Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Anatomie pathologique, par le Collège français des pathologistes (CoPath). 2013, 416 pages.
Cardiologie, par le Collège national des enseignants de cardiologie – Société française de cardiologie (CNEC-
SFC). 2e édition, 2014, 464 pages.
Chirurgie maxillo-faciale et stomatologie, par le Collège hospitalo-universitaire français de chirurgie maxillo
faciale et stomatologie. 3e édition, 2014, 384 pages.
Dermatologie. Réussir les ECNi, par le CEDEF (Collège des enseignants en dermatologie de France). 7e édition,
2017, 440 pages.
Endocrinologie, diabétologie et maladies métaboliques, par le CEEDMM (Collège des enseignants d'endocrino-
logie, diabète et maladies métaboliques). 3e édition, 2016, 616 pages.
Gériatrie, par le Collège national des enseignants de gériatrie (CNEG). 3e édition, 2014, 276 pages.
Gynécologie – Obstétrique, par le Collège national des gynécologues et obstétriciens français (CNGOF). 3e édi-
tion, 2014, 504 pages.
Hépato-gastro-entérologie, par la Collégiale des universitaires en hépato-gastro-entérologie (CDU-HGE). 3e édi-
tion, 2015, 512 pages.
Imagerie médicale - Radiologie et médecine nucléaire, par le CERF (Collège des enseignants de radiologie de
France) et le Collège national des enseignants de biophysique et de médecine nucléaire (CNEBMN). 2e édition,
2015, 632 pages.
Immunopathologie, par le Collège des enseignants d'immunologie, 2015, 328 pages. Médecine physique et de
réadaptation par le Collège français des enseignants universitaires de médecine physique et de réadaptation.
5e édition, 2015, 312 pages.
Neurologie, par le Collège des enseignants de neurologie, 4e édition, 2016, 600 pages.
Neurochirurgie, par le Collège de neurochirurgie, 2016, 272 pages.
Nutrition, par le Collège des enseignants de nutrition. 2e édition, 2015, 256 pages.
Ophtalmologie, par le Collège des ophtalmologistes universitaires de France (COUF). 4e édition, 2017, 336
pages.
ORL, par le Collège français d'ORL et de chirurgie cervico-faciale. 4e édition, 2017, 432 pages.
Parasitoses et mycoses des régions tempérées et tropicales, par l'Association française des enseignants de para-
sitologie et mycologie (ANOFEL). 3e édition, 2013, 504 pages.
Pédiatrie, par A. Bourrillon, G. Benoist, le Collège national des professeurs de pédiatrie. 7e édition, 2017, 1016
pages.
Réanimation et urgences, par le Collège national des enseignants de réanimation (CNER). 4e édition, 2012, 676
pages.
Rhumatologie, par le Collège français des enseignants en rhumatologie (COFER), 2015, 560 pages.
Santé publique, par le Collège universitaire des enseignants de santé publique (CUESP). 3e édition, 2015, 464
pages.
Urologie, par le Collège français des urologues (CFU). 3e édition, 2015, 440 pages.
Hématologie
Sous l'égide de la
Société française d'Hématologie
Coordonné par :
Norbert Ifrah
Professeur des Universités-Médecin des Hôpitaux
Service des Maladies du Sang, CHU Angers
Marc Maynadié
Professeur des Universités-Médecin des Hôpitaux
Pôle de Biologie-Pathologie de CHU de Dijon, Plateau technique de biologie, Dijon
3e édition
Elsevier Masson SAS, 65, rue Camille-Desmoulins, 92442 Issy-les-Moulineaux cedex, France
Hématologie
© 2018 Elsevier Masson SAS
ISBN : 978-2-294-75108-0
e-ISBN : 978-2-294-75263-6
Ce logo a pour objet d'alerter le lecteur sur la menace que représente pour l'avenir de
l'écrit, tout particulièrement dans le domaine universitaire, le développement massif du
« photo-copillage ». Cette pratique qui s'est généralisée, notamment dans les établisse-
ments d'enseignement, provoque une baisse brutale des achats de livres, au point que la
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rectement est aujourd'hui menacée. Nous rappelons donc que la reproduction et la vente
sans autorisation, ainsi que le recel, sont passibles de poursuites. Les demandes d'autori
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tion du droit de copie : 20, rue des Grands-Augustins, 75006 Paris. Tél. 01 44 07 47 70.
