The Schola Cantorum, Early Music and French Political Culture,

from 1894 to 1914

Volume 1

Catrena M. Flint,

McGill University, Montreal

A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fuIfilment of the

requirements of the degree of Dodor of Philosophy

© Catrena M. Flint 2006

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For William Charles Mattison, another choirboy,
and Rowena Mattison, who made our family sing
 Abstract

This dissertation is based on the study of over 340 performances of early music
given by the Parisian Schola Cantorum and its sister association, the Chanteurs
de Saint-Gervais, between 1894 and 1914. The first chapter explores performance
trends for this repertoire in isolation. Chapter 2 is an attempt to root out personal
reasons for the changes in Schola programming, and also provides a sketch of the
community that was behind the institution. The next chapter considers how
Schola programming may have been affected by changes to the institution's
mandate, goals, and relationship to the Conservatoire and other Republican
institutions. The circle widens in Chapter 4, with a discussion of the relevance of
Bordes's revival to sacred music reform. In the final chapter, the Schola's revival
is placed in the broader context of Frenchfin-de-siècle politics and nationalism in
particular.

This dissertation provides a new assessment of Charles Bordes and Vincent

d'Indy's respective biographies and demonstrates that many of the right-wing
programming tendencies at the Schola should be attributed to Bordes. The
importance of personal networks is emphasized in most of the dissertation. In
addition to providing information on an unprecedented number of Schola
concert types, this dissertation identifies the importance of looking to revivaIs of
seventeenth-century music after 1898. For this repertoire provided an analogue
for Ferdinand Brunetière' s ideas of an ideal, seventeenth-century French. An
important shift in concert type and repertoire after 1904 provides a new window
on d'Indy biography and underscores the transformation of the French public's
musical values around the same time. The Schola's role in the reform of sacred
music has been over estimated. The papal motu proprio of 1903 only reiterated
instructions on sacred music previously handed down by the Sacred
Congregation of Rites in 1894 and it was probably not directed specifically at the
Parisian Schola Cantorum. The Schola's concerts of early music became sites for
the expression of cultural difference. Much like many concerts exclusively
devoted to this repertoire-and unlike many events that combined early and
contemporary music-the "Frenchness" expressed at these events was intended
to remain beyond the grasp of the average French citizen.
 ii

Résumé

Cette thèse se fonde sur l'étude d'un corpus de plus de 340 exécutions de
musique ancienne données par la Schola Cantorum parisienne et par son
association affiliée, les Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, entre 1894 et 1914. Le premier
chapitre explore isolément les courants d'interprétation de ce répertoire. Le
chapitre 2 tente de montrer les raisons personnelles qui sous-tendent les
changements dans la programmation de la Schola, et esquisse également le
portrait de la communauté qui supportait l'institution. Le chapitre suivant
considère comment la programmation a pu être affectée par les changements
dans le mandat et les buts de l'institution, ainsi que par ses rapports avec le
Conservatoire et d'autres institutions républicaines. Le perspective s'élargit au
chapitre 4, avec une discussion de la pertinence de la redécouverte de la musique
ancienne par Bordes pour la réforme de la musique sacrée. Dans le dernier
chapitre, l'exploration du répertoire ancien de la Schola est placé dans le contexte
plus large de la politique du tournant du siècle en France, et plus
particulièrement sous l'angle du nationalisme.

Cette thèse propose une nouvelle évaluation des biographies de Charles Bordes
et Vincent d'Indy et démontre que les tendances de droite politique dans la
programmation de la Schola peuvent fréquemment être attribuées à Bordes.
L'importance des réseaux de contacts est soulignée dans la majeure partie de la
thèse. En plus de fournir de l'information sur un nombre sans précédent de types
de concerts de la Schola, cette thèse indique l'importance de considérer la
redécouverte de la musique du dix-septième siècle après 1898. En effet, ce
répertoire a fournit l'équivalent des idées de Ferdinand Brunetière sur un dix-
septième siècle idéal, français. Un important tournant dans le type de concert
et de répertoire après 1904 fournit une nouvelle fenêtre sur la biographie de
d'Indy et souligne les transformations des valeurs musicales françaises à la même
époque. Le rôle de la Schola dans la réforme de la musique sacrée a été
surestimée. La bulle papale motu proprio de 1903 s'est contentée de répéter les
instructions sur la musique sacrée transmises par les Congrégations Sacrées des
Rites en 1894 et elle n'était probablement pas dirigée spécifiquement envers la
Schola Cantorum parisienne. Les concerts de musique ancienne de la Schola sont
devenus le véhicule d'une différence culturelle. Comme de nombreux concerts
consacrés exclusivement à ce répertoire-et contrairement aux nombreux
événements qui combinaient la musique ancienne et récente-le caractère français
qu'exprimaient ces événements devait rester inaccessible au commun des
citoyens français.
 iii

