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LEnfant et la mort dans lAntiquit I

Nouvelles recherches dans les ncropoles grecques


Le signalement des tombes denfants

Travaux de la Maison Ren-Ginouvs


12
Collection dirige par Pierre Rouillard

LEnfant et la mort dans lAntiquit I


Nouvelles recherches dans les ncropoles grecques
Le signalement des tombes denfants
Sous la direction dAnne-Marie GUIMIER-SORBETS et Yvette MORIZOT

Actes de la table ronde internationale organise Athnes,


cole franaise dAthnes, 29-30 mai 2008

De Boccard
11, rue de Mdicis - 75006 Paris
2010

Directeur de la collection
Pierre Rouillard (CNRS)
Maquettage intrieur et mosaque dimages de la couverture
Agns Tricoche (ArScAn)
Maquette de la couverture
Virginie Teillet (Italiques)
Illustrations de la premire de couverture (mosaque dimages)
En haut, de gauche droite: vase en terre cuite aux traits humains provenant dune tombe denfant,
ncropole Collatina, Rome (cl. M. Letizia); vase contenant un squelette de bb, le dAstypale, site
de Chra (cl.S.Hillson); spulture denfant et mobilier, ncropole de Kalfata, Apollonia du Pont,
Bulgarie (Cl. K. Panayotova).
En bas, de gauche droite : ncropole presque exclusivement rserve aux immatures, Mend,
Chalcidique (Cl.Greek Ministry of Culture, 1st Ephorate); spulture denfant n278 et mobilier,
Apollonia du Pont, Bulgarie (Cl.L.Damelet, CNRS/CCJ) ; stle en marbre de la tombe de Proculus,
ncropole de Porta Nocera, Pompi (Cl. Gaillot/ Fouille Porta Nocera).

Dans la mme collection


1 - De la domestication au tabou. Le cas des suids au Proche-Orient ancien, 2006, Lion B. et Michel C., d.
2 - La Macdoine: Gographie historique, Langue, Cultes et croyances, Institutions, 2006, Hatzopoulos M. B.
3 - Studia euphratica. Le moyen Euphrate iraquien rvl par les fouilles prventives de Haditha, 2007, KepinskiC.,
Lecomte O. et Tenu A., d.
4 - Les critures cuniformes et leur dchifrement, 2008, Lion B. et Michel C.
5 - Essai sur le tissage en Msopotamie des premires communauts sdentaires au milieu du IIIemillnaire avant
J.-C., 2008, Breniquet C.
6 - Et il y eut un esprit dans lHomme. Jean Bottro et la Msopotamie, 2009, Faivre X., Lion B. et Michel C., d.
7 - La Mditerrane au viiesicle av. J.-C. Essais danalyses archologiques, 2010, tienne R., d.
8 - Faire de lethnologie. Rlexion partir dexpriences en milieu scolaire, 2010, Lebas C., Martin F. et
Soucaille A.
9 - Hommes, milieux et traditions dans le Paciique Sud, 2010, Valentin F. et Hardy M., d.
10 - Paysage et religion en Grce antique. Mlanges oferts Madeleine Jost, 2010, Carlier P. et LerougeCohenC., d.
11 - Le Rapport de fouille archologique: rglementation, conservation, difusion, 2010, Soulier P., d.
Chez le mme diteur, Colloques de la Maison Ren-Ginouvs
1 - Autour de Polanyi. Vocabulaires, thories et modalits des changes, 2005, Clancier Ph. et alii, d.
2 - La Chasse. Pratiques sociales et symboliques, 2006, Sidra I., d.
3 - Mobilits, Immobilismes. Lemprunt et son refus, 2007, Rouillard P. et alii, d.
4 - LEau. Enjeux, usages et reprsentations, 2008, Guimier-Sorbets A.-M., d.
5 - Portraits de migrants, Portraits de colons I, 2009, Rouillard P., d.
6 - Portraits de migrants, Portraits de colons II, 2010, Rouillard P., d.

De Boccard, 2010
http://www.deboccard.com
ISBN 978-2-7018-0290-9
ISSN 1954-863X

TABLE DES MATIRES


Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Anne-Marie Guimier-Sorbets et Yvette Morizot

1-7

Lenfant et la mort dans lAntiquit : approches . . . . . . . . .

Antoine Hermary, Prsentation du programme Lenfant et la mort dans


lAntiquit [EMA] : des pratiques funraires lidentit sociale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Vronique Dasen, Archologie funraire et histoire de lenfance dans lAntiquit:
nouveaux enjeux, nouvelles perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11-17
19-44

Lenfant et la mort en Grce


Lenfant et la mort en Grce au premier ge du Fer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

45

Batrice Blandin, Les enfants et la mort en Eube au dbut de lge du Fer . . . . . . . . . .


Alexandre Mazarakis Ainian, Tombes denfants lintrieur dhabitats
au dbut de lge du Fer dans le Monde Grec . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Maia Pomadre, La difrenciation funraire des enfants en Crte centrale
au premier ge du Fer : lindice dune nouvelle structuration sociale ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

47-65

97-108

Spultures denfants en Grce de lpoque gomtrique lpoque romaine :


espaces, rites et intgration sociale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

109

Chryssa Bourbou et Petros Themelis, Child Burials at Ancient Messene . . . . . . . . . .


