Université Toulouse – Jean Jaurès

Département d’Études du Monde Anglophone

ANLA101T - Civilisation britannique
Année universitaire 2023-2024

Recueil de Documents de Civilisation Britannique

Responsable du module : Simon Deschamps

simon.deschamps@univ-tlse2.fr
ANLA101T:
AN INTRODUCTION TO BRITISH CIVILISATION

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 COURSE CALENDAR
CHAPTER 1 - Geography of the United Kingdom

CHAPTER 2 - The Birth of the United Kingdom

CHAPTER 3 – The Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective

CHAPTER 4 – Government and Politics

CHAPTER 5 – Britain’s Multi-ethnic Population

CHAPTER 6 - The Welfare State

CHAPTER 7 - Thatcherism and the Rise of the Tertiary Sector

CHAPTER 8 - The North/South Divide

CHAPTER 9 - Devolution in the UK

CHAPTER 10 – A Disunited Kingdom? Contemporary Challenges to the UK

TD DOCUMENTS
Each document illustrates certain aspects of the lecture of that week
1. The British Isles Map and Geography

2. “Why we're still the best of enemies”, The Observer, Sun 22 Oct 2006

3. Evidence given before the Ashley Committee (1829) - Illustrations n° 1, 2, 3

4. Rishi Sunak, “First Speech as Prime Minister”, 25th October 2022

5. Robin Cook’s, “Chicken Tikka Masala is now a true British national dish” (2001)

6. “The Birth of the NHS”, The Independent, Saturday 28 June 2008

7. Margaret Thatcher, “Speech on Privatization and Economic Change” (1984)

8. George Osborne, “We need a Northern powerhouse” (2014)

9. “Alex Salmond presses David Cameron for more power for Scottish parliament”, The Guardian,
Wed 12 May 2010
10. Nicola Sturgeon, “Speech launching the case for independence” (2022)

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 General introduction to the course

►Course objectives and programme:

In your first year, the aim of this introductory course on British civilisation is to explore some of
the main aspects of contemporary British civilisation. The Oxford Advanced Learner’s dictionary
gives the following definition of the term ‘civilisation’: “A society, its culture and its way of life
during a particular period of time or in a particular part of the world” (Oxford Advanced Learner’s
p.211). We will be looking at the UK from various angles and through different disciplines:
geography, sociology, history and politics. Our course is also centred on Britain’s culture so as to
give students an opportunity to learn more about British life and culture.

What we expect from you:

The LEA degree is very demanding and the level in English that we require from students is
equivalent to a B2 level. Each session in class lasts for 2 hours and you need to come fully prepared.
If you do not prepare anything (or not seriously enough) you will not be able to understand the
issues at stake, you will not be able to take notes and you will lack the necessary vocabulary to
answer questions and participate fully to discussions in class. Each week you will be given
compulsory homework that you MUST do seriously so as to make the most of your lessons in class.
In addition to the weekly coursework we also expect you to take an interest in what is going on in
Britain: you can surf the internet and watch the news on BBC news, read headlines and articles on
the websites of the main dailies (The Times, The Guardian, The Independent…). Watch movies and
TV series; a list of some of the best British movies is available below. Some of these movies are
available in the CRL.

To sum up, each week you MUST:

1/re-read and understand your course notes
2/learn by heart new terms, concepts and important dates
3/prepare the documents assigned for that week

►Course material: how to use this booklet

The booklet is composed essentially of texts that relate to the different parts of the course. You
will be expected to prepare them from one week to the next. When working on the documents
below, please make sure to follow the methodological guidelines given to you in the
‘Expression Ecrite’ course!

►Short Bibliography
Reading at home or at the CRL is a requirement for students at university level and you should
get hold of at least ONE of the following books to complete your notes:
Sarah Pickard, La Civilisation britannique/ British Civilisation, Langues Pour Tous, 2023.
John Oakland, British Civilisation: An Introduction. Routledge, 2015 (8 edition).
Peter John et Pierre Lurbe, Civilisation britannique, Hachette Supérieur, 2014 (8th edition).
Hervé Picton, A Handbook of British Civilization: Introduction à la civilisation britannique, 2008
(côte CRL: 941 PIC).
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Françoise Grellet, Contemporary British Institutions and Culture, A Glossary, Hachette, 1998.

►Internet resources: newspapers and radio

The best way to improve your English and keep up with Britain is to read British newspapers as
often as possible. Surf on the following newspapers websites:
The Independent http://www.independent.co.uk,
The Sunday Times : http://www.sundaytimes.co.uk,
The Guardian : http://www.guardian.co.uk/,
The Telegraph : http://www.telegraph.co.uk.
BBC radios are also interesting, particularly BBC Radio Four. The BBC News website may well
prove useful (bbc.news.co.uk), all the more so as it gives you access to BBC radios. On Radio Four
listen to the following podcasts extracted from the programme
→http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/articles/5P7MYJ7Z2JlXgYDXLWJq6jd/about

► Introduction to the British Press

The British press, also called Fleet Street, falls into two broad categories, the quality press
(consisting of broadsheets or serious papers) and the popular press (popular papers such as The
Sun, Daily Mail). The latter deal with celebrities and scandals whereas quality papers tackle
politics, the economy and international events.
Here are the main quality dailies (a daily is published every day) and their political bias.
The Times is conservative and so is the Daily Telegraph. i cannot be described as conservative or
left-wing. The Guardian is left-wing and the Financial Times (FT) is neoliberal (favours reducing
government intervention).
Most dailies publish a Sunday version which is called a Sunday paper. The political bias of
the latter is the same as that of dailies. The Sunday Times is conservative and so is the Sunday
Telegraph. The Observer (usually the same journalists as the Guardian) is left-wing and the FT
Weekend is neoliberal (it is published on Saturdays).
Finally, you must know about a few weeklies (published every week). The Economist is a
neoliberal magazine, New Statesman is a left-wing magazine and The Spectator is a conservative
magazine. Private Eye is a satirical weekly paper which could be compared to its French
counterpart Le Canard Enchaîné.

►Other resources: movies, TV series and documentaries

The underlined titles are available in the ‘Centre de Ressources de Langue (CRL)’. The other titles
are available via streaming.
-TV series: Only Fools and Horses (BBC 1981-1991) / Little Britain (BBC 2003-2006) No Problem!
(Channel 4, 1983-1985) / Goodness Gracious Me (BBC 1998-2001) Yes Minister (BBC 1980-1984)
/ Yes Prime Minister (BBC 1986-1988) You Rang M'Lord? (BBC 1990-1993) / The Thick of It (BBC
2005-2012)

-Films: Riff-Raff (Ken Loach, 1991) / Raining Stones (Ken Loach, 1993) / Brassed Off (Mark
Herman, 1996) / My Name is Joe (Ken Loach, 1998) / Sweet Sixteen (Ken Loach, 2002) / It's a Free
World (Ken Loach, 2007) / The Angel's Share (Ken Loach, 2012) My Beautiful Launderette (Stephen
Frears, 1985) / Bend It Like Beckham (Gurinder Chadha, 2002) / West Is West (Andy DeEmmony,
2010) / Four Lions (Chris Morris, 2010) /This is England (Shane Meadows, 2006) / The Navigators
(Ken Loach, 2006) / The Iron Lady (Phyllida Lloyd, 2011) /In the Loop (A. Iannucci, 2009) / The
King's Speech (Tom Hooper, 2010)/ I, Daniel Blake (Ken Loach, 2016)

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-Documentaries: Margaret Thatcher, l'enfance d'un chef (Camille LePomellec, 2006) / Mais qui a
tué Maggie? (William Karel, 2008) / The Spirit of '45 (Ken Loach, 2013)

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Map of the UK

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 METHODOLOGY - Rules for writing an introduction
1. Read the text at least three times. Underline the words which seem to you particularly
important or difficult. Then paragraph by paragraph write a summary of the text.