Acknowledgements

It has been noted with sorne wisdom that it takes a village to raise a child. In the
same way, it seems to me that it really does take a small academic community to
train a musicologist. Indeed, 1 write these acknowledgements with an appreciable
degree of anxiety-fear that 1 will forget to thank someone-for beyond the sharing
of information, constructive critique, and moral and material support is the less
easily defined contribution of others who helped to make me a musicologist as 1
wrote this dissertation.
My advisor, Steven Huebner, probably retains frighteningly vivid memories
of writing letter after letter for research money, and shoveling through draft after
draft of confusing muck, for which 1 whole-heartedly thank him. But one of the
things 1 hold most dear is the memory of him telling me that the sort of research 1
was doing was called "the history of ideas." This came at a time when many of the
professors and students around me found my work confusing and meaningless, and
1 certainly had a limited idea of what "musicology" could be. It' s easy enough to
spill red ink on a page; it' s much more difficult to help a would-be scholar find his or
her place in the discipline and develop his or her own particular critical point of
view. If l have leamed, in spite of myself, to see in shades of grey and to dig deeper
than 1 ever thought was necessary, it' s because my advisor took the trouble to
challenge me time and again. For that 1 will always be grateful.
1 would also like to make special mention here of the advice and moral
support lent me by Katharine Ellis, who shared with me materials and information
related to my topic as well as late drafts of three chapters from her own outstanding
and exemplary study of the early music revival in nineteenth-century France as a
whole. Professor Ellis also provided me with generously detailed comments for the
article version of Chapter 5, and in the many hours of conversation and
correspondence over the past five years, she has truly exceeded the bounds of
academic courtesy in contributing to this dissertation.
Accessing archivai sources for the sort of research 1 conducted can be
extremely trying without the friendly guidance and support of more experienced
scholars. Elizabeth Bartlet took me under her wing for most of my first research trip,
pointed me towards archives and specialized collections that proved tremendously
valuable to my research, and supported me both morally and materially. At a time
when 1 felt the d'Indy family would never allow me access to its archives, Marie-
Thérèse Lefebvre wrote me a very kind letter of introduction. Marie d'Indy later
welcomed me into her home and made documents in her own personal collection
available to me. Rose Pruiksma was my guide to the Minutier Central and many
other aspects of research life in Paris. 1 owe a great debt of gratitude to these women,
and deeply regret that two were taken from this life so soon.
As 1was writing the dissertation, other scholars came to my rescue. Along
with Katharine Ellis, Barbara Kelly, Annegret Fauser, Brian Hart, and Jennifer
Eiserman read texts related to the dissertation and provided valuable feedback and
encouragement. Julie Cumming not only read texts, with Peter Schubert she was
also my guide to things Renaissance and helped me through the completion of my
concordance for Bordes's edition. Sylvia Kahan generously shared sorne of Bordes's
letters to the Polignacs with me. With Brian Hart, Carlo Caballero and Michael
Strasser gave me my welcome to the field at my first Schola-related AMS paper in
1996, and have been supportive colleagues since. Gail Hilson Woldu and Barbara
Kelly both organized wonderfully stimulating and productive conferences that 1
believe intensified the bonds between many scholars of our field. Jean-Pierre
Noiseux has shared both archivaI documents and his specialized knowledge of the
 IV