Konstantina Kallintzi et Irini-Despina Papaikonomou, La prsence des enfants
dans les ncropoles dAbdre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Maria Michalaki-Kollia, Un ensemble exceptionnel denchytrismes
de nouveau-ns, de ftus et de nourrissons dcouvert dans lle dAstypale, en Grce :
cimetire de bbs ou sanctuaire ? (Premire approche) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sophia Moschonissioti, Child Burials at the Seaside Cemetery
of Ancient Mende . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Athanassios Themos et Elena Zavvou, Recent Finds of Child Burials
in the Area of Ancient Sparta rom Protogeometric to Roman Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Photini Zaphiropoulou, Tombes denfants dans les Cyclades :
les cas de Naxos et de Paros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Spultures denfants dans les ncropoles des colonies grecques de la Mer Noire

67-95

111-128
129-159

161-205
207-225
227-241
243-250
251

Anne-Sophie Koeller et Kristina Panayotova, Les spultures denfants de la


de la ncropole dApollonia du Pont (Bulgarie) :
rsultats des fouilles rcentes (2002-2007) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253-264
Vasilica Lungu, Les tombes denfants dans les colonies grecques
de lOuest du Pont-Euxin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265-286

VI

Le signalement des spultures denfants


Monde grec
Diego Elia et Valeria Meirano, Modes de signalisation des spultures
dans les ncropoles grecques dItalie du Sud et de Sicile. Remarques gnrales
et le cas des tombes denfant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Myrina Kalaitzi, he Representation of Children on Classical and Hellenistic
Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Marie-Dominique Nenna, Les marqueurs de tombes denfant dans lgypte
grco-romaine : premires recherches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

289-325
327-346
347-360

Monde romain
Hlne Lamotte, Le rle de lpitaphe dans la commmoration des enfants
dfunts : lexemple des carmina Latina epigraphica paens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Solenn de Larminat, Signalisation des tombes denfants dans un quartier
funraire de la ncropole romaine de Porta Nocera Pompi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Stefano Musco et Paola Catalano, Tombes denfants de lpoque impriale
dans la banlieue de Rome : les cas de Quarto Cappello del Prete, de Casal Bertone
et de la ncropole Collatina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Ailiations des auteurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

363-373
375-385

387-402
403

The Representation of Children


on Classical and Hellenistic Tombstones
from Ancient Macedonia
Myrina Kalaitzi
Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity (Kera)
National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens
The region and the period

he area of study for this survey lies within the borders of the modern Greek state and
extends eastwards as far as the Strymon and Amphipolis, while to the south it roughly
coincides with the borders of the modern district of Macedonia (ig. 1).1 Figured tombstones
were in use in that area from at least the late 6th-early 5th c.,2 while from about the mid-5th c. the
series continues with no interruption into the Roman Imperial period. his survey is mainly
based on published material, amounting to a little over than 210 igured tombstones, ranging
in date from about the mid-5th to the 1st c.3 he temporal and geographical distribution of the
material is uneven: most tombstones (about half of them) date to the 2nd-1st c., while most
originate from major civic centres, mainly from the two successive capitals of the Macedonian
kingdom, Aigai (Vergina) and Pella, from Beroia, hessaloniki and Amphipolis.
As the area deined above was transformed into Macedonian national territory as a whole
from the reign of Philip II onwards, one should be vigilant for diferent representational norms
during the 5th and 4th c. grosso modo between tombstones from the old Macedonian kingdom
on the one hand and from the Greek cities of the lands east of the Axios on the other. NonGreek populations, such as hracians or Illyrians, belonging to the ethnic mosaic of Macedonia
throughout the period in question, are largely unrepresented in the class of igured tombstones,
and, when recognized, they conform to the Greek representational habits.4 Italians hesitantly
began settling in Macedonia from the 2ndc., and in a more coherent way from the last decades
of the 1stc. onwards, but, again, memorials belonging to Italians in this period largely conform
1 I would like to thank the organizers of the table ronde A.-M. Guimier-Sorbets and Y. Morizot for the

invitation to participate. I would also like to thank Prof. M. Hatzopoulos for granting me permission to use the
map seen in ig. 1, as well as Dr M. Stamatopoulou for her useful remarks. he regions of Parauaia, Derriopos and
Parorbelia, and the regions to the east of the Strymon (apart from the city of Amphipolis) were not included in the
areas surveyed.
2 All dates are BC.
3 It is the material which I have studied for the purposes of my D.Phil. thesis (Kalaitzi 2007). In this
article, instead of referring to the tombstones brought into discussion by the catalogue and plate number of an
as yet unpublished thesis, I will refer to them by citing only their irst, fullest or latest publication. It should have
become obvious that the numbers with which we are dealing are nowhere near those of Attic igured tombstones
(cf. Grossman 2007, p. 309-310, with notes 2-5), which have provided us with a standardized mode of
representation of children in a funerary context for the Classical period, or those of Hellenistic igured tombstones
from East Greece.
4 Kalaitzi 2007, vol. I, p. 168-171.
LEnfant et la mort dans lAntiquit I. Nouvelles recherches dans lesncropoles grecques. Le signalement des tombes denfants, actes de la table
ronde internationale organise Athnes, cole franaise dAthnes, 29-30 mai2008, Guimier-Sorbets A.-M. et Morizot Y., d., 2010
(Travaux de la Maison Ren-Ginouvs, 12)

328

Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

to the Hellenistic Greek koine.5


Pictorially identifiable age groups prior to adulthood
Present discussion pertains to igures which can be identiied as the free-born children of
the families erecting the monuments not child servants or slaves . By applying a multitude
of pictorial criteria, which have been already adequately described by scholars,6 discernible
age groups, or better said, to quote L. Beaumont, discernible developmental phases... both
biologically and socially deined, corresponding to broader age bands7 prior to adulthood, on
tombstones from Macedonia are those of infants as babies in arms, of toddlers, of prepubescent
children, and lastly of adolescents.8 But, this is not to say that these categories are in all cases
unmistakably distinguished, greater ambiguity ensuing during the 2nd-1st c.
Information on childhood and age classes prior to adulthood might be less abundant for
Macedonia, but extant evidence shows that rites of passage similar to those of other areas of the
ancient Greek world marked their transition to puberty and adulthood.9 It furthermore shows
that, again, similarly to the rest of the Greek world, the end of childhood and incorporation
into the ranks of adults was diferentiated according to gender: marriage, occurring at the age of
biological puberty, signiied the transformation of a parthenos into an adult woman,10 whereas
for the males, legally coming of age at the age of eighteen, when they joined the ranks of ephebes,11
complete incorporation into the world of adults was a longer process concomitant with their
training for and eligibility to membership to military and civic institutions.12
his last observation may explain the fact that neither in the Classical nor in the Hellenistic
period did there exist on Macedonian tombstones standardized pictorial types to distinguish
between older adolescent boys from young adult males.13 In the realm of women it would in
theory suice to tell between a married and an unmarried woman, a distinction which on
Macedonian tombstones might be pictorially clearer during the 5th-3rd c., but is less so during
5 Ibid., p. 174-178.
6 Mainly: Sourvinou-Inwood 1988, p. 15-20, 31-38; Beaumont 1994, esp. p. 81-82, 88-92.
7 Beaumont 1994, esp. p. 82-87, 92-94 (citation from p. 84). For the same concept: Sourvinou-Inwood