Collaborateurs à la présente édition
Coordination de l'ouvrage
Norbert Ifrah
Marc Maynadié
Avec la collaboration des membres du collège des enseignants d'Hématologie
Jean-François Schved
Virginie Siguret
Sophie Susen
Catherine Thieblemont
Valérie Ugo
Caroline Vayne
Agnès Veyradier
Orianne Wagner Ballon
Loïc Ysebaert
VI
Collaborateurs à la précédente
édition
Coordination de l'ouvrage
Norbert Ifrah
Jean-Yves Cahn
Avec la collaboration des membres de la Commission de pédagogie de la Société française
d'hématologie
Jean-Jacques Kiladjian
Thierry Lamy
Véronique Leblond
Jean-Jacques Lefrère
Fanny Legrand
Tony Marchand
Noël Milpied
Pierre Emmanuel Morange
Philippe Moreau
Franck Morschhauser
Philippe Nguyen
Florence Nguyen-Khac
Lionel Prin
Sophie Raynaud
Christian Recher
Hélène Rouard
Gilles Salles
Clémentine Sarkozy
Aline Schmidt
Jean-François Schved
Gérard Socié
Marie-Dominique Tabone
VIII Xavier Troussard
Valérie Ugo
William Vainchenker
Norbert Vey
Jean-Luc Wautier
Marc Zandecki
Table des matières
Collaborateurs à la présente édition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V
Collaborateurs à la précédente édition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII
Abréviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XVII
VII. Traitement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
A. Traitements de l'anémie des syndromes myélodysplasiques de faible risque . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
B. Traitement spécifique des syndromes myélodysplasiques de haut risque. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
II Hémostase
19 Hémostase : physiologie et exploration en pratique courante . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
I. Hémostase primaire. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
A. Cellules et facteurs impliqués. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
B. Déroulement du processus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
II. Coagulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
A. Cellules et facteurs impliqués. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
B. Activation de la coagulation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
C. Inhibition de la coagulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238
III. Fibrinolyse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
IV. Exploration de l'hémostase. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
A. Tests explorant l'hémostase primaire. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
B. Tests explorant la coagulation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240
C. Tests explorant la fibrinolyse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
IV Entraînement
26 Dossiers progressifs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
Énoncés et questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
28 QRM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351
Questions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351
Réponses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366
Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371
Abréviations
ABL Abelson
ABPA Aspergillose bronchopulmonaire allergique
ADC Antibody Drug Conjugates
ADCC Cytotoxicité cellulaire dépendante des anticorps
ADP Adénosine diphosphate
AGM Aorte-gonades-mésonephros
AHAI Anémie hémolytique auto-immune
AINS Anti-inflammatoire non stéroïdien
AMM Autorisation de mise sur le marché
ANSM Agence nationale de santé du médicament et des produits de santé
AOD Anticoagulants oraux directs
AREB Anémie réfractaire avec excès de blastes
ARS Agence régionale de santé
ARSI Anémie réfractaire sidéroblastique idiopathique
AT Antithrombine