work of Solesmes with me over a period of many years now, and Gilles Cantagrel
hel ped me to connect the dots between the Schola' s Bach cantatas and the ones that
Bach wrote. Maître Pascal Chassang very kindly provided me with a copy of Berthe
d'Indy' s marri age contract before it was turned over to the Minutier Central, and
Denis Letouzé sent me information about Bernard Molla' s dissertation before 1 was
able to obtain it. In the final months of the process, Per Broman and Nora
Engebretsen lent me invaluable friendship and intellectual support as 1 worked in
various haunts around Bowling Green State University. My thanks go out to Dean
Richard Kennel and the Moore School of Music for so graciously receiving me into
their fold for that important stage of my work.
1 also like to thank Sean Ferguson and Richard McKenzie, who lent me
invaluable technical assistance and gave me access to the Schulich School's Digital
Composition Studio when my own computerized tools and knowledge simply gave
under the weight of my databases. John Black, David Curtis, Cynthia Leive, Brian
MacMillan, Melanie Preuss, Andrew Senior, Gayle Youster and the general staff of
the Marvin Duchow Music Library have bent over backwards to help me get
through this dissertation: 1 hope it will not take you too long to get yourselves and
the library straightened out!
Material support for my research also came through major fellowships from
the Fonds pour chercheurs et l'aide à la recherche (now Fonds québécois de la
recherche sur la société et la culture), and the Social Sciences and Humanitites
Research Council of Canada. 1 also received sm aller grants from the McGill Research
Grants Office (through the faculty sponsor programme for travel), the Alma Mater
fund, and my advisor.
Outside the walls of academia, on the phone, at the dinner table, over coffee,
at the playground, and in the workspace that 1 share with my husband, there were
the ones who were close enough and dear enough to inflate my ego ever so slightly
in order to persuade me that 1 could slay my dragon, or egg me on to pick up pace.
My husband and partner in every good thing 1 have done for over a de cade François
de Médicis; my grandmother and source of identity Rowena Mattison; my longtime
friend René Lessard; my mother and sister-Dr. and Dr. Eiserman, who finished
their doctorates much more quickly than 1 could ever dream of; my other parents
Auntie Norma and Uncle Larry; my ever willing Monday afternoon babysitters and
in-Iaws Eveline and Rinaldo; my son, Olivier, for bearing it aIl with as much grace as
any pre-schooler is able to muster. Thank you for wanting to help me fight "evil
deadline monster." When you are older, 1 will help you run circles around him.
 v

Table of Contents
Volume!

Abstract

Résmné ii

Acknowledgements iii

Introduction 1
The Schola Cantorum 5
Context for the Schola's and the Early Music Revival in France 10
An Overview of the Schola' s Early Music Performances 13
Review of Literature 17
Outline of the Dissertation 30
Conclusion and Summary of Research Contributions 31

Chapter 1: Early Music Concerts and the Pari sian Schola Cantorum 34
Sources of Knowledge and Methodology 35
Pieces of the Past 40
Issues of Frequency and Reliability 44
L'Art à sa Place . .. : Sacred Repertoires at Religious Events 49
... et l'Art en Place . .. : Sacred Repertoires at Secular Events 60
Pas un métier: Secular Music Performances 68
Conclusion 71

Chapter 2: I.e Grand, I.e Petit et ['Auteur: The Schola's Founders and Early Music 73
Le Grand Guilmant, Maître de l'orgue classique 74
Guilmant' s Circle 75
Guilmant and Early Music 80
Vincent d'Indy, l'Auteur de Fervaal 82
D'Indy's Social Position 86
Money and Comic Opera 90
D'Indy and Early Music at the Schola 98
Le Petit Bordes, l'Enfant du Choeur 105
Bordes's Circle 107
Bordes and Early Music 110
Bordes and the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais 112
Sources and Associations-Bordes' s Barly Music Repertoire 120
Bordes and the Sacred Cantatas of J.S. Bach 129
Conclusion 134

Chapter 3: Institutional Change and Early Music Trends at the Schola Cantormn 137
Part 1-1894-1900
The Schola Cantorum, Society for Sacred Music 1894-96 137
Chanteurs Performances 1894-96 146
The Schola Cantorum, École de Musique Liturgique, 1896-98 149
Performances and the Schola 1896-98 155
The Schola Cantorum and the Institut Catholique de Paris 156
Performances 1898-1900 163
 VI

Chapter 3: Institutional Change and Early Music Trends at the Schola Cantonun 168
Part 11--1900-1914
Introduction 168
Schola Cantorum, École Supérieure, 1900-04 169
Vincent d'Indy's School for Modern Needs 171
The Schola as Adversary 179
Bach Cantata Concerts as "Disinterested" Events, 1900-04 195
Reclaiming (a German) Bach 204
La Schola Cantorum, École Supérieure, Société Anonyme 1904-1914 208
The Old Man and the Youngster 209
The Old Man and the Youngster: The Aftermath 214
Performances After 1904 216
Conclusion 219