1988, p. 16-17, 32; Stears 1995, p. 118-123; Beaumont 2000; Lawton 2007, p. 42-43.
8 Diferent scholars have attempted various identiications of age groups and further subdivisions, oten
depending on the artistic media with which they are concerned, cf. Grossman 2007, p. 310 with note 7; also:
Le Dinahet 2001, p. 91-94. Here, I more or less follow those of Lawton 2007, as they proved in better
accordance with the representations in the material under discussion.
9 Hatzopoulos 1994.
10 For the parthenoi in Macedonia and rites of passage connected to them: Hatzopoulos 1994, esp. p.36-37,
41-53, 73-81, 116-117; Psoma 2006, p. 297-298. Marriage and the oikos as the main sphere of activity for women
in Macedonia: Le Bohec-Bouhet 2006, p. 187.
11 Hatzopoulos 1994, p. 89.
12 Ibid., p. 113.
13 On the Classical stelai from Aigai young men dressed in short chiton, chlamys, petasos and krepides, holding
spears, could be taken to belong to the ranks of ephebes, but these items also belonged to the outit of mature adult
Macedonians: cf. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 20: Andronikos 1984, ig. 45; Despinis, StephanidouTiveriou and Voutiras 1997, no. 16, ig. 40. For the outit of ephebes in Macedonia (attested for the Hellenistic
period), their organization being ascribed to Philip II: Hatzopoulos 1994, p. 99; id., 2001, p. 138; Psoma 2006,
p. 292, 295-297. For the ambiguity of male adolescence in Classical Athenian iconography and its social roots:
Beaumont 2000, esp. p. 42-48; ead. 1994, p. 85-86, whose interpretative approach I found very helpful.

M. Kalaitzi

the 2nd-1st c.
Inscriptions, of course, do help establish family relationships, but the age of the deceased is
rarely stated prior to the Roman Imperial period on Macedonian tombstones, and, with regard
to the present subject, only two igured tombstones have preserved (epigrams with) explicit
information regarding age: Hadea14 (ig. 6) died still an aoros parthenos, while Noumenios15
(ig.5) died when he was fourteen years old.
Figured tombstones erected as the personal memorials of children amount to about eighteen.16
Most igures of children appear on tombstones with one or more adults, on which children were
either named as well17 or not named at all, their igure remaining nameless and by deinition
secondary.18 In many cases, the inscription of tombstones with adult(s) and child(ren) has been
wholly or partly lost, and any inference has to be based on iconography alone.19
The fifththird centuries
Infants and toddlers
On three tombstones from Pella,20 Tragilos21 and Amphipolis,22 dating to the late 5th and
4th c., babies appear in the arms of a woman. On the irst stele the baby, wholly swaddled and
wearing a hood, is meant as a newborn, while older infants should be portrayed on the two latter,
both partly wrapped in drapery and held in a seated position.23 he Tragilos stele was erected
for a woman named Ardrine, whereas the other two do not preserve their inscriptions, and we
are thus on no irm ground in telling whether the babies were meant as deceased or not. he
evidence of inscribed tombstones with similar scenes from other areas, in which babies in arms
are as a rule let unnamed,24 would suggest that the two stelai from Pella and Amphipolis were
erected for (one of ) the adults shown. Again, it is inscriptions that have revealed that a variety
of relations could be denoted with that particular schema, which should not be taken as the
iconographic equivalent of death in childbed; as such the schema was rather generic, deining
one basic aspect of the female world, namely the upbringing and caretaking of children.25
he igure of a nude baby seated on the ground is included in multi-igured scenes of the 4th c.
On a strongly atticizing unpublished relief stele in the Museum of Kilkis (Kilkis Museum 9989),
14 Allamani-Souri 1998.
15 Vrilhac 1978, no. 81, pls. 32, 34; Hamiaux 1998, no. 133.
16 his igure should only be taken as an approximation, as it depends upon correct recognition of age, and does
not include tombstones iguring child(ren) with adult(s) preserving no inscription.
17 Cf. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 21, pl. 44; Cormack 1970, no. 13.
18 Cf. IG X 2,1, no. *677: Edson and Daux 1974, ig. 5.
19 Cf. the stele from Pydna discussed below: Kostoglou-Despoini 1988.
20 Lilimpaki-Akamati 1998.
21 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1983, ig. 34, on p. 144.
22 Hamiaux 1992, no. 261.
23 For the distinction: Grossman 2007, p. 310-311. heir sex is not discernible. On the general assumption
that igures of babies with uncovered chests belonged to boys: Lawton 2007, p. 45.
24 Evidence mainly coming from Classical Attic tombstones: Grossman 2007, p. 312. A Hellenistic stele from
Delos shows that a tombstone iguring a woman with a baby in arms could commemorate the death of the child:
LeDinahet 2001, p. 97 with note 39.
25 Mainly: Bergemann 1997, p. 64-65; also: Oakley 2003, p. 185, with note 77.

