 35.
22. Nasr et al. 2015, p. 379. 49. Lalani 2011.
23. Haider 2014, p. 35. 50. Jafri 1979, p. 20.
24. Haider 2014, p. 36. 51. Dakake 2007, p. 45.
25. McAuliffe 2023. 52. Mavani 2013, p. 2.
26. Fedele 2018, p. 56. 53. Dakake 2007, p. 47.
27. Lalani 2006, p. 29. 54. Jafri 1979, p. 21.
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55. Mavani 2013, p. 70. 86. Madelung 1997, pp. 43–4. 117. Jafri 1979, p. 45.
56. Dakake 2007, p. 46. 87. Jafri 1979, pp. 40–1. 118. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 78.
57. Dakake 2007, pp. 44–5. 88. Soufi 1997, p. 86. 119. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 81.
58. Lalani 2006, p. 590. 89. Khetia 2013, p. 78. 120. Dakake 2007, p. 50.
59. Madelung 1997, p. 253. 90. Abbas 2021, p. 98. 121. Jafri 1979, pp. 47–8.
60. McHugo 2017, §2.IV. 91. Soufi 1997, pp. 84–5. 122. Momen 1985, p. 20.
61. Dakake 2007, p. 41. 92. Ayoub 2014, pp. 17–20. 123. Veccia Vaglieri 2012a, p. 382.
62. Afsaruddin 2013, p. 51. 93. Khetia 2013, p. 35. 124. Afsaruddin 2013, p. 32.
63. Jafri 1979, p. 39. 94. Soufi 1997, p. 84. 125. Ayoub 2014, p. 32.
64. Momen 1985, p. 18. 95. Khetia 2013, p. 38. 126. Jafri 1979, p. 46.
65. Madelung 1997, pp. 30–2. 96. Jafri 1979, p. 47. 127. Glassé 2001, p. 40.
66. Jafri 1979, p. 37. 97. Madelung 1997, p. 50. 128. Tabatabai 1975, p. 158.
67. Madelung 1997, p. 35. 98. Mavani 2013, p. 116. 129. Momen 1985, p. 16.
68. Madelung 1997, pp. 31–33. 99. Soufi 1997, pp. 104–105. 130. Abbas 2021, p. 89.
69. Momen 1985, pp. 18–9. 100. Sajjadi 2018. 131. Madelung 1997, p. 22.
70. Madelung 1997, pp. 36, 40. 101. Veccia Vaglieri 2012c. 132. Madelung 1997, pp. 66–7.
71. McHugo 2017, §1.III. 102. Soufi 1997, p. 100. 133. Madelung 1997, pp. 62, 65.
72. Madelung 1997, p. 5. 103. Madelung 1997, p. 141. 134. Madelung 1997, pp. 62–64.
73. Mavani 2013, p. 34. 104. Momen 1985, pp. 19–20. 135. Madelung 1997, p. 67.
74. Keaney 2021, §3.1. 105. McHugo 2017, p. 40. 136. Pellat 1983.
75. Walker 2014, p. 3. 106. Jafri 1979, p. 44. 137. Jafri 1979, p. 50.
76. Lecomte 2012. 107. Madelung 1997, pp. 141, 253. 138. Jafri 1979, p. 52.
77. Shaban 1971, p. 16. 108. Mavani 2013, p. 113–114. 139. Ayoub 2014, p. 43.
78. Khetia 2013, pp. 31–2. 109. Momen 1985, p. 62. 140. Madelung 1997, p. 71.
79. Madelung 1997, p. 32. 110. Mavani 2013, pp. 114, 117. 141. Jafri 1979, p. 51.
80. Fedele 2018. 111. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 79. 142. Momen 1985, p. 21.
81. Madelung 1997, p. 43. 112. Anthony 2013. 143. Jafri 1979, p. 54.
82. Jafri 1979, p. 40. 113. Mavani 2013, p. 117. 144. Kennedy 2016, p. 60.
83. Qutbuddin 2006, p. 249. 114. Aslan 2005, p. 122. 145. Keaney 2021, §3.4.
84. Cortese & Calderini 2006, p. 8. 115. Madelung 1997, pp. 42, 52–54, 213–4. 146. Shaban 1971, pp. 62–3.
85. Jafri 1979, p. 41. 116. Abbas 2021, p. 94. 147. Madelung 1997, pp. 71–2.

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148. Jafri 1979, pp. 52–3. 179. Madelung 1997, p. 112. 210. McHugo 2017, p. 53.