ATRA Acide tout trans-rétinoïque
ATTR Amylose par dépôts de transthyrétine
ATU Autorisation temporaire d'utilisation
AVK Antivitamine K
BCR Break point Cluster Region ou B-Cell Receptor, selon contexte
β2-GPI β2-glycoprotéine I XVII
β2m β2-microglobuline
BFU-E Burst Forming Unit-Erythroid
BTK Bruton's tyrosine kinase
CALR Calréticuline
CCMH Concentration corpusculaire moyenne en hémoglobine
CCP Concentré de complexe prothrombinique
CD Classe de différenciation
CFU-E Colony-Forming Unit Erythroid
CFU-G Colony-Forming Unit Granulocyte
CFU-GEMM Colony-Forming Unit Granulocyte-Erythroid-Megakaryocyte-Monocyte
CFU-GM Colony-Forming Unit Granulocyte-Monocyte
CFU-M Colony-Forming Unit Monocyte
CGH Hybridation génomique comparative
CGR Concentré de globules rouges
CIVD Coagulation intravasculaire disséminée
CME Commission médicale d'établissement
CMV Cytomégalovirus
CP Concentré plaquettaire
CPA Concentré plaquettaire d'aphérèse
CPS Concentré plaquettaire standard
CRAB HyperCalcémie, insuffisance Rénale, Anémie et atteinte osseuse (Bone disease)
CRH Coordonnateur régional d'hémovigilance
CSH Cellule souche hématopoïétique
CSTH Comité de sécurité transfusionnelle et d'hémovigilance
CTSA Centre de transfusion sanguine des armées
DMT1 Divalent Metal Transporter 1
Abréviations
IL Interleukine
IMiD® Immunomodulatory drugs
INR International Normalized Ratio
IPI Index pronostique international
IPSS International Prognosis Scoring System
IRM Imagerie par résonance magnétique
ISI Index de sensibilité internationale
IVIG Immunoglobuline polyvalente intraveineuse
JAK Janus kinase
KL Kit Ligand
LA Leucémie aiguë
LAL Leucémie aiguë lymphoblastique
LAM Leucémie aiguë myéloïde
LAP Leucémie aiguë promyélocytaire
LDH Lactate déshydrogénase
LLC Leucémie lymphoïde chronique
LMC Leucémie myéloïde chronique
LMMC Leucémie myélomonocytaire chronique
MALT Mucosae Associated Lymphoma Tissue
MBP Major Basic Protein
MCPS Mélanges de concentrés plaquettaires standards
M-CSF Macrophage-Colony Stimulating Factor
MDS Médicament dérivé du sang
MFP Myélofibrose primitive
MGG Coloration de May-Grünwald et Giemsa XIX
MGUS Monoclonal Gammopathy of Undetermined Significance
MNI Mononucléose infectieuse
MRE Myeloma related event
MTEV Maladie thromboembolique veineuse
mTOR Mammalian Target Of Rapamycin
NARES Non Allergic Rhinitis with Eosinophilia
NFκB Nuclear Factor-kappa B
NFS Numération-formule sanguine
NK Natural Killer
OAP OEdème aigu du poumon
OMS Organisation mondiale de la santé
PAI Plasminogen Activator Inhibitor
PAS Pression artérielle systolique
PC Protéine C
PCa Protéine C activée
PCR Polymerase Chain Reaction
PDF Produits de dégradation de la fibrine
PFC Plasma frais congelé (plasma frais thérapeutique)
PML Promyelocytic Leukemia
PNN Polynucléaires neutrophiles
PNE Polynucléaires éosinophiles
POEMS Polyneuropathie, organomégalie, endocrinopathie, protéine monoclonale, lésions cutanées
(Skin)
PS Protéine S
PSL Produit sanguin labile
PTAI Purpura thrombopénique auto-immun
Abréviations
1
Introduction
à l'hématologie
I. Anatomie de la moelle osseuse
II. Anatomie des organes lymphoïdes
III. Hématopoïèse : cellules souches
IV. Régulation de l'hématopoïèse
V. Physiologie des éléments figurés du sang
VI. Exploration du sang et des organes hématopoïétiques
VII. Présentation schématique des principales hémopathies
Connaissances
Le sang est une suspension cellulaire dont la couleur rouge est due à la présence très majori-
taire de globules rouges, ou hématies, riches en hémoglobine. Les cellules sont en suspension
dans le plasma, un liquide complexe constitué d'eau, de sels minéraux et de molécules orga-
niques. Après coagulation, le plasma dépourvu de fibrinogène constitue le sérum.