329

330

Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

which does not preserve its inscription, the boy, shown along with the igure of an adult man
and that of a prepubescent boy, is depicted holding a Maltese dog with his let arm and a ball
against the ground with his right hand.26 According to the description ofered by SaatsoglouPaliadeli,27 the baby (a boy?) on a painted stele from Aigai (who, in all probability, was not
among the persons named in the inscription) was shown extending both arms, reaching for one
of the adults of the scene, in a gesture expressing afection but also, as McNiven rightly observes,
dependency.28
On a 3rd c. stele from Beroia,29 a standing boy, who on the basis of his size, open-handed
gesture, apparent nudity and non-articulate movement should be recognized as a toddler, is
shown as a secondary igure, reaching towards a prepubescent girl, who is the one named in the
inscription (Synesis).
Prepubescent children
I begin with tombstones iguring children as the main igure, with no adults. On four stelai
from Pella and Amphipolis,30 of the late 5th and 4th c., boys are represented in what became a
standard Classical Attic schema,31 accompanied by their favourite pets, a dog and a bird, and, at
least once, with a ball or, rather, a wheel toy (ig. 2).32 On another 4th c. stele from Amphipolis,
a boy named Dionysios was shown as actively playing with knucklebones (once painted) in a
schema known from the Attic series.33 Herakleides from Aigai34 was shown together with his
dog the species of which is not clear , possibly also holding a bird or ball in his right hand;
Saatsoglou-Paliadeli has also recognized a staf and tentatively proposed to identify a lagobolon
held by Herakleides,35 two elements which, if correctly identiied, would suggest that the boy,
along with enjoying the pleasures of childhood, was also being trained in the activities of youths
and men from an early age.
26 Cf. Clairmont 1993, nos. 0.868, 0.869; Grossman 2007, p. 314. For similar igures in sculpture in the
round cf. Vorster 1983, pls. 9, 21.
27 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 22, pls. 45-46; non vidi; published illustrations do not permit accurate
igure identiication.
28 McNiven 2007, p. 87. See also the igure of a boy in a stele now in Berlin, which has been connected by some
scholars with Macedonia, although it is not certain that it does in fact originate from the region: Clairmont
1993, no. 3.930; Kalaitzi 2007, vol. I, p. 95-96.
29 Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoulos 1998, no. 152.
30 Pella: stele of Xanthos: Akamatis 1987; stele of Damiskos: Petsas 1978, p. 68-69, no. 4, igs. 7-7a, ig.3
on p. 118. Amphipolis: stele of Arrabaios (scene reconstructed): Scholl 1996, no. 405; ADelt 24 (1969) B2,
355 no. 3, pl. 361a (Ch. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki); stele of Herakleitos: ADelt 22 (1967) 426 (Ch. KoukouliChrysanthaki; unpublished).
31 Clairmont 1993, vol. I, p. 135-136; Scholl 1996, p. 115-118. I am not here concerned with the question
of the origin of the type.
32 he handle would have been painted. On the wheel toy: Akamatis 1987, p. 23, with note 58; Fitta 1998,
p. 72-76. A painted wheel toy could have been included in the scene on the stele of Herakleitos, supra note 30.
33 Clairmont 1993, no. 0.924, with commentary on no. 1.302. he same schema was later used for other
kinds of active playing: cf. Pfuhl and Mbius 1977-1979, nos. 726-727, pl. 109. Generally on games with
knucklebones: Fitta 1998, p. 14-17.
34 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 8, pl. 21.
35 Ibid., p. 105-106. V. von Graeve believed that what Saatsoglou-Paliadeli proposed to be a lagobolon were
chance traces of the steles fainting colours: ibid., p. 106.

M. Kalaitzi

In the realm of girls, on a mid-5th c. pillar-formed stele from hessaloniki (ig.3)36 the girl
would have more probably stretched her arm towards a bird,37 while on a 4th c. stele from Aigai,38
Berenno is depicted holding a bird from a cordon, in a scene, which, if not in its exact schema,
is parallel in concept to the Classical stelai of boys shown with birds and dogs.39 Synesis, on the
3rd c. stele from Beroia already mentioned,40 is equipped with a chest an attribute found oten
in relation with adolescent girls and adult women and holds a fruit or ball in her right hand.
As is habitual for tombstones, playing was more oten implied through attributes than
explicitly shown. he bird, a favourite pet and a general iconographic symbol of young age and
of early death,41 was as regular common to both sexes, as was also perhaps the ball and the
dog.42
For some of the tombstones iguring children with adults we may be (fairly) certain that
they commemorated the children shown as well, either owing to inscriptions or iconography. A
5th c. stele from Pydna, on which a boy leans against the arms of a woman, holds a conspicuous
place among them,43 owing to its striking expressiveness. A rooster stretches its head towards
the object held by the boy, which, has been plausibly identiied as a phormiskos.44 Among the
multiple symbolisms attached by the Greeks to the cock,45 that of the dear pet, underscoring the
familial sentiment of the scene, is the one to be read on the stele from Pydna.46 he 4th c. stele
from Kilkis, to which we have already referred (Kilkis Museum 9989), is important in that it
places a prepubescent boy both in the carefree world of play, as well as in that of athletic training
and thus in the process of education and incorporation into the world of adult men : the boy
is shown holding a ball and a bird, which he extends towards the poodle held by the baby boy,
but is also accompanied by a boy servant carrying an oil-lask.
In scenes with children and adults, attributes, including the dog (poodle),47 the ball (?),48
the wheel toy49 and the bird (apart from the cock on the Pydna stele, to be otherwise identiied
as a dove), are positively attested only for boys, but this is to be attributed to the weathered
36 Despinis, Stephanidou-Tiveriou and Voutiras 1997, no. 10, ig. 23.
37 As already proposed by scholars: cf. ibid., p. 24; Despoini 1987, p. 294-296.
38 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 7, pl. 20.
39 Ibid., p. 100-101: the scene possibly included the igure of one more animal on the ground. For the Attic

parallels: Clairmont 1993, vol. I, p. 139-140; Scholl 1996, p. 118-120. For stelai with children with birds and
dogs see also Woysch-Mautis 1982, esp. pls. 25-32.
40 Supra note 29.
41 Mainly: Woysch-Mautis 1982, p. 39-46. Also: Scholl 1996, p. 122-123, with notes 833-834.
42 Supra note 39.
43 As Kostoglou-Despoini 1988, p. 180-181,184, has rightly suggested (and as I originally doubted:
Kalaitzi 2007, vol. I, p. 32).
44 Kostoglou-Despoini 1988, p. 181-183. Again, I now believe that a phormiskos is more plausible than just
a piece of food, as I originally thought (Kalaitzi 2007, cat. no. Pydna 20).
45 Lately: Cohen 2007, p. 16-17, with bibliography, also commenting on the stele from Pydna.
46 So already Kostoglou-Despoini 1988, p. 183.
47 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 20: Andronikos 1984, ig. 45.
48 Cf. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 5, pl. 14.
49 Ibid., no. 21, pl. 44.