149. Abbas 2021, p. 116. 180. Madelung 1997, p. 127. 211. Ayoub 2014, p. 91.
150. Madelung 1997, p. 68. 181. Levi Della Vida & Khoury 2012. 212. Madelung 1997, p. 148.
151. Jafri 1979, pp. 52–53, 55. 182. Madelung 1997, p. 126. 213. Tabatabai 1975, p. 45.
152. Madelung 1997, p. 87. 183. Hinds 1972a. 214. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 105.
153. Veccia Vaglieri 1970, p. 67. 184. Donner 2010, p. 152. 215. Madelung 1997, p. 272.
154. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 84. 185. Kennedy 2016, p. 65. 216. Tabatabai 1975, p. 44.
155. Dakake 2007, p. 52. 186. Veccia Vaglieri 2012f. 217. Madelung 1997, pp. 149–50.
156. Madelung 1997, pp. 108, 113. 187. Donner 2010, p. 157. 218. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 89.
157. Jafri 1979, p. 53. 188. Lapidus 2002, p. 56. 219. Tabatabai 1975, p. 46.
158. Madelung 1997, p. 108. 189. Ayoub 2014, p. 81. 220. Tabatabai 1975, p. 64.
159. Hinds 1972a, p. 467. 190. Bahramian 2015. 221. Nasr et al. 2015, p. 3203.
160. Madelung 1997, p. 109. 191. Madelung 1997, pp. 142–3. 222. Shah-Kazemi 2019, pp. 89–90.
161. Jafri 1979, p. 63. 192. Momen 1985, p. 24. 223. Madelung 1997, p. 150.
162. Daftary 2014, p. 30. 193. Ayoub 2014, p. 70. 224. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 77.
163. Madelung 1997, p. 98. 194. Madelung 1997, p. 143. 225. Shaban 1971, p. 73.
164. Madelung 1997, pp. 100–2. 195. Madelung 1997, p. 147. 226. Shaban 1971, pp. 72–73.
165. Jafri 1979, p. 59. 196. Jafri 1979, p. 64. 227. Mavani 2013, pp. 67–68.
166. Madelung 1997, pp. 107–8. 197. Madelung 1997, pp. 144–5. 228. Dakake 2007, p. 57.
167. Momen 1985, p. 22. 198. Madelung 1997, p. 144. 229. Haider 2014, p. 34.
168. Jafri 1979, p. 62. 199. Shaban 1971, p. 71. 230. Dakake 2007, p. 60.
169. McHugo 2017, p. 49. 200. Ayoub 2014, p. 85. 231. Madelung 1997, pp. 251–252.
170. Madelung 1997, p. 121. 201. Veccia Vaglieri 1970, p. 69. 232. Dakake 2007, p. 59.
171. Madelung 1997, pp. 118–9. 202. Shaban 1971, p. 72. 233. Jafri 1979, p. 71.
172. Madelung 1997, p. 128. 203. Donner 2010, p. 158. 234. Dakake 2007, pp. 58–59.
173. Anthony 2013, p. 31. 204. Keaney 2021, §3.5. 235. Dakake 2007, p. 262n30.
174. Madelung 1997, p. 111. 205. Madelung 1997, p. 72. 236. Jafri 1979, p. 67.
175. Veccia Vaglieri 1970, p. 68. 206. Abbas 2021, p. 115. 237. Abbas 2021, p. 133.
176. Madelung 1997, pp. 111, 119. 207. Madelung 1997, pp. 309–10. 238. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 90.