Le sang apparaît chez l'homme dès le vingt et unième jour de l'embryogenèse, en même
temps que les premiers vaisseaux. Il est produit dans l'AGM (aorte-gonades-mésonéphros) et
le sac vitellin (origine mésodermique). Entre le deuxième et le septième mois de la vie, le foie 3
et la rate prennent la relève, et ce n'est que dans les deux derniers mois de la vie intra-utérine
que la moelle osseuse devient le site prédominant de la formation du sang (figure 1.1). Après
la naissance, la moelle est le site exclusif de production sanguine. Progressivement, au cours de
l'enfance, le tissu hématopoïétique des os longs est remplacé par du tissu adipeux, avec pour
conséquence chez l'adulte une localisation des trois quarts de la moelle osseuse hématopoïétique
dans les os plats (bassin, sternum) et les vertèbres.
région para-
aortique foie moelle
rate
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 mois
Hématologie
© 2018, Elsevier Masson SAS. Tous droits réservés
Hématologie cellulaire – Oncohématologie
microenvironnement
microvascularisation
cellules hématopoïétiques
The last time we had the Post-office under our attention (1695), it
was scarcely able to pay its own expenses. Not long after that time, in
accordance with the improved resources of the country, it had begun
to be a source of revenue, though to a very small amount. It was
conducted for three years before the Union by George Main, jeweller
in Edinburgh, with an average yearly return to the Exchequer of
£1194, 8s. 10d., subject to a deduction for government expresses and
the expense (£60) of the packet-boat at Portpatrick. Immediately
after that time, the business of the central office in Edinburgh was
conducted in a place no better than a common shop, by seven
officials, the manager George Main having £200 a year, while his
accountant, clerk, and clerk’s assistant had respectively £56, £50,
and £25, and three runners or letter-carriers had each 5s. per week.
An act of the British parliament[432] now placed the Scottish Post-
office under that of England, but with ‘a chief letter-office’ to be kept
up in Edinburgh. The charge for a letter from London to Edinburgh
was established at sixpence, and that for other letters at twopence for
distances within fifty English miles, greater distances being in
proportion. For the five years following the Union, there was an
annual average gain of £6000—a striking improvement upon 1698,
when Sir Robert Sinclair found he could not make it pay expenses,
even with the benefit of a pension of £300 a year.
The light-thoughted part of the public 1711. Sep.
was at this time regaled by the appearance
of a cluster of small brochures printed in blurred type on dingy
paper, being the production of William Mitchell, tin-plate worker in
the Bow-head of Edinburgh, but who was pleased on his title-pages
to style himself the Tinklarian Doctor. Mitchell had, for twelve years,
been employed by the magistrates of the city as manager of the
lighting of the streets, at the moderate salary of five pounds. He
represented that his predecessor in the office had ten pounds; but ‘I
took but five, for the town was in debt.’ The magistrates, doubtless
for reasons satisfactory to themselves, and which it is not difficult to
divine, had deprived him of his post. ‘Them that does them a good
turn,’ says he, ‘they forget; but they do not forget them that does
them an ill turn; as, for example, they keep on a captain [of the town-
guard, probably] for love of Queensberry, for making the Union—I
believe he never did them a good turn, but much evil to me, [as] he
would not let me break up my shop-door the time of the fire, before
my goods was burnt.’ The poor man here alludes to a calamity which
perhaps had some share in driving his excitable brain out of bounds.
Being now in comparative indigence, and full of religious
enthusiasm, he took up at his own hands an office of which he
boasted that no magistrate could deprive him, no less than that of
giving ‘light’ to the ministers of the Church of Scotland, who, he
argued, needed this service at his hands—‘otherwise God would not
have raised me up to write to them.’ The ministers, he candidly
informs us, did not relish his taking such a duty upon him, since he
had never received any proper call to become a preacher: some of
them called him a fool, and the principal of a college at St Andrews
went the length of telling him to burn his books. But he acted under
an inward call which would not listen to any such objections. He
thought the spirit of God ‘as free to David and Amos the herds, and
to James, John, and Simon the fishers, and Matthew and Levi the
customers, as to any that will bide seven years at college.’ And, if to
shepherds and fishermen, why not to a tin-plate worker or tinkler?
‘Out of the mouths of babes,’ &c.