331

332

Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

state of preservation of some of the tombstones. Boys and girls are oten connected to adults
through gestures of afection and dependency, extending their arms towards them, touching
them, leaning on them or being caressed or held by them (ig. 4).50 Birds (doves) are sometimes
profered to or received from adults in a way familiar from the Classical Attic repertoire.51 On
tombstones on which they were positively not named, children expectedly, perhaps tend to
be less well equipped in terms of attributes. On such tombstones less emphasis was placed upon
sketching the childrens realm per se, and more upon showing their active relationship with the
adults (mostly, but not exclusively, with motherly igures); in other words, it was mainly the
adults world that children were called forth to annotate in such scenes.52
On better quality pieces children were characterized as such also by bodily proportions and
facial features (chubbiness, protruding stomach, larger head, lat breasts for girls; igs.2-3).53
In both multi-igured compositions and tombstones iguring the sole igure of a child, no
particular, age-speciic, mode of dress can be observed, except that children are sometimes
more comfortably dressed, the long chiton worn without the himation, and the combination of
chiton and himation shared by girls (always in the long chiton: ig. 4)54 and boys.55 Otherwise,
boys may be shown nude (when actively playing, like Dionysios) or in partial nudity (as young
men oten are), they may sport the attire of himation only, worn in the way typical for adults as
well, or the short belted chiton, an outit which they share with slaves;56 and, they may also sport
the short chiton and chlamys (on which see below).
Girls are generally short haired, the girl on the stele from Sphageia (the earliest among
tombstones iguring prepubescent girls; ig. 3), dressed with the fashionable dress of the period,
the peplos,57 standing out among her peers on later tombstones in that she wore her hair in a
sakkos (shared by adult women as well).58 Boys have their hair short, at least once adorned with
a ribbon,59 and once possibly fashioned with a knot or plait above the forehead.60
In all, on the one hand, prepubescent boys and girls appear to share some common attributes,
traits and gestures, which place them both in the world of play and ascribe to both a less restrained
50 Lazaridis 1969b. On this stele the girl is clearly the focus of the scene and the two adults are identiied

through personal name alone (no patronym), showing that interest lay on the familial bonds of the girl, not the
parents; hence, I now believe that this was the personal memorial of the girl (Phanis).
51 Cf. Lazaridis 1969a, p. 112-113 (unpublished). Attic: Clairmont 1993, vol. I, p. 391, vol. II, p. 635.
52 Cf. Scholl 1996, p. 123; Grossman 2007, p. 318.
53 Cf. Despinis, Stephanidou-Tiveriou and Voutiras 1997, p. 24; Despoini 1987, p. 293; Akamatis
1987, p.18.
54 Stele of Phanis, supra note 50: chiton and himation. Biesantz 1965, no. K57, pl. 22: short-sleeved, belted
chiton.
55 Cf. the stele from Pydna, supra note 19 (long chiton); stele of Damiskos, supra note 30 (short chiton and
himation); Chrysostomou 2001, no. 1 (chiton and himation).
56 Cf. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 5, pl. 14. For the social assimilation of children with slaves, expressed
both in ancient Greek vocabulary and in iconography: Golden 1985; id. 2003, p. 14; Cohen 2007, p. 4.
57 he peplos might have been worn by prepubescent girls also on tombstones of the two following centuries,
but is not identiied with certainty.
58 Cf. the stele from Pella, supra note 20.
59 Stele of Xanthos, once painted: Akamatis 1987, p. 18.
60 Stele of Herakleitos from Amphipolis, supra note 30. For this type of hair dress on Attic tombstones:
Vorster 1983, p. 21-23; Clairmont 1993, vol. I, p. 138-139; Scholl 1996, p. 121.

M. Kalaitzi

attitude and characteristics of social immaturity in their relation with adults. On the other hand,
diferentiation according to gender and their future social roles as adult men and women did
manifest itself on the tombstones, as they may assume gender-speciic adult-like dress, attributes
and activities, such as the chest, preserved for girls, or nudity and athletics, preserved for boys.
Adolescents
here is just one igured stele certainly erected as the personal memorial of an adolescent
boy, the 3rd c. stele of Noumenios (ig. 5).61 Prior to this, in the 4th c., the igure of an adolescent
boy, in the adult-like attire of the himation, is included in a multi-igured composition on a
stele from Pella,62 of which the inscription has been fragmentarily preserved. he boy has an
intermediate position in terms of attitude, underlining the ambiguous status of adolescents:
clasping the right forearm of the central igure (a woman), in a way more tender and less formal
than the dexiosis proper,63 and held by the standing woman on the right, like a child that still
needs to be protected.
Shown as the winner in a torch race, through iconography and epigram64 fourteen-year-old
Noumenios was connected to the religious and social life of the community. His stele advertised
the boys prominence in athletics, one of the two major aspects of training in the Macedonian
gymnasium (together with military training), which fourteen-year-olds attended, belonging to
the age class of paides.65
he small group of tombstones erected as the personal memorial of a maiden opens with
the exquisite stele from Nea Kallikrateia (ancient Dikaia)66 and a stele from Dion,67 both
dating to about the middle of the 5th c. hey both show the maiden standing alone in proile,
the maiden on the Nea Kallikrateia stele holding a dove with her let hand. Two more stelai
belonged to maidens, the 4th c. stele of Nikeso,68 with a scene which, I would suggest, should be
understood as that of the ofering of a libation (the altar, phiale and oinochoe having originally
been rendered in paint), and the late 3rd c. stele of Hadea. he latter (ig. 6)69 is for many reasons
exceptional for Macedonian habits, its importance lying in the exploitation of both epigram
and iconography, in order to expressly advertise the social standing of the maiden, who not only
exhibited the qualities and accoutrements of the elegant daughter of a well-to-do family, but was
also characterized and commemorated in her capacity as a priestess (as the wreath, sceptre, and
61 Supra note 15.
62 Cormack 1974, no. 1, ig. 4.
63 For the dexiosis as a sign of maturity and social equality, not regularly uniting children and adults: Clairmont