177. Madelung 1997, p. 122. 208. Momen 1985, p. 25. 239. Ayoub 2014, p. 83.
178. Madelung 1997, p. 123. 209. Tabatabai 1975, p. 43. 240. Shah-Kazemi 2019, pp. 84, 90.

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241. Jafri 1979, pp. 55–6. 272. Donner 2010, p. 159. 303. Madelung 1997, p. 226.
242. Ayoub 2014, p. 94. 273. Madelung 1997, pp. 169–70. 304. Lecker 2012.
243. Ayoub 2014, p. 95. 274. Madelung 1997, p. 170. 305. Donner 2010, p. 161.
244. McHugo 2017, p. 64. 275. Hazleton 2009, p. 113. 306. Shaban 1971, p. 75.
245. Madelung 1997, p. 264. 276. Abbas 2021, p. 139. 307. Kennedy 2016, p. 67.
246. Shah-Kazemi 2019, pp. 105–6. 277. Madelung 1997, pp. 171–2. 308. Madelung 1997, p. 232.
247. Madelung 1997, p. 276. 278. Abbas 2021, p. 140. 309. Hazleton 2009, p. 198.
248. Abbas 2021, p. 153. 279. Madelung 1997, p. 171. 310. Madelung 1997, p. 234.
249. Lambton 1991, pp. xix, xx. 280. Madelung 1997, p. 172. 311. Madelung 1997, p. 235.
250. Abbas 2021, p. 156. 281. Abbas 2021, p. 141. 312. Ayoub 2014, p. 119.
251. Heck 2023. 282. Hazleton 2009, p. 121. 313. Abbas 2021, p. 149.
252. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 94. 283. Madelung 1997, p. 180-1. 314. Madelung 1997, p. 238.
253. Ayoub 2014, p. 84. 284. Hazleton 2009, p. 122. 315. Adamec 2017, p. 406.
254. Shah-Kazemi 2019, p. 115. 285. Madelung 1997, p. 182. 316. Veccia Vaglieri 1970, p. 70.
255. Ayoub 2014, p. 109. 286. Madelung 1997, p. 194. 317. Ayoub 2014, pp. 123–4.
256. Ayoub 2014, p. 108. 287. Petersen 1958, p. 165. 318. Hinds 1972b, p. 97.
257. Ayoub 2014, pp. 109–10. 288. Ayoub 2014, p. 97. 319. Madelung 1997, p. 241.
258. Madelung 1997, p. 227. 289. Madelung 1997, p. 190. 320. Hinds 1972b, p. 98.
259. Ayoub 2014, pp. 111–2. 290. Abbas 2021, p. 144. 321. Madelung 1997, pp. 241–2.
260. Ayoub 2014, p. 89. 291. Rahman 1995, p. 58. 322. Afsaruddin 2013, p. 53.
261. Madelung 1997, p. 133. 292. Donner 2010, p. 160. 323. Dakake 2007, pp. 1–2.
262. Cappucci 2014, p. 19. 293. Ayoub 2014, p. 99. 324. Madelung 1997, p. 243.
263. Madelung 1997, p. 157. 294. Madelung 1997, p. 196. 325. Dakake 2007, p. 1.
264. Aslan 2005, p. 132. 295. Madelung 1997, p. 203. 326. Madelung 1997, p. 247.
265. McHugo 2017, §2.II. 296. Madelung 1997, p. 204. 327. Madelung 1997, p. 245.
266. Madelung 1997, pp. 98, 101, 107. 297. Madelung 1997, pp. 204–205. 328. Rauf 2007, p. 191.
267. Ayoub 2014, p. 88. 298. Shah-Kazemi 2014, p. 23. 329. Madelung 1997, p. 248–249.
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270. Hazleton 2009, p. 107. 301. Kennedy 2016, p. 66. 332. Donner 2010, p. 162.
271. Madelung 1997, p. 169. 302. McHugo 2017, 2.III. 333. Hinds 1972b, p. 100.

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335. Rauf 2007, pp. 190–191. 366. Jafri 1979, p. 123. 397. Pierce 2016, p. 44.