2. If necessary, number the lines of the text, five-by-five for easy reference, and re-read the
text, writing down the vocabulary that you will need to look up. Note the meanings on the
back of your sheet, so that you can test your memory later.

3. Spot the structure of the text and summarize and rephrase each paragraph in a few key
words that you can write in the margin of the text. You must be able to answer the so-called
“WH questions”: Who? When? What? What for?

4. Now look again at the text from the point of view of:

- date, i.e. general and specific context?

- author, i.e. who wrote it? point of view?
- type of document, i.e. its nature and function? Is it a speech, an Act of Parliament, an
interview, a newspaper article...?
- the broad outline of the text? How are the main ideas linked to one another?

Begin by noting the references in the text to these three things, perhaps using a different
colour highlighter for each aspect.

5. You now need to carry out some historical research: in libraries, at home, online. For this,
you will need to use:

- the lectures
- some of the books/textbooks mentioned in the course bibliography
- a good reference dictionary, eg. the Oxford English Dictionary, which is part of the
online resources you can access through the digital resources of the University’s
library: https://bibliotheques.univ-tlse2.fr/anglais/
On the same page, you will find the bilingual Oxford dictionaries as well as the
Oxford Encyclopedia of British Literature and other useful resources for students
who specialize in English.
- online research (and not just Wikipedia! See the Iris page of the course for useful
websites)

Naturally, you will use different sources to explain different documents, but you will need to
consider the reliability and to note and credit your sources. Type the terms, people and events
you need to check into a search engine, and remember to bookmark useful websites that you
might want to return to. You may use Wikipedia but this cannot be the only online resource you
use. You will also need to be vigilant about the quality of the information and selective as to what
is useful for a given document. Google images is a useful resource for images and maps.
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Develop your own handy reference tools. As well as a well-kept folder containing your lecture
notes, tutorial notes, handouts, and home research notes, two other homemade tools are useful:

- in Word format, an ongoing Timeline, to which you add 3 key dates each week. By the
end of the semester you will have a very useful document from which to revise.

- in the form of an A-Z “address book” or an alphabetical Word document, a glossary of

historical terms, containing short definitions of key events and historical terms.

6. Select from all the information you have gathered and write it up into an introduction
(présentation critique).

In the first semester, you will only be required to write a formal introduction. This in itself will
prove your ability to distance your academic self from the ideas of an author, and will furnish the
proof of your ability to 1) read a document critically and 2) seek out the historical background
relevant to a critical presentation. Some understanding of the contents of the document in
question (its organization and key points) is necessary for the selection of the points you want to
make in your introduction, but an introduction is not a summary.

The preparation work for writing an introduction will involve (first) close reading of the
document and (second) your own historical research. BOTH are necessary, because close
reading without research is merely a written comprehension exercise, while research that is not
focused on the document will introduce an essay, not a commentary.

A formal introduction to an historical text consists of at least 20 lines, and follows certain academic
conventions, which you are required to respect. You are free to choose the order in which you
present the information, but all of the following information must be included in an introduction:
- the general and specific context of the document
- the nature and function of the document
- the author and his/her/their point of view

The knowledge gained from lectures will not be assessed separately, so you will need to make
sure that your introduction contains references to information taken from your lectures.

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 TD Document 1

TEST 1:Indicate the following items on the map: landmarks, borders, cities, rivers and
mountains.
A/ Border: English/Welsh B/ City: Belfast
C/ Island: Isle of Wight D/ City: Cardiff
E/ River: Severn F/ Border: Scottish/English
G/ Landmark: Hadrian’s Wall H/ City: Newcastle
I / Island: Shetland Islands J/ River: Thames
K/ City: Birmingham L/ Landmark: Land’s End
M/ Mountains: Pennines N/ City: Edinburgh

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O/ Mountains: Grampians P/ City: Glasgow
Q/ Island: Isle of Man R/ City: Liverpool

TEST 2:Geography of the UK: can you find the right terms? Adapted from
http://resources.woodlands-junior.kent.sch.uk/customs/questions/geography.html

§ A/ General presentation. The official title of the UK

is____________________________________________.The UK is made up of: (i) Great Britain (the formerly
separate ____________of England and Scotland, and the __________of Wales. ), (ii) Northern Ireland
(also known as__________), (iii) numerous ______________including the Isle of Wight, Anglesey, and the
Scilly, Orkney, Shetland, and Hebridean_________________.

WORDS: Archipelagos, Ulster, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
principality, smaller islands, realms

§ B / Where is the UK? The UK is an island nation in Western Europe just ______the coast of France.
The mainland areas lie between latitudes 49°N and 59°N and longitudes 8°W to 2°E. The UK lies
between the North Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea, and comes within 35 km (22 miles) of the
northwest coast of France, from which it is separated by the ___________. Northern Ireland shares a
360 km international ____________ with the Republic of Ireland. The Channel Tunnel bored beneath
the English Channel, now _______________the UK with France.

WORDS: Links, off, English Channel, off, land boundary

§ C / Seas surrounding the UK? The UK is made up of several _________. The only land border
connecting the UK to another country is between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.
The UK is bordered by four seas: (i) to the south by the ____________, which separates it from
continental Europe, (ii) to the east by the ___________, (iii) to the west by the ___________ and the
______________.

WORDS: Atlantic Ocean, English Channel, islands, North Sea, Irish Sea

§ D / Topography of the UK. The UK Landscape is very varied, ranging from the Grampian
Mountains of Scotland to the ______________ of England which are at or below sea level in places.
Scotland and Wales are the most _________ parts of the UK. A ridge of hills, the Pennine, runs down
the centre of northern England. Many coastal areas are low-lying, especially in the east and south
of England. These include the wetlands of the Somerset levels, that regularly __________ during
heavy rain. Most of the UK is made up of gently ________________ with isolated areas of high ground
such as Dartmoor in the south-west of England or the Mourne Mountains in Northern Ireland.

WORDS: lowland fens, flood, rolling hills, mountainous

§ E / Lakes, rivers and climate. Northern Ireland is home to the UK's largest lake, Lough Neagh,
which covers an area of 396sq.km (153 sq. miles). Other major lakes include Windermere in the
English __________ and Loch Lomond in Scotland. Another of Scotland's lakes___________ is famous for
sightings of 'Nessie', a mythical monster! Being a relatively small Island, the UK's rivers are not
very long. The Severn, its __________ river, is just 338 km in length, beginning in Wales and entering
the Atlantic Ocean near Bristol in England. Other major rivers include the ___________, which flows
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through Oxford and London, and the Trent and Mersey rivers, which __________________ from large
areas of central England. The UK's climate varies greatly according to season and location, but on
the whole can be described as______________with few extremes.