The Tinkler’s Testament, which was the great work of Mitchell,
was heralded by an Introduction, dedicating his labours to Queen
Anne. He claimed her majesty’s protection in his efforts to illuminate
the clergy, and hinted that a little money to help in printing his books
would also be useful. He would willingly go to converse with her
majesty; but he was without the means of travelling, and his ‘loving
wife and some small children’ hindered 1711.
him. This brings him to remark that, while
he lived upon faith, ‘my wife lives much upon sense,’ as the wives of
men of genius are very apt to do. After all, ‘although I should come, I
am nothing but a little black man, dull-like, with two scores upon my
brow and a mole on my right cheek;’ which marks ‘I give to your
majesty, in case any person come up in a counterfeit manner;’
nevertheless, ‘if I had clothes, I would look as big as some
gentlemen.’[433]
In this pamphlet, Mitchell abuses the ministers roundly for neglect
of their flocks, telling that for six years the pastor of his parish had
never once inquired for him. They would go and play at bowls,
alleging it was for their health, and allow suffering souls to perish. It
was as if he were employed by a gentleman to make lanterns—took
the money—but never made the articles required, for want of which
the gentleman’s servants were hindered in their work, and perished
in pits. ‘Now whether think ye an immortal soul or my lanterns of
most value? I will sell a good lantern at ten shillings [Scots], though
it be made of brass; but the whole world cannot balance one soul.’
The Tinkler’s Testament he dedicated to the Presbyterian
ministers of Scotland, telling them ‘not to be offended, although I be
set over you by providence,’ nor ‘think that I shall be like the bishops
that were before me—necessity gives me a right to be your overseer—
necessity that hath neither law nor manners.’ ‘I know you will not
hear of a bishop over you, and therefore I shall be over you, as a
coachman to drive you to your duty.’ He saw their deficiencies in
what had happened in his own case. In his evil days, they never told
him sufficiently of his sins. He might almost have supposed he was
on the way to heaven for anything they said to him. It was affliction,
not their ministrations, which had loosed him from the bonds of sin.
Their own preachings were cold and worthless, and so were those of
the young licentiates whom they so often engaged to hold forth in
their stead. Here he applied another professional parable. ‘You
employ me to make a tobacco-box. I spoil it in the making. Whether
is you or I obliged to pay the loss? I think ye 1711.
are not obliged to pay it. Neither am I
obliged to take these sermons off your hand.’ ‘Perhaps,’ he adds, ‘you
trust in your elders.’ But ‘I may keep strange women in my house for
them; I may stay out till twelve o’clock at night and be drunk for
them: a cart-horse, when he comes up the Bow, may teach them their
duty, for it will do its duty to the outmost of its power; and before it
will disobey, it will fall to the ground.’ In short, the Tinkler had been
used by these clergy with a lenity which he felt to be utterly
inexcusable.
It is to be feared that the Tinkler was one of those censors whom
no kind of conduct in persons of authority will please, for we find
him in this brochure equally furious at the ministers for not
preaching evangelical discourses, and for being so slack in telling
their flocks of the weighty matters of the law. He threatens to tell
very sad things of them at the great day, and yet he protests that it is
not from hatred to them. If such were his feelings, he would not be at
the pains to reprove them; still less would he have ever given Dean of
Guild Neilson a speaking-trumpet for a seat in the kirk, not worth
twenty shillings sterling, seeing it is but a back-seat, where he may
fall asleep, and the minister never once call on him to sit up. ‘This,’
however, ‘is only a word by the by.’
One great charge which the Tinkler has to make against the clergy
is, that they are afraid to preach freely to the consciences of men, for
fear of angering the great. ‘If ye be feared to anger them, God will not
be feared to anger you. “Cry aloud and spare not; tell the poor their
transgressions, and the great folk their sins.”’ Then he proposes to
relate something of the justice he had himself experienced. ‘The
Laird of Cramond hath laid down a great cairn of stones before my
shop-door, which takes away my light. They have lain near these two
years (because he is rich). If I lay down but two carts-full, I believe
they would not lie twenty-four hours. I pursued a man at court; I
could both have sworn and proved that he was owing me; yet,
because he had a blue cloak and a campaign wig, the judge would not
take his oath, and would not take my word. I had a mind to buy a
blue cloak, that I might get justice; but I was disappointed by the
dreadful fire. I bought some wool from a man. He would not give it
out of his house till I gave my bill. The goods was not weighed, and I
feared they came not to so much money; yet the man persuaded me
if it was not so, he would restore me the 1711.
money back. I believed his word, because I
am a simple man. So I pursued the man, thinking to get my money.