336. Madelung 1997, pp. 249–50. 367. Kennedy 2016, p. 68. 398. Momen 1985, p. 44.
337. Ayoub 2014, p. 129. 368. Kennedy 2016, p. 69. 399. McHugo 2017, p. 107.
338. Madelung 1997, p. 255. 369. Madelung 1997, pp. 268–9. 400. Momen 1985, p. 161.
339. Aslan 2005, p. 137. 370. Madelung 1997, pp. 262, 288–291, 293. 401. Amir-Moezzi 1998.
340. Madelung 1997, p. 256. 371. Madelung 1997, p. 307. 402. McHugo 2017, p. 108.
341. Madelung 1997, p. 257. 372. Donner 2010, p. 166. 403. Haider 2014, p. 92.
342. Madelung 1997, p. 286. 373. Veccia Vaglieri 2012g. 404. Daftary 2007, pp. 2, 110, 128.
343. Donner 2010, p. 165. 374. Madelung 1997, p. 308. 405. Thomas 2008.
344. Fadel 2013, p. 43. 375. Momen 1985, p. 26. 406. Esposito 2003, p. 227.
345. Hinds 1972b, p. 102. 376. Veccia Vaglieri 2012e. 407. Shah-Kazemi 2006.
346. Jafri 1979, p. 65. 377. Madelung 1997, p. 311. 408. Djebli 2012.
347. Daftary 2013, p. 31. 378. Momen 1985, pp. 26–7. 409. Dakake 2007, p. 225.
348. Madelung 1997, pp. 257–8. 379. Jafri 1979, p. 91. 410. Shah-Kazemi 2007, p. 4.
349. Madelung 1997, pp. 255, 257. 380. Momen 1985, p. 27. 411. Jozi & Shah-Kazemi 2015.
350. Madelung 1997, pp. 259–60. 381. Jafri 1979, pp. 109–10. 412. Modarressi 2003, p. 2.
351. Wellhausen 1901, pp. 17–18. 382. Madelung 1997, p. 334. 413. Modarressi 1993, p. 13.
352. Madelung 1997, p. 254. 383. Lewis 2012. 414. Amir-Moezzi 2009, p. 24.
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References

Books
Abbas, H. (2021). The Prophet's Heir: The Life of Ali ibn Abi Talib. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-25205-7.

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Adamec, L.W. (2017). Historical Dictionary of Islam (https://archive. Atwan, Abdel Bari (2015). Islamic State: The Digital Caliphate.
org/details/historical-dictionary-of-islam-third-edition/mode/2up) Oakland, California, USA: University of California Press. ISBN 978-
(Third ed.). Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-4422-7723-6. 0-520-28928-4.
Afsaruddin, A. (2013). The First Muslims: History and Memory (http Clarke, L. (2005). "The Rise and Decline of Taqiyya in Twelver
s://archive.org/details/the-first-muslims-history-and-memory-by-asm Shi'ism". In Lawson, T. (ed.). Reason and Inspiration in Islam:
a-afsaruddin/mode/2up). Oneworld Publications. ISBN 978-1- Theology, Philosophy and Mysticism in Muslim Thought. I.B. Tauris.
85168-518-9. pp. 46–63. ISBN 978-1-85043-470-2.
Amir-Moezzi, M.A. (1994). The Divine Guide In Early Shi'ism: The Cortese, D.; Calderini, S. (2006). Women and the Fatimids in the
Sources of Esotericism in Islam (https://archive.org/details/thedivine World of Islam (https://books.google.com/books?id=Yz4pAAAAYAA
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Bosworth, C.E.; van Donzel, E.; Heinrichs, W.P. (eds.). van Donzel, E.; Heinrichs, W.P. (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam
Encyclopaedia of Islam (Second ed.). doi:10.1163/1573- (Second ed.). doi:10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_0165 (https://doi.
3912_islam_COM_0046 (https://doi.org/10.1163%2F1573-3912_isl org/10.1163%2F1573-3912_islam_SIM_0165). ISBN 978-90-04-
am_COM_0046). ISBN 978-90-04-16121-4. 16121-4.