1993, vol. I, p. 392; Stears 1995, p. 126; McNiven 2007, p. 95-96; cf. Le Dinahet 2001, p. 97. In the corpus
studied here as a whole, a few examples of dexiosis between children and adults exist.
64 Connected through his name, and the dates marking the beginning and the end of his life to Apollo.
65 For the institution of the gymnasium in Macedonia and age classes: Gauthier and Hatzopoulos 1993,
esp. p. 68-78, 155-172; Hatzopoulos 2001, p. 134-140; Psoma 2006, p. 288-297. Torch running for the age
class of paides, attested at Hellenistic Beroia: Gauthier and Hatzopoulos 1993, p. 76-78, 109-110, 117-121.
66 Despinis, Stephanidou-Tiveriou and Voutiras 1997, no. 9, igs. 21, 24, 27.
67 Stephanidou-Tiveriou 1975.
68 ADelt 24 (1969) B2, p. 355, no. 6, pl. 361b (Ch. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki): Scholl 1996, no. 404.
69 Supra note 14. For detailed discussion and documentation of what follows on the stele: Kalaitzi 2007,
vol.I, p. 107-112.

333

334

Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

key are called forth to demonstrate). he double presence of Hermes, which to the best of my
knowledge is otherwise unattested, shows a high concern with the safe passage of Hadea to the
Underworld, a concern which is related to her early death, but which could be also understood
as the overstatement of a family more actively involved in cultic afairs.
A few more tombstones include a igure which can be positively identiied as that of a maiden
among adults.70 No standard igural type71 or iconographic schema can be observed, the small
number of tombstones and their wide distribution in time and space being rather to blame for
this. hey exhibit a variety of dress, either more appropriate for maidens (such as the unbelted
open-sided peplos72 of the maiden from Nea Kallikrateia, or the shoulder straps of the maiden
from Dion73) or worn by adult women as well (such as the sleeved chiton and belted peplos of
Hadea). Nonetheless, as opposed to adult women, who are as a rule depicted with the himation
drawn over their heads (and/or oten perform the so-called anakalypsis gesture),74 maidens are
represented with their head uncovered by the himation. hey mostly sport long hair, hanging
onto their back and shoulders,75 or well combed and tied at the back of the head.76
Gesture, stance and general comportment mould the proile of restrained, self-controlled,
respectful and elegant girls77 of marriageable age, who have let the freer attitude and gestures of
childhood and have been trained in the manners of adult women, ready to assume their roles as
such. Tellingly, on their memorials through Hadea and, possibly, Nikeso maidens appear to
actively enter the public sphere only through religious practice, as adult women also did.
Not concerned here with styles and types from an artistic point of view, it is to be observed
that Classical tombstones from both sides of the Axios recognize and attribute to children
the same major qualities. On a more general level, on present evidence, the social proile of
Macedonian boys and girls is generally sketched along lines familiar from the world of boys
and girls of the Classical Greek city-states. Were the recognition of the lagobolon on the stele
of Herakleides certain, one could speak of a boy being trained in an activity, which, along with
athletics and war, belonged to the core of Macedonian male identity and desired skills;78 but it
70 Cf. Biesantz 1965, no. K56, pl. 23: Hamiaux 1992, no. 263.
71 Such as that of a maiden with peplos and back-mantle (and cross straps) of 4th c. Attic iconography:
Roccos2000.
72 Cf. Tlle-Kastenbein 1980, p. 240-241, cat. nos. 6b, 11b, 11e, 11f, 28a-c, 43d, p. 242-243, pls. 53, 54b.
73 For shoulder straps: Clairmont 1993, Introductory vol., p. 32; Roccos 2000, p. 246; Vorster 1983,
p. 7.
74 Which Llewellyn-Jones 2003, p. 98-107 (esp. p. 104), convincingly pleads should better be termed veil
gesture.
75 he long hair of the girl on the stele from Dion was held in place with the help of a taenia; Hadea is exceptional
among her peers also in that she wears a hat (cf. Allamani-Souri 1998, p. 21-22, with note 23, although I do not
share her interpretation).
76 he maiden on Biesantz 1965, no. K56, pl. 23 wears a kekryphalos. Short hair: cf. Despinis, StephanidouTiveriou and Voutiras 1997, no. 16, ig. 40.
77 Jewellery underscores their femininity: Biesantz 1965, no. K56, pl. 23; Hadea: ig. 6. For beauty as a sign that
a parthenos was ready to pass to maturity through marriage: Hatzopoulos 1994, p. 49-50. Cf. Lawton2007,
p.55-56. Jewellery is not exclusive to maidens and is also worn by girls (ig. 3), and mature women.
78 In general for hunting, its practical importance, its symbolism and close connection with athletics and war:
Woysch-Mautis 1982, p. 57-60; Barringer 2001, p. 10-53, 174-83. For Macedonia: Hatzopoulos 1994,
p. 87-111.

M. Kalaitzi

is not. It is interesting, nonetheless, to note that another little boy on a 4th c. stele from Aigai,79
still carelessly playing with his poodle at the side of the scene, adopts the outdoor outit of the
short chiton, chlamys and boots, typical for young and mature Macedonian men of the same
period especially when shown as riders and/or in arms .80
No general change in the iconography of children can be observed in the 3rd c. compared to
the two previous centuries, at least no other than that it brings with it a memorial, that of Hadea,
which as yet stands with no precedents, and in fact no followers, in Macedonia.
The second and first centuries
Infants and toddlers are now absent from the corpus examined, as also are igured tombstones
erected to prepubescent children alone. Figures positively identiied as prepubescent children,
mostly boys, either named in the inscriptions or not, are included in a few multi-igured
compositions. hey are characterized by reduced stature, freer attitude and gesticulations, and/
or gestures connecting them with the igures of adults in a relation of afection.81 hey are,
nevertheless, deprived of a speciic set of attributes, which would sketch their world in any detail.
On the whole, the pictorial boundaries between prepubescent boys and adolescents, and,
even more pronouncedly, between adolescents and young (adult) men are more blurred now,82
especially as the 1st c. advances. In multi-igured compositions tombstones face us with igures,
which one is inclined to deem adolescents instead of prepubescent boys on the basis of greater
size in combination with adult-like dress, posture and comportment,83 but subjectivity is
certainly lurking. Many more face us with igures which can be positively identiied as younger
male members of a family, oten explicitly identiied as sons (by juxtaposing, for example,
diferent statures of the male igures, bearded beardless igures, reclined standing/seated
position) which could, nevertheless, have as well belonged to young (adult) males, rather than
to adolescents.84
As age groups are not clearly deined, proceeding to comment on attributes would lead us into
discussing the representations of the category of the young Macedonian man in general, which
is beyond the scope of the present article. Suice it to make some general observations: irst,
that boys and adolescents/youths generally share the dressing habits of adults, be it chiton and
chlamys or chiton and himation, and that complete nudity for boys, associated with athletics and
playing in the previous centuries, is now lacking. Athletic accoutrements and horse riding may
be connected with igures better generically termed youths or young men (ig. 7).85 Greater
emphasis was now placed upon literate education, as the presence of book rolls and folding