The judge told me I would get no money, although there were a
hundred pounds of it; so I went home with less money than I came
out.... Ye will say, what is the reason there is so little justice; I shall
tell you my opinion of it. I have a vote for choosing our deacon. A
man comes to me and offers me a pint to vote for such a man. I take
it because he never did me no ill, and because I am a fool-body. I
vote for the man. So fool-tradesmen make fool-deacons, and fool-
deacons make fool-magistrates, and fool-magistrates make fool-
ministers. That is the reason there is so little justice in the city.’ The
crazy whitesmith has here touched a point of failure in democratic
institutions which wiser men have overlooked.
This singular genius afterwards published a brochure, entitled The
Great Tinklarian Doctor Mitchell his Fearful Book, to the
Condemnation of all Swearers, at the end of which he announced
another ‘concerning convictions;’ ‘the like of it ye have not heard
since Cromwell’s days.’ But probably the reader has now heard
enough of the effusions of the white-ironsmith of the Bow-head.[434]
Notwithstanding the severity of the laws 1711. Nov. 6.
against Catholic priests, and particularly
that of 1701, which a proclamation two years back put into fresh
vigour, there was at least one minister of the hated faith of Rome
sheltered in Edinburgh. It would be curious to learn under what
disguise he contrived to live in a city where all, except a handful of
people, were disposed to tear him in pieces. From its being
mentioned that his paraphernalia for worship belonged to Lady
Seaforth, it may be surmised that he lived under her protection.
Thomas Mackie, being now at last apprehended by the magistrates,
and ordained to remove immediately out of Britain, was so bold as to
call for a suspension of their act in the Court of Session, setting forth
that he had lived for many years inoffensively in Edinburgh—the
vestments, altar, crucifixes, &c., found in his house belonged to the
Countess of Seaforth—he had not been taken in the act of saying
mass, and it had not been proved that he was a priest—finally, and
above all, the magistrates of Edinburgh were going beyond their
powers in banishing any one forth of the island. The magistrates
having answered these objections, the Lords ‘ordained him to enact
himself to remove betwixt and a day out of the kingdom; and in case
of refusal, to be imprisoned till a ship was ready to transport
him.’[435]
The art of printing had fallen sadly off in Scotland during the latter
half of the seventeenth century. James Watson[439] points out truly
that Bassandyne’s folio Bible of 1576, Arbuthnot’s first edition of
Buchanan’s History in 1582, Andro Hart’s Bible of 1610, and the
Muses’ Welcome to King James in 1618, were well printed books; the
last of these Bibles so much so, that ‘many after-impressions of the
Bible in folio, had, as the greatest commendation that could be made
of them, at the foot of their title-pages, that they were “conform to
the edition printed by Andro Hart.”’ Watson adds: ‘The folio
Common Prayer-book, printed before the Troubles by Robert Young,
then printer for this kingdom to the Royal Martyr, is a pregnant
instance of this. I have with great pleasure viewed and compared that
book with the English one in the same volume, printed about the
same time by the king’s printer in England; and Mr Young’s book so
far exceeded the other, that there could be no comparison made
between them. You’ll see by that printed here, the master furnished
with a very large fount, four sheets being inset together; a vast
variety of curiously cut head-pieces, finis’s, blooming letters, fac-
totums, flowers, &c. You’ll see the compositor’s part done with the
greatest regularity and niceness in the Kalendar, and throughout the
rest of the book; the pressman’s part done to a wonder in the red and
black, and the whole printed in so beautiful 1712.
and equal a colour, that there is not any
appearance of variation. But this good and great master was ruined
by the Covenanters for doing this piece of work, and forced to fly the
kingdom.’