Chapter4: Catholicism, Sacred Music Reform, and the Schola's Early Music Revival 220
Part 1
Introduction 220
The Catholic-Republican Ralliement 221
The Schola Cantorum and the Secular Clergy in France 225
The Schola and the Secular Clergy after 1900 230
The Schola Cantorum and the Monks of Solesmes 239
Creating New Traditions in Liturgical Music 244
D'Indy's Modern School, and Pius X's Motu Proprio(s) 248
Conclusion 253

PartII--Sacred Music Reform and the Schola's Early Music Revival 255
General Overview of Nineteenth-Century Sacred Music Reform 256
Félix Clément's Histoire de la musique sacrée (1860) 257
Joseph Pothier's Les Mélodies grégoriennes (1880): Lessons in idealism 261
Antoine Dessus and the Congress of Arezzo (1882) 267
Positivist Objections to the Essence of Sacred Music 270
Robert and Bellaigue: An idealist response 272
The Sacred Congregation of Rites (1894) 274
The Work of the Schola as Sacred Music Reform--Charles Bordes 276
Sacred Musie Reform and d'Indy's Cours de composition musical 286
Conclusion 290

Chapter 5: Context for Early Music: Nation, Class, and Gender 293
Secular Communing: A Harmonie Palestrina for the Social Elite 295
Musicological Interpretations of French Nationalism 302
Nationalism in Theory, Nationhood as Difference 306
From the Vatican to the Court of Louis XIV 312
The Schola, Ferdinand Brunetière, and the Louisquatorzesque 315
Classic Frenchness for the Few: Ferdinand Brunetière 318
A Different Rameau 323
Adolphe Jullien and Rameau 325
Other Rameau Critics 330
Rameau and Nationalism 332
Johann Sebastian and Jean-Sébastien 336
From Pot-Pourri to Grand Concert 346
Conclusion 350

Summary and Conclusion 352

Bibliography 358
 VIl

Table of Contents
Volume 2

Notes to Appendices 1

Appendix 1: Concerts of Early Music by the Schola and the Chanteurs 6

Appendix 2: Concerts of Barly Music Outside the Schola 111

Appendix 3: A Concordance of Nineteenth-Century Sources for Bordes's 236

Anthologie des maîtres religieux primitives
 Introduction

In the title of this dissertation I have drawn together three aspects of fin-de-siècle
French society: a private music school, its revival of early music, and an array of
factors that affected both the programming and reception of these events. One of the
aims of my work is to reveal the ways in which they interact. Like any ménage à trois,

the relationships are complex and rarely direct in terms of cause and effect, more so
given that each aspect-the Schola Cantorum, early music, and the politics of

culture-is extremely volatile during the period between 1894 and 1914. But there is
a deeper underlying reason for pursuing the study of the Schola's early music
revival, which is ta come to an understanding of how individuals conceived of

music at the time, and thereby make a broader contribution to the history of ideas.

As l have come to learn, the ideologies that informed the apprehension of at least

early music in turn-of-the-century France were really very diverse, and moreover,

were often dependent on questions of religious faith, philosophical outlook, and

political persuasion.
A fair question at this point may be why the research should be directed at
the revival of early music, rather than the production of contemporary works in

major genres such as symphony and opera. The reply is three-fold. First, if l am to

write of music and the poli tics of culture, then l believe it is best to choose events

likely to have affected a broad spectrum of the nation's society. Early music is
ideally suited to this goal, since by the 1890s this kind of music was performed at a
wider range of venues and event types than symphonies and operas: it was offered
to listeners in churches, schools and universities, priva te salons, small recitals, major
concert series, and in the early 1900s, even at opera houses. Second, much of the
early music under consideration had considerable ties to the church. And if there is

an issue significant to politics that deserves attention, one that consistently swayed

the outcome of elections in turn-of-the-century France, it is the place of the Roman

 2

Catholic Church in the affairs of the French state. Thus if the church is one of the
strongest ties that binds early music to the nation, then the Schola Cantorum may be
viewed as a truly ideal case study in French art and poli tics. For it was one of the

most prominent institutions of the time to maintain an ecclesiastical connection up to

1904 while providing strong leadership in the performance of early music as an

integral part of the secular concert scene. Third, early music provided the nation

with a form of artistic ancestry that could be invoked through critical discourse to
shape notions of national identity. This repertoire allowed thinkers to confront

difficult questions of what French music should be like, and provided examples that

pre-dated the works of Richard Wagner, whose influence on French composition at

the fin-de-siècle had become a matter of con cern.
Early music also provided commentators with various models of