79 Supra note 47.


80 It is not clear whether the boy in the same attire on Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, no. 4, pls. 12-13, is a

child of the family or a squire.


81 Cf. Hamiaux 1998, no. 134; Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 1998, nos. 55-57, pls. 26-28;
Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoulos 1998, no. 178.
82 For the same phenomenon in Hellenistic Delos: Le Dinahet 2001, p. 92.
83 Cf. Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou 1992, no. K19, pls. 64-65.
84 Cf. Despinis 2000, ig. 3.
85 Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou 1992, no. K16.

335

336

Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

tablets in the hands of youths and adult men may show,86 and whereas iconography does not
permit us to irmly identify prepubescent boys or adolescents holding book rolls, the epigram
for a boy named Philotas from Kalindoia, underlining his having studied poetry, conirms that
intellectual training was valued and praised in (male) children.87
Maidens are represented on tombstones with multi-igured compositions, on the majority
of which they are also named (ig. 7); few were erected to them alone, although iguring them
among their parents.88 he stele from Edessa (ig. 8),89 a work of the Beroian workshop, is among
the better quality pieces and rather exceptional for the period, as it underscores the intermediary
phase of a girl who, owing to her budding breasts, I would suggest was in her early puberty:
Hadea sports the elegant dress and posture of a proper lady, but at the same time reaches for
one of the foods on the table, in an attitude betraying spontaneity (even if still circumscribed
within a highly conventionalized pictorial language) not to be exhibited by mature women and
generally rarely seen on Macedonian tombstones.
Otherwise, maidens stand in motionless, statuary types, as adult women also did, oten facing
the viewer (ig. 7), and sometimes themselves provided with slaves and chests.90 heir scale may
vary from signiicantly reduced stature to only slightly reduced or full stature, their younger age
being pictorially denoted mainly through their uncovered heads (ig. 7).91 Of the Hellenistic
types employed on Macedonian tombstones none seems to have been preserved for maidens
alone, with the possible exception of the Small Herculaneum Maiden type, which, however,
appears only once in the corpus examined.92
he picture emerges that during the 2nd-1st c. children were not prioritized in receiving a
sculptured funerary monument of their own;93 instead, they were more oten included in family
compositions, which now anyway increase and more or less equal personal monuments.94 Even
then, on present evidence, their world was not pictorially supplied with insignia speciic to
childhood or speciic to the diferent phases of childhood, as those met in the previous centuries.
he compositional conventions of the period oten made igures stand in self-conined, statuary
poses, with no connecting gestures or moves other than the turning of a head, non-adults and
their relation to the igures of adults, more oten than not, abiding by these conventions.95
86 A phenomenon paralleled on Hellenistic tombstones from hessaly, Delos, East Greece: Kalaitzi 2007,
vol. I, p. 59-61, 144; Zanker 1993, p. 218-222; Le Dinahet 2001, p. 96, 101-102. Cf. Schmidt 1991, p. 130132.
87 Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou 1992, no. K18. he age of the boy is restored as either six or twelve
years old.
88 Cf. Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 1998, no. 20, pl. 6.
89 Hamiaux 1998, no. 130.
90 Cf. supra note 88.
91 Cf. also Despinis 2000, ig. 1. It should, however, be noted that, even if it is certain that adult (married) women
were as a rule shown veiled, some tombstones present us with igures of women in full stature who, while veiled,
inscriptions identify as the igures of daughters shown along with (one of ) their parents: cf. Gounaropoulou
and Hatzopoulos 1998, no. 183. No irm indication exists as to the marital status of these women. On the
evidence on the veiling of maidens: Llewellyn-Jones 2003, p.216-219, 247-248.
92 Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoulos 1998, no. 182.
93 For similar indings in Hellenistic Delos: Le Dinahet 2001, p. 100-101.
94 Kalaitzi 2007, vol. I, p. 184-185.
95 Cf. Zanker 1993, p. 223.

M. Kalaitzi

Rather than some general indiference to children, this phenomenon indicates that
Macedonia not without contrary running currents partook in the tendency described by
scholars such as Schmidt and Zanker for other areas of the Hellenistic world, by which children
were represented as or praised through epigrams for sharing adult values already from their
tender years.96
One should bear in mind that Macedonian igured tombstones are not a closed body of
material, new pieces being added as excavations proceed and publications multiply. Future inds
will certainly ofer further insight into the question of which qualities of children were chosen
(by adults) to be advertised on funerary monuments of Classical and Hellenistic Macedonia,
and might as well conirm, amend or refute indings made here.