WORDS: mild, Thames, Lake District, drain rainfall, longest, Loch Ness

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 TD Document 2
Why we're still the best of enemies
Reviews
-The Scots and the Union by Christopher A Whatley. Edinburgh University Press £25, pp408
-The Union: England, Scotland and the Treaty of 1707 by Michael Fry. Birlinn £20, pp320
-The Union of 1707: Why and How by Paul Henderson Scott. Saltire Society £6.99, pp100
-The Price of Scotland: Darien, Union and the Wealth of Nations by Douglas Watt. Luath Press £25,
5 pp300

[…]
These days, relations between England and Scotland are showing new signs of strain. As the 300th
anniversary of the union approaches, the treaty is embedding itself in one of the great political
stories of our times. […] The anniversary of the treaty that created Great Britain couldn't come at
10 a more interesting time. Which is why so many books are being published to commemorate it.
When the union passed on 1 May 1707, England celebrated and then forgot all about it. In contrast,
Scotland momentarily fell silent, and then never shut up about it. As a result, historians with a care
for their bank balances have focused on the Scottish side of the negotiations.
The broad story is well known. An increasingly powerful England, at war with Louis XIV, grew
15 worried that the French could open a second front by fomenting rebellion among the Highland
Jacobites. They bribed and bullied a bunch of venal Scottish aristocrats into selling Scotland's
sovereignty. 'Bought and sold for English gold, such a parcel of rogues in a nation,' sang Robert
Burns, indulging in the national sport of picking an injustice and then selecting facts to justify it.

Paul Henderson Scott's The Union of 1707: Why and How acts as a useful primer in the victim view
20 of Scottish history. Almost a pamphlet, it seems designed to sit in a school library, stoking the
prejudices of a new generation. Scott is a nationalist scholar, and a very good one, but every detail
he unearths is examined in the light of the struggle against a cruel, conniving neighbour.
'The English government behaved like skilful but ruthless confidence tricksters,' he writes. 'The
impression has been given, and it remains firmly embedded in public opinion, that the union was
25 sought by Scotland and not by England, and that its purpose was economic advantage.' What he is
describing is not Scottish public opinion as I know it, but one strand of an incomplete story.
Sophistication doesn't suit the polemicist.
Certainly, Scotland was a mess in 1700. A fifth of the nation's wealth had been lost in an ill-advised
plan to set up a national trading station at Darien, in Panama. A famine had killed nearly 20 per
30 cent of the population. International commerce was increasingly reliant on piracy and smuggling.
A lack of a resident monarch meant the country was being run by four competing families, led by
the Dukes of Hamilton, Queensberry, Argyll and Atholl. It is this mess to which Douglas Watt has
brought an economist's eye and poet's sensibility in The Price of Scotland. In 1698, Scotland had
embarked on the Darien adventure in a last effort to escape England's embrace. Watt has taken a
35 three-year break from a job with an investment company to show definitively, with figures and
tables included, that over-ambition and mismanagement, rather than English mendacity, doomed
Scotland's imperial ambitions.

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 Christopher Whatley, by far the most eminent of the authors reviewed here, adds further context
to the story. In The Scots and the Union, he argues that it wasn't just threats and inducements that
40 created Great Britain, but a committed group of Scottish Protestants who had long seen union as
a means of extinguishing Catholic influence. He quotes one of those parliamentarians, the Earl of
Seafield, who said union would 'secure the Protestant religion, disappoint "the designs of our
enemies" and advance the riches and trade of the "whole island"'. Whatley's careful research,
spliced with fascinating detail, reveals the sophisticated politics used by these Scots and reclaims
45 them as patriots. It is a magnificent study of the politics of the time.
Whatley reminds readers that there had been many other unions in Europe around this time,
almost invariably forged with bayonet and cannon. The question as to whether England would
have invaded is still hotly disputed, but they had reason. A French spy is documented suggesting
to Louis that the best way to bring the war to an end was 'to bring Scotland into play'. Queen Anne
50 saw that a lack of solidarity between the two countries would 'make our kingdom the seat of war,
and expose it to devastation and ruin'.
For modern democrats, this is a problem. It is indisputable that the vast majority of Scots were
bitterly opposed to union (the English, said one, were 'base epicures with pork and pudding
crammed'). In the face of violent protest, the pro-union nobles had to find ways of convincing their
55 colleagues in Parliament that union was a good idea and then eliminate any further concerns. Yet
Whatley shows that only a handful were truly bribed, three or four at most. Far from being Burns's
parcel of rogues, a modern political operator, say Lyndon B Johnson, would have thought them a
bunch of pussies.
These books will not end the arguments. Fry, a contrarian who was once a candidate for the
60 Scottish Conservative and Unionist party, has already caused a kerfuffle by declaring
independence the only future for Scotland. In The Union, he talks of the men of 1700 putting 'to
shame the gruesome mediocrities ... in the restored Scottish Parliament of 1999'. That is harsh.
Still, the last Scottish Parliament did produce radical ideas, speeches and acts that whispered of
revolution, of republicanism: 'If we live free, I little value who is king,' said one of the MPs. This
65 spirit is what was lost. As Whatley points out in conclusion: 'There were those like Sir Walter Scott
who saw [union's] advantages but regretted what had been lost.' In this lies the sense of mourning
that has troubled most Scots ever since.

If there is a lesson for us in our own unsettled times, if there is a nugget of truth in Fry's vicious
swipe at the current class of Scottish politicians, then it lies in that earlier Parliament. The Scots
70 of 1704-7, pro- and anti-union alike, ceded sovereignty to a Great Britain that would become an
immense power, yet still managed to maintain Scotland's distinct identity and prepare the ground
for the nascent Scottish enlightenment that would change the world.
Whatley, in particular, has done the history of the period a great service, stripping away the myths
and revealing sophisticated people making sophisticated decisions. He has revealed qualities that
75 may be required once again in the dangerous months ahead.

Ruaridh Nicholl, The Observer, Sun 22 Oct 2006

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WORKSHEET
1. First reading:
Look for any unknown term, date. Look for any information on the following people: Robert Burns,
Queen Anne. Look for information on places: where is Darien?
2. Find information about the source
What is the source? Who is the author? What is his point of view? What type of document is it?
How should it impact your reading? What do you understand from the title and subtitle?
3. Find out information about the document and the context
What type of document is it? How should it impact your reading?
What about the audience?
What do you know about the context (general and specific)? Find out as much as possible.

4. Comprehension: WHAT?
What is the goal of the text?
What are the reasons mentioned for the Acts of Union of 1707?
Try to identify in the text what is written about each book quoted: authors, specificity of their point
of view, contents of the books. How do they contrast?

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 TD Document 3

Evidence given before the Ashley Committee (1829)

In 1842 Lord Ashley’s Mines Commission led an investigation into the conditions of labour in the
mines. The Mines Act of 1842 that resulted prohibited the employment in the mines of all women and
of boys under thirteen.

Scene inside an English coal

mine, early 19th century. Child
labourers. A trapper opens a
trapdoor to allow the thrusters
and their cargo through (1843).

Evidence given before the Ashley Committee

[Parliamentary Papers, 1842, vols. XV-XVII, Appendix I, pp. 252, 258, 439, 461; Appendix II, pp.
107, 122]
Patience Kershaw, aged 17, May 15.
My father has been dead about a year; my mother is living and has ten children, five lads and five
lasses; the oldest is about thirty, the youngest is four; three lasses go to mill; all the lads are
colliers, two getters and three hurriers; one lives at home and does nothing; mother does nought
5 but look after home.
All my sisters have been hurriers, but three went to the mill. Alice went because her legs swelled
from hurrying in cold water when she was hot. I never went to day-school; I go to Sunday-school,
but I cannot read or write; I go to pit at five o'clock in the morning and come out at five in the
evening; I get my breakfast of porridge and milk first; I take my dinner with me, a cake, and eat it
10 as I go; I do not stop or rest any time for the purpose; I get nothing else until I get home, and then
have potatoes and meat, not every day meat. I hurry in the clothes I have now got on, trousers and
ragged jacket; the bald place upon my head is made by thrusting the corves; my legs have never
swelled, but sisters' did when they went to mill; I hurry the corves a mile and more under ground
and back; they weigh 300 cwt.; I hurry 11 a-day; I wear a belt and chain at the workings, to get the
15 corves out; the getters that I work for are naked except their caps; they pull off all their clothes; I
see them at work when I go up; sometimes they beat me, if I am not quick enough, with their
hands; they strike me upon my back; the boys take liberties with me sometimes they pull me
about; I am the only girl in the pit; there are about 20 boys and 15 men; all the men are naked; I
would rather work in mill than in coal-pit.
20 Mary Barrett, aged 14. June 15.
I have worked down in pit five years; father is working in next pit; I have 12 brothers and sisters
— all of them but one live at home; they weave, and wind, and hurry, and one is a counter, one of
16
 them can read, none of the rest can, or write; they never went to day-school, but three of them go
to Sunday-school; I hurry for my brother John, and come down at seven o'clock about; I go up at
25 six, sometimes seven; I do not like working in pit, but I am obliged to get a living; I work always
without stockings, or shoes, or trousers; I wear nothing but my chemise; I have to go up to the
headings with the men; they are all naked there; I am got well used to that, and don't care now
much about it; I was afraid at first, and did not like it; they never behave rudely to me; I cannot
read or write.