"Frenchness./I Many are familiar with Debussy' s celebration of the Baroque

composer Jean-Philippe Rameau's clarity and concision as essentially "French./I But

if we look closely at what Debussy has to say about the French father of harmony,

we find other aspects of Rameau that could be considered representative of a limited

segment of the French population. By this l mean the charming and delicate
tenderness that Debussy ascribes to Rameau's style, and moreover, /lits fine sense of
elegance./I

We have, however, a purely French tradition in the works of Rameau. They

combine a charming and delicate tenderness with precise tones and strict
declamation in the recitatives-none of that affected German pomp .... At
the same time one is forced to admit that French music has, for too long,
followed paths that definitely led away from this clearness of expression, this
conciseness and precision of form, both of which are the very qualities
peculiar to the French genius .... To the end, this music preserves its fine
sense of elegance. It is never affected, and it never uses dubious effects.
Have we continued in such good taste? Or have we replaced it with our
Byzantine locksmiths? l dare not say. Let us thank the Schola, MM. V.
d'Indy and Bordes, and the artists they assembled for su ch a restoration of
beauty./1

1Claude Debussy, "At the Schola Cantorum" in Debussy on Music: The Critical Writings of the Great
French Composer collected and introduced by François Lesure, translated and edited by Richard
Langham Smith (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1977), 112-13.
 3

The ideology that underpins Debussy's notion of nationhood is complex, though by

no means isolated. In Chapter 5,1 quote at length from a review of early music
penned by Pierre Lalo in 1907 that communicates a very similar sense of Frenchness.
There is, to be blunt, an elitist mindset behind Debussy's words that is nat so subtle.
Indeed, sorne might take his high valuation for " grace and elegance" as a gendered

(not a political) statement. The timing is also interesting: this review was written for

a nation that was in the midst of dismantling Catholic institutions, and it bestowed

high praise on a school and a group of people that identified with Catholicism even
as they were becoming a threat to the state-run Conservatoire.

Does this review tell us that anti-clericalism might be overcome through

music? Does it mean that Debussy chose to support the " other" music school? Sorne

of the answers require re-thinking the Schola's history, its relationship to the
Catholic church, and to the state-run Conservatoire. Thinking more broadly, it is

useful to bear in mind that defining the nation through the lens of early music at the
turn of the century often involved selective readings of repertoire so that it could be

claimed as an emblem for Frenchness. 2

Despite the cultural complexities that were the context for the Schola's early

music revival, this dissertation actually takes a fairly simple problem as its starting
point: 1 want to account for the very clear changes in the types of early music

repertoire performed at the Schola between 1894 and 1914, and also for a curious
consistency. Based on the evidence of programmes for more than three hundred

and fort y events, 1 have concluded that there is a noticeable shift away from the

performance of Palestrina's music in Schola programming around 1900, a mutation

that was immediately followed by an increase in performances of operatic works by

Rameau. At the same time, whatever factors lay behind these changes appear to

2 Katharine Ellis has insisted on the importance of the French nation's "collective forgetfulness"
after the model of Ernest Renan's celebrated nationalist lecture "What is a Nation?" See her
Interpreting the Musical Past: Early Music in Nineteenth-Century France (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2005), 130; 147.
 4

have had little effect on performances of pieces by J.5. Bach, who figures consistently

on programmes throughout the period. The inter est here is not simply in the
composers who were represented at Schola and related events, but also the type of
concerts at whieh their works were performed (e.g., the pot-pourri and the grand
concert). These sorts of trends are outlined in greater detail in Chapter 1.
In documenting "early music" performances for this study, 1 included any

event featuring at least one polyphonie piece from either the Renaissance or Baroque

periods, composed between 1400 and 1750. 1 excluded works by eighteenth-century

composers whose style is often described as pre-Classical, such as Giovanni Battista

Pergolesi (1710-36), and Christoph Willibald Gluck (1714-87). The precedent set by

Katharine Ellis informs this decision. In her monograph on the French early music

revival, she gave compelling reasons for not considering these composers. In her
words,

Although from a twenty-first century point of view Gluck's situation might

appear to be analogous to that of Rameau (in the sense that special pleading
was required to secure his acceptance as part of the living repertory), within
nineteenth-century French historiography he fell into that part of the
classique" that postdated la musique ancienne.3
Il

At the same time, 1 have included some discussion of Vincent d'Indy's noted

preference for the works of Gluck and pointed to his programming of large-scale
works by this eighteenth-century composer after 1904. Another exception is
Gregorian chant, whieh 1 discuss at various points in the dissertation because the

Schola's work with the Benedictine monks of Solesmes to promote a revised reading
of this repertoire had an effect on its activities and reputation.