Addendum
Of the tombstones bearing on the subject discussed here, which have been published and/or
have come to my attention ater the text of this article had been submitted, reference should be
made to two stelai. he irst is the stele of a maiden from Beroia, dating to about 340-330 BC
[Allamani-Souri, V. (2009), , in Drougou,
S. et. al., eds., . , Athens, p. 369-377,
ig. 1]. he stele has been fragmentarily preserved, but the distinctive costume for maidens on
4th c. BC Attic funerary monuments is clearly recognizable: the maiden is represented wearing
the combination of the Attic peplos and the back-mantle, an edge of which she holds with her
let hand (the crossbands, with or without the medallion, can only be hypothetically restored;
for the costume and its signiicance: Roccos 2000). Due to the fragmentary state of the stele,
the scene of which the maiden formed part is unknown (more igures originally included?
attributes?), and the inscription has been lost (personal or family memorial? place of origin of the
person(s) commemorated?). he stele, probably the work of a sculptor from Attica, strengthens
the ascertainment that during the 4th c. BC sculpted tombstones from major Macedonian civic
centres oten adopted Attic types and themes, and, even if for the moment stricto sensu adding
to the plurality of igural types for maidens on Classical funerary monuments in Macedonia [the
type is again met on a votive relief from Poteidaia, which Roccos 2000, p.257, no. 68 (Polygyros
Museum 300) lists as unpublished, but which has in fact been published by Stephanidou,
Th. (1973), , 13, p. 106-116, pl. I], it
corroborates the general observations made here regarding the social values praised in them.
he second is a stele from Orestis, carrying both igure decoration and an epigram,
which has been variously dated from the 1st c. BC to the 1st-2nd c. AD [Rizakis, A. and
Touratsoglou, I. (1985), (, , ,
). . , Athens: no. 193, pl. 77, with prior bibliography].
he stele is now lost, and the photographs through which it is known do not allow a reliable
assessment of the relief. Nonetheless, the letter forms and the composition suggest a Late
Hellenistic, rather than a Roman Imperial date. It was erected for a boy named Nikanor, who,
as stated in the epigram, died when he was twelve years old. he boy, accorded the acclamation
96 Schmidt 1991, p. 135-137; Zanker 1993, p. 220-222.

337

Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

338

heros chaire, was shown in a himation, holding a folding tablet (?), accompanied by his boy
servant and by the tree-and-snake motif, and thus sharing the attire, posture and attributes of
adult men.

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he Representation of Children on Classical and Hellenistic Tombstones from Ancient


Macedonia

M. Kalaitzi

Abstract : he pictorially identiiable age groups prior to adulthood on tombstones from ancient
Macedonia are those of infants, of toddlers, of prepubescent children and of adolescents. On
tombstones of the 5th-3rd c. BC prepubescent boys and girls on the one hand share common
modes of behaviour, mainly through playing and traits of social immaturity and dependency
upon adults; on the other hand, the diferent social roles which boys and girls were destined
to assume do make themselves manifest among prepubescent children, and even more so on
the tombstones iguring adolescents. On the tombstones of the 2nd and 1st c. BC (on which, in
the corpus examined, igures of infants and toddlers are absent) the stages of childhood are less
clearly deined, as children generally tend to assume the social characteristics of adults from an
early age.
Keywords :Tombstones, Macedonia, Reliefs, Painted stelai

La reprsentation des enfants sur les stles funraires classiques et hellnistiques de la


Macdoine antique
Rsum : Les difrentes tranches dge des immatures discernables dans les reprsentations
des stles funraires de la Macdoine antique sont celles des nourrissons, des petits enfants
apprenant marcher, des prpubres et des adolescents. Sur les stles funraires datant du ve
au iiie sicle av. J.-C., on constate que les garons et les illes prpubres dune part partagent
des comportements communs notamment travers le jeu et les traits dimmaturit sociale
et de dpendance par rapport aux adultes, mais dautre part se distinguent en fonction des
difrents rles sociaux quils devaient assumer dans la vie adulte, difrenciation qui devient
plus vidente dans les reprsentations dadolescents. La distinction de ces difrentes tranches
dge apparat moins clairement sur les stles du iie et du ier sicle av. J.-C. (o, dans le corpus
examin, les nourrissons et les petits enfants en ge de marcher sont absents); les enfants sont
alors reprsents pourvus des traits sociaux des adultes ds leur jeune ge.
Mots-cls : Stles funraires, Macdoine, Reliefs, Stles peintes



:
,
, , ,
. 5-3 . ..,
,
,
,
.
2 1 . .. (,
, ),
.
- : , , ,

341

342
Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

Fig. 1 : Map of ancient Macedonia. The approximate boundaries of Macedonia proper before the Roman conquest are marked with a line.
Research Centre for Greek and Roman Aniquity/Naional Hellenic Research Foundaion, M.B. Hatzopoulos.

M. Kalaitzi

Fig. 2 : Stele of Xanthos, Pella.


Pella AM 1980/454 Greek Ministry of Culture, Archaeological Receipts Fund.
Ater: Lilimpaki-Akamati, M. and Akamatis I. M., eds., Pella and its environs,
Athens (2004), ig. 85.

Fig. 3 : Stele of a girl, area of Thessaloniki (daing prior to Thessalonikis synoecism).


Thessaloniki AM 11265. Greek Ministry of Culture, Archaeological Receipts Fund.

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Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

Fig. 4 : Stele of Phanis, Amphipolis.


Kavala AM 230. Greek Ministry of Culture, Archaeological Receipts Fund.

Fig. 5 : Stele of Noumenios, exact provenance unknown (Pella?).


Muse du Louvre, dpartement des Aniquits grecques, trusques
et romaines, Ma822. 1996 Muse du Louvre/Patrick Lebaube.

M. Kalaitzi

Fig. 6 : Stele of Hadea, Beroia.


Beroia AM 160.Greek Ministry of Culture, Archaeological Receipts Fund.

345

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Representation of Children on Tombstones rom Ancient Macedonia

Fig. 7 : Stele of Philippos son of Atalos, Arissippa daughter of Menelaos, their


daughter Alkyana and their two sons, Atalos and Menelaos, Kalindoia.
Thessaloniki AM 2669. Greek Ministry of Culture, Archaeological Receipts Fund.
Ater: Adam-Veleni, P., ed., Kalindoia. An ancient city in Macedonia,
Thessaloniki (2008), no. 51.

Fig. 8 : Stele of Hadea daughter of Samos, of Thrason son of Dimnos, of Hadea


daughter of Archelaos, and of Thrason son of Archelaos, Edessa.
Muse du Louvre, dpartement des Aniquits grecques, trusques et romaines,
Ma817. 1997 Muse du Louvre/Patrick Lebaube.