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Alizadeh, M. (2015). " 'Alī b. Abī Ṭālib 11. The Iconography of Imam Bahramian, A. (2015). " 'Alī b. Abī Ṭālib 3. Caliphate" (https://dx.doi.
'Alī in Persianate Islamic Art" (https://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-9831 org/10.1163/1875-9831_isla_COM_036126). In Daftary, Farhad
_isla_COM_036126). In Daftary, F. (ed.). Encyclopaedia Islamica. (ed.). Encyclopaedia Islamica. Translated by Melvin-Koushki, M.
Translated by Negahban, F. doi:10.1163/1875- doi:10.1163/1875-9831_isla_COM_036126 (https://doi.org/10.116
9831_isla_COM_036126 (https://doi.org/10.1163%2F1875-9831_isl 3%2F1875-9831_isla_COM_036126).
a_COM_036126). Haj Manouchehri, F. (2015). " 'Alī b. Abī Ṭālib 1. Names and Titles"
(https://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-9831_isla_COM_036126). In
Daftary, F. (ed.). Encyclopaedia Islamica. Translated by Melvin-
Koushki, Matthew. doi:10.1163/1875-9831_isla_COM_036126 (http
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(Taṣawwuf and 'Irfān)" (https://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-9831_isla_ la_COM_036126). In Daftary, F. (ed.). Encyclopaedia Islamica.
COM_036126). In Daftary, F. (ed.). Encyclopaedia Islamica. Translated by Khaleeli, A. doi:10.1163/1875-
Translated by Brown, K. doi:10.1163/1875-9831_isla_COM_036126 9831_isla_COM_036126 (https://doi.org/10.1163%2F1875-9831_isl
(https://doi.org/10.1163%2F1875-9831_isla_COM_036126). a_COM_036126).
Pakatchi, A. (2015). " 'Alī b. Abī Ṭālib 4. Qur'ān and Ḥadīth Shah-Kazemi, R. (2015b). " 'Alī b. Abī Ṭālib 2. Biography" (https://d
Sciences" (https://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-9831_isla_COM_03612 x.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_26324). In Daftary, F. (ed.).
6). In Daftary, F. (ed.). Encyclopaedia Islamica. Translated by Valey, Encyclopaedia Islamica. Translated by Melvin-Koushki, M.
M.I. doi:10.1163/1875-9831_isla_COM_036126 (https://doi.org/10.1 doi:10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_26324 (https://doi.org/10.1163%
163%2F1875-9831_isla_COM_036126). 2F1573-3912_ei3_COM_26324). ISBN 978-90-04-17137-4.

Others
Afsaruddin, A. (2006). "Ghadir Khumm" (https://archive.org/details/q Faizer, R. (2006). "Sira" (https://archive.org/details/MedievalIslamic
uranencyclopedi2006unse/page/218/mode/2up). In Leaman, O. CivilizationAnEncyclopedia_201603/page/n797/mode/2up?q=%22
(ed.). The Qur'an: An Encyclopedia. Routledge. p. 218. ISBN 9-78- 2%3A207%22). In Meri, J.W. (ed.). Medieval Islamic Civilization: An
0-415-32639-1. Encyclopedia. Routledge. p. 754. ISBN 0-415-96692-2.
Afsaruddin, A.; Nasr, S.H. (2023). "Ali" (https://www.britannica.com/ Fadel, M. (2013). "Arbitration" (https://archive.org/details/princetone
biography/Ali-Muslim-caliph). Encyclopedia Britannica. ncyclo0000unse/). In Bowering, G. (ed.). The Princeton
Anthony, S.W. (2013). "Ali b. Abi Talib" (https://archive.org/details/pri Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought. Princeton University
ncetonencyclo0000unse/). In Bowering, G. (ed.). The Princeton Press. pp. 43–44. ISBN 978-0-691-13484-0.
Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought. Princeton University Fedele, V. (2018). "Fatima". In de-Gaia, S. (ed.). Encyclopedia of
Press. pp. 30–32. ISBN 978-0-691-13484-0. Women in World Religions. ABC-CLIO. p. 56. ISBN 978-1-4408-
Buehler, A.F. (2014). "Fatima" (https://archive.org/details/muhamma 4850-6.
dinhistor0000unse_h4s1/mode/2up). In Fitzpatrick, C.; Walker, A.H. Glassé, C., ed. (2001). " 'Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib (598-40/598-661)" (https://
(eds.). Muhammad in History, Thought, and Culture: An archive.org/details/newencyclopediao0000glas/page/39/mode/2up).
Encyclopaedia of the Prophet of God. Vol. 1. ABC-CLIO. pp. 182– The New Encyclopedia of Islam. AltaMira Press. pp. 39–41.
187. ISBN 978-1-61069-178-9. ISBN 0-7591-0189-2.
Cappucci, J. (2014). " 'A'isha" (https://archive.org/details/muhamma Gleave, R. (2004). "Imamate". In Martin, R.C. (ed.). Encyclopaedia
dinhistor0000unse_h4s1/page/18/mode/2up). In Fitzpatrick, C.; of Islam and the Muslim world. Vol. 1. Macmillan Reference USA.
Walker, A.H. (eds.). Muhammad in History, Thought, and Culture: pp. 350–351. ISBN 0-02-865604-0.
An Encyclopedia of the Prophet of God. Vol. 1. ABC-CLIO. pp. 18– Heck, P.L. (2023). "Politics and the Quran" (https://dx.doi.org/10.116
20. ISBN 978-1-61069-178-9. 3/1875-3922_q3_EQCOM_00149). In Pink, J. (ed.). Encyclopaedia
of the Qur'ān. doi:10.1163/1875-3922_q3_EQCOM_00149 (https://
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Hulmes, E.D.A. (2008). " 'Ali ibn Abi Talib". In Netton, I.R. (ed.). Shah-Kazemi, R. (2006). " 'Ali ibn Abi Talib" (https://archive.org/deta
Encyclopedia of Islamic Civilisation and Religion. Routledge. ils/MedievalIslamicCivilizationAnEncyclopedia_201603/page/n79/m
pp. 43–45. ISBN 978-0-700-71588-6. ode/2up). In Meri, J.W. (ed.). Medieval Islamic Civilization: An
Jones, L.G. (2009). "Ali ibn Abi Talib" (https://archive.org/details/enc Encyclopedia. Vol. 1. Routledge. pp. 36–37. ISBN 978-0-415-
yclopedia-of-islam_202006/page/32/mode/2up). In Campo, J.E. 96690-0.
(ed.). Encyclopedia of Islam. Facts on File. pp. 33–34. ISBN 978-0- Shah-Kazemi, R. (2014). " 'Ali ibn Abi Talib" (https://archive.org/deta
8160-5454-1. ils/muhammadinhistor0000unse_h4s1/mode/2up). In Fitzpatrick, C.;
Lalani, A.R. (2006). " 'Ali ibn Abi Talib" (https://archive.org/details/qu Walker, A.H. (eds.). Muhammad in History, Thought, and Culture:
ranencyclopedi2006unse/page/28/mode/2up). In Leaman, O. (ed.). An Encyclopaedia of the Prophet of God. Vol. 1. ABC-CLIO.
The Qur'an: An Encyclopedia. Routledge. pp. 28–32. pp. 182–187. ISBN 978-1-610-69177-2.
ISBN 9780415326391. Steigerwald, D. (2004). " 'Ali" (https://archive.org/details/encyclopedi
Leaman, O. (2006). "Ahl al-Bayt" (https://archive.org/details/thequra aofis0001unse/page/34/mode/2up). In Martin, R.C. (ed.).
nanencyclopediaed.byoliverleaman_201909/page/n709/mode/2up). Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World. Vol. 1. Macmillan
In Leaman, O. (ed.). The Qur'an: An Encyclopedia. Routledge. Reference USA. pp. 35–38. ISBN 0028656040.
pp. 16–17. ISBN 978-0-415-32639-1. Thomas, D. (2008). "Nahj al-balagha" (https://archive.org/details/en
McAuliffe, J.D. (2023). "Fāṭima" (https://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-39 cyclopediaofis0000unse_h2t8/mode/2up). In Netton, I.R. (ed.).