After the Restoration, one Archibald Hislop, a bookseller, with
William Carron as his workman, produced a neat edition of Thomas
à Kempis and some other small books. Some Dutchmen, who had
been brought over to assist Hislop’s successor, John Cairns, also
printed a few respectable volumes, including the acts of parliament,
and Sir Robert Sibbald’s Prodromus; but all tendency to attain or
maintain the level formerly attained, was checked by a monopoly
which was granted to one Andrew Anderson in 1671. This Anderson,
who seems to have come from Glasgow, was early in that year
condemned by the Privy Council for a very faulty edition of the New
Testament; yet, for ‘payment of a composition in exchequer and
other weighty reasons,’ they immediately after granted him, as king’s
printer, an exclusive right to print all kinds of lawful books in
Edinburgh, with a right of supervision over all other typographers
within the kingdom. He died in 1679; but his widow succeeded to the
monopoly, and exercised it for some years with the greatest rigour,
persecuting all who attempted to interfere with the business of
printing. As might be expected, the productions of her own press
were miserable beyond all example; she both produced bad and
erroneous editions of the Bible, and much fewer of them than were
required to satisfy the demands of the public. A restriction was at
length put upon her privilege, so as to allow general printing to be
executed by others; but she continued through the whole term of her
patent to be the sole printer of the Scriptures in Scotland. Fac-similes
of a few pages from her Bibles—in poor blurred type, almost
unintelligible with errors, with italic letters employed wherever the
Roman fount fell short, and some lines wholly without spaces
between the words—would appal the reader. It plainly appears that
no such functionary as a corrector was at any time kept by Mrs
Anderson; nor was she herself able to supply the deficiency. The
Bible being then almost the only school-book in use, we may imagine
what unrequired difficulties were added to the task of gaining a
knowledge of the elements of the English language. What, for
example, was a poor child to make of the following passage in her
duodecimo Bible of 1705: ‘Whyshoulditbethoug tathingincredi ble
wtyou, yt God should raise the dead?’ Mrs Anderson’s Bibles being of
such a character, there was a great 1712.
importation of English and foreign copies,
but only in despite of strenuous efforts on her part to keep them out.
Strange to say, when now her government patent expired, she
contrived to obtain the appointment of printer to the Church of
Scotland. Her ability to buy up a heavy stock of acts of the General
Assembly was what secured her this piece of otherwise most
unmerited patronage.
Had the government patent expired a few years earlier, she might,
for anything that appears, have obtained a renewal of it also. But,
now that a Tory ministry was in power, this lucrative privilege was
conferred on two zealous Jacobites—Mr Robert Freebairn, publisher,
and Mr James Watson, printer. These gentlemen were better
typographers than Mrs Anderson; and the Bibles they issued were
much superior. But their Tory principles prevented them from long
enjoying the privilege. Probably acting in the spirit of their patrons,
they ‘seem to have exercised a discretionary power of declining to
publish royal proclamations when they were not consonant with
their own views; otherwise it is difficult to discover why the queen’s
proclamation against unlawful intruders into churches and manses
was printed, not by either of her majesty’s printers, but by John Reid
in Bell’s Wynd.’[440] This zeal led Freebairn, on the breaking out of
the rebellion in 1715, to go to Perth with printing apparatus and
materials, to act as printer for the person whom he called James the
Eighth; and he consequently forfeited his patent.[441] Politics now
favoured Mrs Anderson. In partnership with an Englishman named
Baskett, the king’s printer for England, she once more became the
exclusive printer of the Scriptures in Scotland, and for forty-one
years more! The Bibles produced during the greater part of that time
were indeed a little better than those under the former patent—the
general progress of the country necessitated some little improvement
—but they were still far inferior to the unprivileged productions of
the Scottish press during the same epoch.
There is a reflection which must, or ought somewhat to modify our
feeling regarding this monstrous absurdity; 1712.
namely, that the printing of the Scriptures
was kept upon the footing of a monopoly, with the effect of poor
work and high prices, till our own age, and that so lately as 1823 the
patentees, in a legal document, set forth their expenses in erecting a
printing-office and ‘other charges of various descriptions,’ as
entitling them ‘to enjoy the relative profits and emoluments without
interference from any quarter.’