WORKSHEET
5. Find information about Lord Ashley
Who was Lord Ashley? What was his function at the time? Write down all the information that
may help you understand the text.
6. At a glance: ANTICIPATING the contents
What type of text is it? How should it impact your reading?
What about the audience?
What do you know about the larger context? Find out as much as possible.
7. Comprehension: WHAT?
What was the point of these two testimonies?
How would you describe the tone of the text?
How would you characterize the social situation of Patience Kershaw and Mary Barrett?
How has the “Mechanical Age” altered British society?
Discuss the following sentence: “My father has been dead about a year; my mother is living and
has ten children, five lads and five lasses; the oldest is about thirty, the youngest is four; three
lasses go to mill; all the lads are colliers, two getters and three hurriers; one lives at home and
does nothing; mother does nought but look after home.”

17
TD Document 3 - Illustration n°1

TD Document 3 - Illustration n°2

18
TD Document 3 - Illustration n°3

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 TD Document 4

Rishi Sunak, First Speech as Prime Minister, 25th October 2022

Good morning,
I have just been to Buckingham Palace and accepted His Majesty The King’s invitation to form a
government in his name.
It is only right to explain why I am standing here as your new Prime Minister.
5 Right now our country is facing a profound economic crisis.
The aftermath of Covid still lingers.
Putin’s war in Ukraine has destabilised energy markets and supply chains the world over.
I want to pay tribute to my predecessor Liz Truss, she was not wrong to want to improve growth
in this country, it is a noble aim.
10 And I admired her restlessness to create change.
But some mistakes were made.
Not borne of ill will or bad intentions. Quite the opposite, in fact. But mistakes nonetheless.
And I have been elected as leader of my party, and your Prime Minister, in part, to fix them.
And that work begins immediately.
15 I will place economic stability and confidence at the heart of this government’s agenda.
This will mean difficult decisions to come.
But you saw me during Covid, doing everything I could, to protect people and businesses, with
schemes like furlough.
There are always limits, more so now than ever, but I promise you this
20 I will bring that same compassion to the challenges we face today.
The government I lead will not leave the next generation, your children and grandchildren, with a
debt to settle that we were too weak to pay ourselves.
I will unite our country, not with words, but with action.
I will work day in and day out to deliver for you.
25 This government will have integrity, professionalism and accountability at every level.
Trust is earned. And I will earn yours.
I will always be grateful to Boris Johnson for his incredible achievements as Prime Minister, and I
treasure his warmth and generosity of spirit.
And I know he would agree that the mandate my party earned in 2019 is not the sole property of
30 any one individual, it is a mandate that belongs to and unites all of us.
And the heart of that mandate is our manifesto.
I will deliver on its promise.
A stronger NHS.
Better schools.
35 Safer streets.
Control of our borders.
Protecting our environment.
Supporting our armed forces.
Levelling up and building an economy that embraces the opportunities of Brexit, where
40 businesses invest, innovate, and create jobs.
I understand how difficult this moment is.
After the billions of pounds it cost us to combat Covid, after all the dislocation that caused in the
midst of a terrible war that must be seen successfully to its conclusions I fully appreciate how hard
things are.
45 And I understand too that I have work to do to restore trust after all that has happened.

20
 All I can say is that I am not daunted. I know the high office I have accepted and I hope to live up
to its demands.
But when the opportunity to serve comes along, you cannot question the moment, only your
willingness.
50 So I stand here before you ready to lead our country into the future.
To put your needs above politics.
To reach out and build a government that represents the very best traditions of my party.
Together we can achieve incredible things.
We will create a future worthy of the sacrifices so many have made and fill tomorrow, and
55 everyday thereafter with hope.
Thank you

WORKSHEET

1. Write a fully-written and structured introduction of about 20 lines to the text above, using
the methodology studied in class.

2. Answer the following questions (about ten lines per question)

Comment and analyze the following sentence: " I have just been to Buckingham Palace and
accepted His Majesty The King’s invitation to form a government in his name." (l.2-3).
Comment upon the following promises made by Rishi Sunak: “A stronger NHS. Better
schools. Safer streets. Control of our borders. Protecting our environment. Supporting our
armed forces. Levelling up and building an economy that embraces the opportunities of
Brexit, where businesses invest, innovate, and create jobs.” (l. 33-40)

21
 TD Document 5
Robin Cook’s speech “Chicken Tikka Masala is now a true British national dish”
Extracts from a speech by Robin Cook to the Social Market Foundation in London, April 2001 (Robin
Cook was Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs in Tony Blair’s Government from
1997 to 2001). The Guardian, 19 April 2001
“Tonight I want to celebrate Britishness. Sadly, it has become fashionable for some to argue that
British identity is under siege, perhaps even in a state of terminal decline. The threat is said to
come in three forms. First, the arrival of immigrants who, allegedly, do not share our cultural
values and who fail to support the England cricket team. Second, our continued membership of
5 the European Union, which is said to be absorbing member states into ‘a country called Europe’.
Third, the devolution of power to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, which is seen as a step to
the break-up of the UK.
This evening, I want to set out the reasons for being optimistic about the future of Britain and
Britishness. Indeed, I want to go further and argue that in each of the areas where the pessimists
10 identify a threat, we should instead see developments that will strengthen and renew British
identity.
The making of multicultural Britain
The British are not a race, but a gathering of countless different races and communities, the vast
majority of which were not indigenous to these islands. London was first established as the capital
15 of a Celtic Britain by Romans from Italy. They were in turn driven out by Saxons and Angles from
Germany. The great cathedrals of this land were built mostly by Norman Bishops, but the religion
practised in them was secured by the succession of a Dutch Prince. Outside our Parliament,
Richard the Lionheart proudly sits astride his steed. A symbol of British courage and defiance. Yet
he spoke French much of his life and depended on the Jewish community of England to put up the
20 ransom that freed him from prison.
The idea that Britain was a ‘pure’ Anglo-Saxon society before the arrival of communities from the
Caribbean, Asia and Africa is fantasy. But if this view of British identity is false to our past, it is
false to our future too. The global era has produced population movements of a breadth and
richness without parallel in history. Today’s London is a perfect hub of the globe. It is home to
25 over 30 ethnic communities of at least 10,000 residents each. In this city tonight, over 300
languages will be spoken by families over their evening meal at home. This pluralism is not a
burden we must reluctantly accept. It is an immense asset that contributes to the cultural and
economic vitality of our nation.
The advantages of such diversity
30 Legitimate immigration is the necessary and unavoidable result of economic success, which
generates a demand for labour faster than can be met by the birth-rate of a modern developed
country. Every country needs firm but fair immigration laws. We must also create an open and
inclusive society that welcomes incomers for their contribution to our growth and prosperity. Our
measures to attract specialists in information technology is a good example.
35 And it isn't just our economy that has been enriched by the arrival of new communities. Our
lifestyles and cultural horizons have also been broadened in the process. This point is perhaps
more readily understood by young Britons, who are more open to new influences. But it reaches
into every aspect of our national life. Chicken Tikka Massala is now a true British national dish,
not only because it is the most popular, but because it is a perfect illustration of the way Britain