22_q3_EQSIM_00153). In Pink, J. (ed.). Encyclopaedia of the Encyclopedia of Islamic Civilisation and Religion. Routledge.
Qur'ān. doi:10.1163/1875-3922_q3_EQSIM_00153 (https://doi.org/ pp. 477–478. ISBN 978-0-7007-1588-6.
10.1163%2F1875-3922_q3_EQSIM_00153). Walker, A.H. (2014). "Abu Bakr al-Siddiq" (https://archive.org/detail
Qutbuddin, T. (2006). "Fatima (al-Zahra') bint Muhammad" (https://a s/muhammadinhistor0000unse_h4s1/mode/2up). In Fitzpatrick, C.;
rchive.org/details/MedievalIslamicCivilizationAnEncyclopedia_2016 Walker, A.H. (eds.). Muhammad in History, Thought, and Culture:
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Journals and theses


Arafat, W.N. (1976). "New Light on the Story of Banū Qurayẓa and Hinds, M. (1972a). "The Murder of the Caliph 'Uthman".
the Jews of Medina". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 108 (2): International Journal of Middle East Studies. 3 (4): 450–469.
100–107. doi:10.1017/S0020743800025216 (https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS002
Hinds, M. (1971). "Kûfan Political Alignments and Their Background 0743800025216). S2CID 159763369 (https://api.semanticscholar.or
in the Mid-Seventh Century A.D.". International Journal of Middle g/CorpusID:159763369).
East Studies. 2 (4): 346–367. doi:10.1017/S0020743800001306 (htt Hinds, M. (1972b). "The Siffin Arbitration Agreement". Journal of
ps://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0020743800001306). S2CID 155455942 Semitic Studies. 17 (1): 93–129. doi:10.1093/jss/17.1.93 (https://do
(https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:155455942). i.org/10.1093%2Fjss%2F17.1.93).

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Khetia, V. (2013). Fatima as a Motif of Contention and Suffering in Modarressi, H. (1993). "Early Debates on the Integrity of the
Islamic Sources (https://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/976817/) Qur'ān: A Brief Survey" (https://doi.org/10.2307/1595789). Studia
(Thesis). Concordia University. Islamica. 77 (77): 5–39. doi:10.2307/1595789 (https://doi.org/10.23
Lalani, A. (2011). "Ghadir Khumm". Islamic Studies. 07%2F1595789). JSTOR 1595789 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/159
doi:10.1093/obo/9780195390155-0105 (https://doi.org/10.1093%2F 5789).
obo%2F9780195390155-0105). Petersen, E.L. (1958). " 'Alī and Mu'āwiah: The Rise of the
Miskinzoda, G. (2015). "The Significance of the ḥadīth of the Umayyad Caliphate 656–661" (https://doi.org/10.5617%2Fao.529
Position of Aaron for the Formulation of the Shī'ī Doctrine of 7). Acta Orientalia. 23: 157–196. doi:10.5617/ao.5297 (https://doi.or
Authority". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. 78 g/10.5617%2Fao.5297).
(1): 67–82. doi:10.1017/S0041977X14001402 (https://doi.org/10.10 Soufi, D.L. (1997). The Image of Fatima in Classical Muslim
17%2FS0041977X14001402). S2CID 159678004 (https://api.sema Thought (https://www.proquest.com/docview/304390529) (PhD
nticscholar.org/CorpusID:159678004). thesis). Princeton University. ProQuest 304390529 (https://search.p
roquest.com/docview/304390529).

Further reading
Hamidullah, Muhammad (1988). The Prophet's Establishing a State Merrick, James L. (2005). The Life and Religion of Mohammed as
and His Succession. University of California. ISBN 978-969-8016- Contained in the Sheeah Traditions. Kessinger Publishing.
22-7. ISBN 978-1-4179-5536-7.

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