At the date of the present article, the two parties had what
Wodrow calls ‘a little ruffle’ at Auchterarder—a bleak parish in
Strathearn, which has at various times contrived to make a
prominent appearance in ecclesiastical politics. The trouble arose in
consequence of an attempt to use the funeral-service of the English
Church at a funeral. ‘The common people,’ says Wodrow, ‘though not
very Presbyterian in their principles, yet they reckoned the service
popery, and could not away with it. When the corpse came to the
churchyard, the women and country-people 1712.
began and made a great mutiny. The Lord
Rollo, a justice of the peace, interposed, but to no purpose. The Duke
of Montrose’s bailie, Graham of Orchil, was there; and writes it was
not Presbyterians, but the whole of the common people there; and
they chased off the liturgy-man, and they behoved to bury in their
wonted manner.’
Just at this crisis, the Tory administration of the Church-of-
England-loving Anne interposed with an act of toleration for the
distressed Episcopalians of Scotland, enabling clergymen, who had
orders from Protestant bishops, and took the oaths of allegiance,
assurance, and abjuration, to celebrate divine service—using, if they
chose, the English liturgy—and to perform baptisms and marriages,
without molestation; only further enjoining such clergymen to pray
for the queen, the Princess Sophia, and the rest of the royal family,
under a penalty of twenty pounds. The church commission had fasts,
and prayers, and addresses against the measure—even spoke of
reviving the Solemn League and Covenant—but their resistance was
in vain.
Hitherto, the western section of the country had been clear of this
abomination; but, in November, to the great distress of the serious
people of Glasgow, an attempt was made there to set up the
Episcopal form of worship. The minister officiating was one
Cockburn, ‘an immoral profane wretch, and very silly,’ according to
Mr Wodrow, ‘a tool fit enough for beginning such a work;’ who,
however, had prepared well his ground by qualifying to the
government. A number of persons of social importance joined the
congregation. ‘The Earl of Marr, and [the Laird of] Bannockburn
were there lately with two coaches, and many go out of curiosity to
see it.’[443] The boys took the matter up in their usual decisive
manner; but the Toleration Act compelled protection from the
magistrates, and three town-officers stood guard at the chapel door.
On the 27th of December, an English soldier having died, his officers
wished to have him buried according to the solemn ritual of his
church, and Mr Cockburn performed the ceremony in canonicals in
the cathedral cemetery, the company all uncovered, and a rabble
looking on with suppressed rage. The clergy took a look into the
statute-book, to see if they should be obliged to endure this kind of
insolence as well as the liturgy. Wodrow had hopes that Cockburn’s
congregation would tire of supporting him, 1712.
though his ‘encouragement’ did not exceed
twenty-two pounds a year, or that his free conversation and minced
oaths would make them put him away. A foolish shoemaker who
attended his chapel having lost his wife, Cockburn wished to have a
second exhibition of the funeral-service; but the magistrates would
not allow it. One day, he was baptising a soldier’s child at a house in
the Gorbals, and great was the commotion which it occasioned
among the multitude. On coming out, he was beset by a host of boys
calling to him ‘Amen, Amen!’ the use of this word in the service being
so odious to the public, that it had stuck to Cockburn as a nickname.
For nearly two years were the religious feelings of the people
outraged by the open and avowed practice of the ‘modified idolatry’
in the midst of them, when at length a relief came with the Hanover
succession. As soon as it was known that Queen Anne was no more,
occidental human nature could no longer be restrained. On the
evening of the 6th of August 1714, the little chapel was fairly pulled
down, and the minister and his wife were glad to flee for their lives.
So ended Episcopalian worship in Glasgow for a time.[444] A few
verses from a popular ballad will assist in giving us some idea of the
local feelings of the hour:
‘We have not yet forgot, sir,
How Cockburn’s kirk was broke, sir,
The pulpit-gown was pulled down,
And turned into nought, sir.
· · · · ·
· · · · ·
The chess-window did reel, sir,
Like to a spinning-wheel, sir,
For Dagon he is fallen now;
I hope he’ll never rise, sir.’[445]