22
40 absorbs and adapts external influences. Chicken Tikka is an Indian dish. The Massala sauce was
added to satisfy the desire of British people to have their meat served in gravy.
Celebrating Diversity
We should be proud to be British. But we should be proud of the real Britain of the modern age.
Proud that the strength of the British character reflects the influences of the many different
45 communities who have made their home here over the centuries. Proud that openness, mutual
respect and generosity of spirit are essential British values. We should be proud that those British
values have made Britain a successful multiethnic society. We should welcome that pluralism as
a unique asset for Britain and we should recognise that its diversity is part of the reason why
Britain is a great place to live.”

WORKSHEET
1. Look for information on Robin Cook
Who is the author? What political party did he belong to?
To know more about him get more details on his bibliography through online research.
At a glance: ANTICIPATING
What do you think the title means?/is referring to?
What’s the date? Who was Prime Minister? What happens in May?
What type of text is it? Do you think it will be factual? What is its specificity? Do you know
anything about the context?
What do you think the text might be about?
2. Comprehension: WHAT?
a. Read the introduction part and decide whether your suppositions were true.
What’s the text about?
What three threats to the notion of Britishness are underlined by Robin Cook? Does Robin Cook
believe these are real threats? Justify your answer. What is Cook aiming to argue against them?
b. Cook’s definition of British society
Find some of the key sentences in this speech that illustrate Cook’s definition of Britishness
c. Cook’s defense of multicultural Britain
What type of arguments does he use to defend multicultural Britain? Can you divide these into
categories?
d. Aim of the speech
What effect do you think this speech had on the audience?
What vision does Cook portray of Britain?

23
What can say about Cook’s aim in the light of your analysis?
3. Focus on rhetoric: HOW?
A speech is specifically designed to be said out loud in front of an audience and can be seen as
more powerful than a written text. Cook uses a number of rhetorical effects to convince his
audience. Find examples in the speech to illustrate Cook’s use of the rhetorical devices listed
below:
Appeal to patriotism - an emotional appeal; appeals to the audience’s love of country,
persuading them to act by implying they are treasonous if they choose not to (similar to appeal
to pride)
Appeal to pride - an emotional appeal; used to convince the audience that they must act in
order to maintain dignity and self-respect (see also appeal to patriotism)
Emotional words - use of words likely to engage strong emotions in the audience
Hyperbole - an extravagant exaggeration of fact, used whether for serious or comic effect
Repetition - repeating words or phrases for emphasis when speaking or writing

24
 TD Document 6

The Birth of the NHS

On 5 July 1948, Sylvia Beckingham was admitted to hospital in Manchester to be treated for a liver
condition. Doubtless this was a big event in her life; but it was an even bigger event in British
history. Sylvia, 13, was the first patient to be treated on the NHS.
The idea of uniting all the country's hospitals and doctors' surgeries into one great state-run
5 conglomerate had germinated during the Second World War, when the volume of casualties
reduced the health service to near-bankruptcy. Then, Britain's 2,700 hospitals were run by
charities or councils. The only people entitled to free treatment were those with jobs, but the war,
and the under-investment of the pre-war years, had reduced the system to a state in which
medical staff were being asked to work almost for nothing.
10 In 1945, the new Labour government came in on a manifesto that promised a revolution in health
care. The job of health minister had been a minor one, below cabinet rank, but now it was filled by
a major political player, Aneurin Bevan, the adored, charismatic leader of the Labour left. His
stated ambition was to build a health service based on four principles: it was to be free at the point
of use, available to everyone who needed it, paid for out of general taxation, and used responsibly.
15 […]
Bevan, reflecting 10 years later on his battles, said he was blessed by the stupidity of his enemies.
A favourite enemy was the secretary of the British Medical Association, Charles Hill, who would
later crown his dreary career by being arguably the worst chairman the BBC ever had. Hill argued
loudly that health care should be paid for from insurance, not taxation. Bevan said the rush of
20 patients queueing for NHS treatment in the first months was partly down to the fear that Hill
would get his way and the free treatment would not be on offer for long. Thus, Hill helped cement
the popularity of the institution he wanted to destroy.
But the best enemy of the lot, Bevan said, was Sir Bernard Docker, a wealthy industrialist whose
wife, Norah, was the greatest society celebrity of her day. Sir Bernard was chairman of a clutch of
25 private firms, including Daimler, British Small Arms, and Westminster Hospital, and spoke for the
managements of all private hospitals as chairman of the British Hospitals Association. He was the
embodiment of outraged privilege, a rich man who could bear to see a penny of his wealth spent
on the poor and sick. Bevan said of Sir Bernard: "Who could be luckier than that? He described the
National Health Service Bill as a mass of 'mechanism in which the patient will get caught and
30 mangled' and as providing for the 'mass murder of thehospitals'. I remember meeting a deputation
led by the good knight. After listening to him and to his case I knew that the way ahead was quite
clear."
Bevan could also have mentioned Lord Horder, an eminent consultant, for whom the NHS
appeared to be the Spanish Inquisition reborn, to judge by the language he used to denounce it.
35 "If medicine were taken over by the state," Lord Horder said in 1948, in a speech to the Society of
Individualists, "it would be as disastrous as was the domination by the Church in the Middle Ages;
a greater disaster, because the Church was cultured."
And some of Dr Hill's colleagues in the BMA thought they were fighting the Third Reich all over
again. A letter in the British Medical Journal described Bevan as "a complete and uncontrolled
40 dictator" and the doctors who had co-operated in creating the NHS were called "quislings",
Quisling being the former head of the puppet government in Nazi-occupied Norway. One leading
member of the BMA reckoned a nationalised health service was "the first step, and a big one,
25
 towards national socialism", in which Bevan and succeeding health ministers would fill the role of
"medical Fü hrer".
45 But much as he might mock, Bevan was pragmatic enough to know that he could not run the NHS
without consultants, doctors and nurses. Faced with the threat of a BMA strike, he conceded that
GPs would retain the freedom to run their practices as small businesses. The consultants were
given more money, and allowed to keep their private practices. In Bevan's own blunt words: "I
stuffed their mouths with gold." Faced with a shortage of nurses, he also pushed up their wages to
50 attract recruits.
One of the fears underlying the Conservatives' opposition to the NHS was that when treatment
was free, the feckless poor would rush in to strip the chemist shops of every pill on the shelves,
then head for the dentists' surgeries to have their mouths filled with gold and silver. At first, it
appeared that this might be happening. Spending during the NHS's first year vastly overshot the
55 budget, and the prime minister, Clement Attlee, went on the radio to plead with people not to
overburden the service.
The vast expense of the enterprise brought Bevan's ministerial career to a premature end. In 1951,
the new Labour chancellor, Hugh Gaitskell, insisted on prescription charges, breaching Bevan's
principle that care must be free. This incensed him.
60 Bevan had argued that the huge initial expense was the result of years of under-provision, when
the dying bequeathed their spectacles to relatives who could not get prescriptions. By 1951, he
had apparently been proved right, because the rush had died away, and he felt charges were a
punishment unjustly imposed on patients who had behaved responsibly.
What Bevan and his allies failed to foresee was how advances in medical science would forever
65 push up costs. After 60 years, it seems no amount of money will satisfy the infinite demand for
better NHS care.
Soon after Bevan's resignation, the Labour government fell, their places taken by the
Conservatives, who had opposed the creation of the NHS. Among the new Tory MPs was Charles
Hill, the doctors' leader, now on the fast track to the cabinet. The issue of whether health care
70 should be paid for out of general taxation was back on the agenda.
A Cambridge academic, Claude Guillebaud, led a committee to look at different ways to pay for the
nation's health. To the government's surprise, the committee reported that the NHS was efficient,
cost-effective, and deserved more money. The Tories accepted it with reasonably good grace, and
did their best to forget they had ever opposed the NHS's creation. The principle of a free health
75 service for all, paid for out of general taxation, had been won. The people had come to love their
free NHS so much that no one could take it away.

The Independent, Saturday 28 June 2008

WORKSHEET

On top of the WH- questions (WHO/WHO TO, WHAT, WHEN, WHY, HOW), answer the following
questions:
1) In 1948, what was the NHS reproached with? List down the grievances against the NHS.

26
2) L.38 to 44: why was the NHS considered the “first step towards national socialism”?

3) Identify the people mentioned in the text and look up information on them

4) What is the tone of the author? Find examples in the text that justify your answer

5) Why was this article written in 2008? What party was in power and what was their
position on the NHS?

27
 TD Document 7

Margaret Thatcher’s Speech on Privatization and Economic Change

This is an edited text of Margaret Thatcher’s speech at the Conservative Party conference in Brighton
on 12th October 1984.

At national level, since the General Election just over a year ago, the Government has
denationalized five major enterprises, making a total of thirteen since 1979. Again and again,
denationalization has brought greater motivation to managers and workforce, higher profits and
rising investment, and what is more, many in industry now have a share in the firm for which they
5 work. We Conservatives want every owner to be an earner and every earner to be an owner. Soon,
we shall have the biggest ever act of denationalization with British Telecom and British Airways
will follow; and we have not finished yet. There will be more to come in this Parliament.

A few days ago I visited York, where I saw the first railway engine, Stevenson's "Rocket". I thought
10 of the jobs, the prospects and the hope that the new steam engines and the railways then brought
to many people. Communities queued up to be on a railway line, to have their own station. Those
communities welcomed change and it brought them more jobs. In the 1940s, when I took a science
degree, the new emerging industries were plastics, man-made fibres and television. Later it will
be satellites, computers and telecommunications, and now it is biotechnology and information
15 technology; and today our universities and science parks are identifying the needs of tomorrow.
So there are new industries and new jobs in the pipeline.

I remember an industrialist telling me, when I first went into business—and I have always
remembered it—"Our job is to discover what the customer will buy and to produce it." And in
20 Wrexham the other day, at a Youth Training Centre, I was delighted to see a poster saying "It is
the customer that makes pay days possible." So those young people are not only learning new
technology; they were learning the facts of business life and how we create new jobs. Because it
is the spirit of enterprise that provides jobs. It is being prepared to venture and build a business
and the role of Government in helping them to do that? It is in cutting taxes; it is in cutting inflation;
25 it is keeping costs down; it is cutting through regulations and removing obstacles to the growth of
small businesses. For that is where many of the new jobs will come from—small businesses. And
it is providing better education and training.

May I turn now to the coal industry?

30 For a little over seven months we have been living through an agonising strike. Let me make it
absolutely clear the miners' strike was not of this Government's seeking nor of its making.
We have heard in debates at this Conference some of the aspects that have made this dispute so
repugnant to so many people. We were reminded by a colliery manager that the NUM always used
to accept that a pit should close when the losses were too great to keep it open, and that the miners
35 set great store by investment in new pits and new seams, and under this Government that new
investment is happening in abundance. You can almost repeat the figures with me. £2 million in
capital investment in the mines for every day this Government has been in power, so no shortage
of capital investment.

40 We heard moving accounts from two working miners about just what they have to face as they try
to make their way to work. The sheer bravery of those men and thousands like them who kept the
28
 mining industry alive is beyond praise. "Scabs" their former workmates call them. Scabs? They are
lions! What a tragedy it is when striking miners attack their workmates. Not only are they
members of the same union, but the working miner is saving both their futures, because it is the
45 working miners, whether in Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, Leicestershire,
Staffordshire, Warwickshire, North Wales or Scotland, it is the working miners who have kept
faith with those who buy our coal and without that custom thousands of jobs in the mining
industry would be already lost.

50 And then we heard—unforgettably—from the incomparable Mrs. Irene McGibbon —who told us
what it is like to be the wife of a working miner during this strike. She told us of the threats and
intimidation suffered by herself and her family and even her 11-year-old son, but what she
endured only stiffened her resolve. To face the picket line day after day must take a very special
kind of courage, but it takes as much—perhaps even more—to the housewife who has to stay at
55 home alone. Men and women like that are what we are proud to call "the best of British" and our
police who upheld the law with an independence and a restraint perhaps only to be found in this
country are the admiration of the world.

To be sure, the miners had a good deal and to try to prevent a strike the National Coal Board gave
60 to the miners the best ever pay offer, the highest ever investment and for the first time the promise
that no miner would lose his job against his will. We did this despite the fact that the bill for losses
in the coal industry last year was bigger than the annual bill for all the doctors and dentists in all
the National Health Service hospitals in the United Kingdom. Let me repeat it: the losses—the
annual losses—in the coal industry are enormous. £1.3 billion last year. You have to find that
65 money as tax-payers. It is equal to the sum we pay in salaries to all the doctors and dentists in the
National Health Service.

Meanwhile, we are faced with the present Executive of the National Union of Mineworkers. They
know that what they are demanding has never been granted either to miners or to workers in any
70 other industry. Why then demand it? Why ask for what they know cannot be conceded? There can
only be one explanation. They did not want a settlement; they wanted a strike. Otherwise, they
would have balloted on the Coal Board's offer. Indeed, one-third of the miners did have a ballot
and voted overwhelmingly to accept the offer.

75 Mr. President, what we have seen in this country is the emergence of an organized revolutionary
minority who are prepared to exploit industrial disputes, but whose real aim is the breakdown of
law and order and the destruction of democratic parliamentary government. We have seen the
same sort of thugs and bullies at Grunwick, more recently against Eddie Shah in Stockport, and
now organized into flying squads around the country. If their tactics were to be allowed to
80 succeed, if they are not brought under the control of the law, we shall see them again at every
industrial dispute organized by militant union leaders anywhere in the country. This Government
will not weaken. This nation will meet that challenge. Democracy will prevail.

WORKSHEET

Look for information on Margaret Thatcher

29
Who is the author? What political party did she belong to? What office did she hold?
To know more about Margaret Thatcher watch this:
Margaret Thatcher: The Rise Of The Iron Lady | This Lady's Not For Turning | Timeline - YouTube
DO NOT USE WIKIPEDIA but get more details on her bibliography through online research.

At a glance: ANTICIPATING the contents

What type of text is it? How should it impact your reading?
What about the audience?
What does the term “denationalized” (l. 2) refer to?
When was the speech delivered?
Do you know anything about the larger context?

Comprehension: WHAT?
a. Read the first paragraph (l.1-8)
What’s the immediate context? Justify your answer.
What is Margaret Thatcher’s main argument in favour of privatization based on? How does she
try to make the privatization process appealing to the general public? Justify your answer.
b. New industries and new jobs in the pipeline (l.16-17)
What major economic transformation is Margaret Thatcher referring to? Based on the second
paragraph, to what extent is this change inevitable?
c. it is the spirit of enterprise that provides jobs (l.23)
How do you understand this sentence? What is Margaret Thatcher suggesting? In what way was
it different from before?
d. An agonising strike (l.30)
What “strike” is the author referring to? Find out everything you can about the 1984-1985 miners’
strike. How does Margaret Thatcher portray the action of the National Union of Mineworkers?
e. Aim of the speech
How does she try to rally public opinion to her views?
What are Thatcher’s final conclusions? What do you think about them?

Focus on rhetoric: HOW?

A speech is specifically designed to be said out loud in front of an audience and can be seen as
more powerful than a written text. Thatcher uses a number of rhetorical effects to convince her
audience. Find examples in the speech:
Use of anecdote – to introduce, illustrate her point
Emotional words – use of words likely to engage strong emotions in the audience
Hyperbole – an extravagant exaggeration of fact, used whether for serious or comic effect

30
 TD Document 8

'We need a Northern powerhouse' (George Osborne on 23 June 2014)

“Welcome to the Power Hall in the great Museum of Science and Industry here in Manchester. We
are surrounded by the beam engines and hydraulic accumulators and turbines that made this part
of Britain the economic powerhouse of the world a century ago. And I’m here to talk to you today
5 about what we can do to make the cities of the north a powerhouse for our economy again – with
new transport and science and powerful city governance. [...]
Something remarkable has happened here in Manchester, and in Liverpool and Leeds and
Newcastle and other northern cities over these last thirty years too. The once hollowed-out city
centres are thriving again, with growing universities, iconic museums and cultural events, and
10 huge improvements to the quality of life. I feel the buzz and the energy every time I’m here. And I
see it too in the Treasury data. Which part of England has the fastest- growing economic activity
right now? The North-East. Where are people joining the labour market at the fastest rate? The
North-West and North-East. Where is construction strongest? Yorkshire and Humberside. We’ve
seen massive investments all over the north. Hitachi, Nissan and Rolls Royce in the North East.
15 The Airport City in Manchester. The new deep water port in Liverpool. Siemens in Hull and East
Yorkshire. [...]
There is a hard truth we need to address. The cities of the north are individually strong, but
collectively not strong enough. The whole is less than the sum of its parts. So the powerhouse of
London dominates more and more. And that’s not healthy for our economy. It’s not good for our
20 country. We need a Northern Powerhouse too. Not one city, but a collection of northern cities -
sufficiently close to each other that combined they can take on the world. Able to provide jobs and
opportunities and security to the many, many people who live here, and for whom this is all about.
[...]
How do we build the Northern Powerhouse? By joining our northern cities together – not
25 physically, or into some artificial political construct – but by providing the modern transport
connections they need; by backing their science and universities; by backing their creative
clusters; and giving them the local power and control that a powerhouse economy needs. [...]
Councils in this city and elsewhere have been coming together in combined authorities to solve
issues that cut across their borders and jointly promote their cities. I see it myself in the
30 cooperation between Manchester City and my own Cheshire East Authority, over the science park
at Alderley – cooperation I never saw before. [...] There are big advantages in having an elected
Mayor to represent your city. To fight your corner in the world. To have someone democratically
accountable to the whole city who can deal with issues like transport or economic development
or fighting crime. [...]
35 At the moment you could argue there’s a mis-match between the economic importance of the great
northern cities and their political clout. Wales has its own parliament, and can pass its own laws.
But as the Centre for Cities point out, the economies of Manchester and Leeds are each individually
bigger than Wales. But they don’t have a single leader who can speak for the whole area. [...] So
today I am putting on the table and starting the conversation about serious devolution of powers
40 and budgets for any city that wants to move to a new model of city government - and have an
elected Mayor. A Mayor for Greater Manchester. A Mayor for Leeds. With powers similar to the
Mayor of London.

31
 What I’ve set out today is a vision of the Northern Powerhouse – not to rival the South, but to be
its brother in arms as we fight for Britain’s share of the global economy. Let’s bring our Northern
45 cities together, so they’re bigger and better than anyone can be alone. The Northern Powerhouse
can’t be built over-night. It’s a long-term plan for a country serious about its long-term economic
future. It means jobs and prosperity and security for people here over future decades. And I
promise you this – I will work tirelessly with anyone across political divides in any of these great
cities to make the Northern Powerhouse a reality.”

WORKSHEET
1) “the economic powerhouse of the world a century ago”: What does the Chancellor refer to?

2) Did this economic supremacy last and why?

3) What has happened recently across the north of England? Can this trend really make the
north powerful again?

4) What are the key elements of the Chancellor’s plan for a new “Northern powerhouse”?

5) What is the institutional difference between Wales and the north of England and what does
the Chancellor suggest to remedy it?

6) Is the Chancellor’s plan based on party lines and why?

32
 TD Document 9

Alex Salmond presses David Cameron for more power for Scottish parliament

Scotland's first minister warns SNP will resist Tory cuts and calls for greater independence ahead
of meeting with new PM
David Cameron is coming under pressure to hand over greater powers to the Scottish parliament
as he prepares for his first meeting as prime minister with the Scottish National party leader, Alex
Salmond.
Cameron is expected to go to Edinburgh to see the first minister within days, with his new
5 government already facing complaints from the Scottish National party about its mandate in
Scotland as it prepares to cut public spending heavily.
Salmond marked Cameron's first day as prime minister by sending him a letter warning that his
SNP minority government would resist any spending cuts. He urged the prime minister to honour
his promise to pursue a policy of "mutual respect" between the two governments.
10 Salmond asked Cameron to confirm that Scotland would not be expected to bear any of the £6bn-
worth of immediate cuts being proposed for the UK. He reminded the prime minister that the
Scottish budget was now set. "We therefore expect the UK government to honour the plans in
place for Scotland's public services this year," he said.
Top of the coalition government's agenda will be significant new powers over income tax rates in
15 Scotland, in exchange for a £5bn cut in the block grant to Scotland, and additional legal powers on
gun control, drink-drive limits and speed limits, recommended by the cross-party Calman
commission last year.
The Lib Dems have also won a concession to end detention of refugee children at the Dungavel
centre, and possibly form a commission to consider setting up an English assembly as a
20 counterbalance to Welsh and Scottish devolution. There could also be restrictions on Scottish MPs
voting on England-only matters at Westminster.
The Tory leader repeatedly promised before the election to treat the devolved government with
respect, guaranteeing to meet Salmond regularly and, if asked, address the Scottish parliament
yearly.
25 Cameron accused the Scottish and previous Labour governments of allowing a "fractious
relationship" to sour links between London and Edinburgh; instead, his ministers will be expected
to appear before Scottish parliament committees whenever they are asked. The Scottish secretary
is to meet Salmond every month, while Treasury ministers will brief MSPs on spending, and
fisheries ministers are likely to collaborate on policy.
30 Despite their performance in England the Tories did not win any new seats in Scotland: there is
just one MP, David Mundell. The party was fourth in the polls with 16.7% of Scottish votes,
equating to just over 400,000 Scots voting for it. Since losing all their Scottish seats in 1997, the
Tories' revival has repeatedly faltered there.
Cameron has now appointed Danny Alexander, the Scottish Liberal Democrat MP and Clegg's chief
35 of staff, as Scottish secretary, to shore up the coalition government's legitimacy. The Lib Dems
have 11 Scots MPs at Westminster. Party sources believe Alexander will appoint Mundell, who has
held the post of shadow Scottish secretary in opposition, as his deputy.

33
 Labour MPs were today scornful of Alexander's appointment, accusing the new secretary of state
of hypocrisy, since the Lib Dems had pledged in their manifesto to abolish the Scotland Office, a
40 policy the Lib Dems said today they wanted to fulfil.
David Cairns, the former Scotland Office minister, said Alexander had previously accused the
Tories of being "anti-progressive, fake, shallow, economically illiterate, lazy, a sham, and grim".
Cairns added: "Danny Alexander's views and principles suddenly changed when he thought he
could become a minister. In the space of five days, he has gone from chief critic of the Tories to
45 David Cameron's spokesman in Scotland, occupying office in a ministry he wants to abolish."
Westminster sources said the proposed new legal powers for Holyrood could be quickly
introduced as they should not need primary legislation, but allowing Scotland to directly control
10p worth of income tax could be trickier and cause friction between the Tories and Lib Dems.
These measures, a cornerstone of the Calman proposals to increase Scotland's self-reliance, were
50 opposed by Treasury civil servants and given a lukewarm reception by the Tories, even though
the latter played a full part in drafting Calman's taxation proposals. The Lib Dems want these
powers introduced quickly but party sources admitted today that the expensive measures could
be blocked by the new chancellor, George Osborne, as he attempts to slash public spending.
Increasing Holyrood's powers, including Salmond's so far unsuccessful demands for a referendum
55 on Scottish independence, will prove a battleground as all four main parties prepare for the
Scottish parliamentary elections next May.
Labour tried to increase pressure on the new government to commit itself to the Calman
proposals. Pauline McNeill MSP, Scottish Labour's shadow cabinet secretary on the constitution,
said: "David Cameron must now commit to having the Calman proposals through parliament
60 before the 2011 … elections. That way the people of Scotland will know what powers the new
parliament will have."

The Guardian, Severin Carrell, Wed 12 May 2010

WORKSHEET:
1) Explain the following terms: “First Minister”, “Tory”, “Tory cuts”, “shadow Scottish secretary”
(l.37), “Holyrood”, “coalition government”, “SNP”
2) What are David Cameron’s Conservative government’s policies regarding Scotland?
3) What are the reasons for the SNP wanting more devolution?
4) What would be the new powers conferred to Holyrood?
5) How would you characterise the relationship between Scotland and the Conservative Party?
6) Comment on the following sentence: "Cameron is expected to go to Edinburgh to see the first
minister within days, with his new government already facing complaints from the Scottish
National party about its mandate in Scotland as it prepares to cut public spending heavily" (lines
6-8).

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 TD Document 10

Nicola Sturgeon’s speech launching the case for independence, 14 June 2022
Today, we publish the first in a series of papers – “Building a New Scotland” – that will make afresh
the case for Scotland becoming an independent country.
An independent country better able to chart our own course here at home and – as the outward
looking nation we have always been – play our part in building a stronger, safer, better world.
5 Today, Scotland – like countries across the world – faces significant challenges.
But we also have huge advantages and immense potential.
The refreshed case for independence is about how we equip ourselves to navigate the challenges
and fulfil that potential, now and in future.
In their day to day lives, people across Scotland are suffering the impacts of the soaring cost of
10 living, low growth and increasing inequality, constrained public finances and the many
implications of a Brexit we did not vote for.
These problems have all been made worse or, most obviously in the case of Brexit, directly caused
by the fact we are not independent.
So at this critical juncture we face a fundamental question.
15 Do we stay tied to a UK economic model that consigns us to relatively poor economic and social
outcomes which are likely to get worse, not better, outside the EU?
Or do we lift our eyes, with hope and optimism, and take inspiration from comparable countries
across Europe?
Comparable neighbouring countries with different characteristics. Countries that, in many cases,
20 lack the abundance of resources that Scotland is blessed with.
But all of them independent and, as we show today, wealthier and fairer than the UK
Today’s paper – and those that will follow in the weeks and months ahead – is about substance.
That is what really matters.
The strength of the substantive case will determine the decision people reach when the choice is
25 offered – as it will be – and it is time now to set out and debate that case.
After everything that has happened – Brexit, Covid, Boris Johnson – it is time to set out a different
and better vision.
It is time to talk about making Scotland wealthier and fairer.
It is time to talk about independence – and then to make the choice.
30 How we secure that choice – as we are committed to doing – is of course a highly pertinent
question, so while today is very much about substance, let me address briefly the issue of process.
I was re-elected as First Minister just over one year ago on a clear commitment to give the people
of Scotland the choice of becoming an independent country.
And the people of Scotland elected a Scottish Parliament with a decisive majority in favour of both
35 independence and the right to choose.
The Scottish Parliament therefore has an indisputable democratic mandate, and we intend to
honour it.
A referendum though, if it is to be deliverable, command confidence and achieve its objective, must
be lawful.
40 It is the parties opposed to independence who would benefit from doubt about a referendum’s
legality.
These parties don’t want to engage on the substance of this debate, because they know how
increasingly threadbare their arguments are. So they prefer to cast doubt on the process.
Those of us who relish the opportunity to make and win the substantive case for independence
45 mustn’t let them do so.
Of course, if this UK government had any respect at all for democracy, the issue of legality would
be put beyond doubt, as in 2014, through a section 30 order.
35
 I make clear to the Prime Minister again today that I stand ready to discuss the terms of such an
order at any time.
50 But my duty, as the democratically elected First Minister, is to the people of Scotland – not to Boris
Johnson or any Tory Prime Minister.
This is a UK government that has no respect for democracy.
And, as we saw again yesterday, it has no regard for the rule of law either.
That means – if we are to uphold democracy here in Scotland – we must forge a way forward, if
55 necessary, without a section 30 order.
For the reasons I have set out, however, we must do so in a lawful manner.
We know that in these circumstances the competence of the Scottish Parliament to legislate is
contested.
That is the situation we must navigate to give people the choice of independence.
60 That work is underway and while I do not intend to go further into the detail today, I can say that
I hope to give a significant update to Parliament very soon.
The principles of democracy and the rule of law are fundamental.
They should unite all of us, regardless of our politics.
Indeed, democracy within the rule of law is how differences of political or constitutional opinion
65 should always be resolved.
The fact that these principles are now so deeply disrespected and disregarded, day and daily in
the UK, is itself an indication of how broken Westminster governance is.
It has become part of the argument for independence – and it is to that substantive case that I now
return.
70 The choice people arrive at on independence must be an informed one.
The case we make must speak, not just to those who already support independence, but also –
indeed even more so – to those not yet persuaded.
It is an obvious point but one that always bears repetition – Scotland will only become
independent when a majority of those who live here vote for it.
75 It is in that spirit that we publish this first in the ‘Building a New Scotland’ series of papers.
[…]

By the SNP : https://www.snp.org/nicola-sturgeons-speech-launching-the-case-for-

independence/

WORKSHEET

1. Find information about the author

Look for information on Nicola Sturgeon. Visit the following website :
https://www.gov.scot/about/who-runs-government/first-minister/biography/
2. Find out information about the document and the context
What type of document is it? How should it impact your reading?

What about the audience?

What do you know about the context (general and specific)? Find out as much as possible.

3. Comprehension: WHAT?

36
Comment on the following paragraph: "In their day to day lives, people across Scotland are
suffering the impacts of the soaring cost of living, low growth and increasing inequality,
constrained public finances and the many implications of a Brexit we did not vote for." (l. 9-11)

What does the author refer to when she says "Countries that, in many cases, lack the abundance
of resources that Scotland is blessed with" (lines 19-20)?

Why does Sturgeon contend that the UK government has "no respect for democracy" (l. 53)?

37