3 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, xxi.

 5

The Schola Cantorum

The Schola Cantorum in Paris came into being through a series of meetings

organized by Charles Bordes in June of 1894 that eventually culminated in an official

founding ceremony on 2 December of the same year. Alexandre Guilmant was

named president of the society, and Vincent d'Indy, Edmond de Polignac, Louis-

Albert Bourgault Ducoudray, and Bordes were appointed members of the

committee. The Schola enjoyed a respectable level of visibility in the first de cade of
its existence, first as a society dedicated to sacred music and chant reform with

offices at the Église Saint-Gervais, and subsequently as the École de Chant

Liturgique et de Musique Religieuse, or sacred music school, with its own location

on rue Stanislas (1896-1900). There Bordes, d'Indy, Guilmant, and others dispensed

education in composition, sacred music, organ, piano, and Gregorian chant to young
men destined to become church organists and music directors. In the faU of 1898, the

Schola entered into an agreement with the Institut Catholique de Paris, one of a

number of post-secondary Catholic educational institutions that became a university

after 1875. The Schola became the fine arts department for this university, and in its

official capacity held public lecture-recitals and gave two series of musicology

lectures (one by Pierre Aubry, another by Vincent d'Indy).

Despite the Schola' s firm rooting in educational pursuits during the 1890s,

the institution should properly be thought of as an umbrella association that took in

a number of separate concerns or projects. The society for sacred music did not
disappear with the founding of the school at rue Stanislas; if anything, it became
more active, especiaUy in the provinces. From its earliest incarnation as a sacred

music society, the Schola had a published mission to uphold chant readings and
performance practices developed by the Benedictine monks of Solesmes, to

encourage the performance of sacred music in the style of Palestrina (both from the

Renaissance and in nineteenth-century pastiches), and to improve the repertoire for

church organists. The society accomplished this through a range of activities that
 6

included publishing articles in its mouthpiece, La Tribune de Saint-Gervais, and

sponsoring a monthly composition contest for new sacred music. In these early
years, the Schola also ran a model children' s choir or maîtrise (funded to the tune of

6, 000 francs annually by Mme Ydaroff de Yturba), and established a music printing
apprenticeship programme for a short period of time that was staffed by sorne of

these very same children. To house its many students, after 1897 the Schola set up a
residence or maison de famille at the neighbouring mission of Notre-Dame-de-
Nazareth.

The Schola's many activities in the 1890s included participating in sacred

music conferences and holding its own regional meetings or assises, first at Rodez,
and later at Reims, Saint-Jean-de-Luz and other locations. Bordes helped to organize

sorne of these in conjunction with folk festivals along with the Société
d'éthnographie nationale et d'arts populaire, an organization he also served as a

committee member. Provincial activities were important to the early Schola as

Catholic practice was stronger in certain areas of the country outside Paris than it
was in the capital proper. These provincial fêtes were often used as occasions to
found satellite Scholas after the Paris model, though many were short-lived. Efforts

at outreach-some might say assimilation- were sometimes greeted with hostility:

Bordes reported the possibility of encountering "wolves" at the 1896 Reims
conference and limited his stay there to a single day; and a press debate came out of
Schola activities in the South West in 1897. Crowds in Avignon in 1899 tore Bordes's

cassock to shreds, forced d'Indy into a fistfight, and distracted attention away from
Ferdinand Brunetière' s lecture. Since the focus of this dissertation is the Schola' s

early music concerts in Paris, these provincial activities have not been given the kind
of thorough treatment they would most certainly de serve in a more generalized

study of the institution. But it is important to bear them in mind as essential

background that informs our understanding of the Schola and its early music

revival.
 7

In November of 1900, the Schola opened its école supérieure at rue Saint-
Jacques, an institution devoted to general music education for both men and women,
but still connected to the society' s original mission to promote the work of Solesmes

and "Palestrinian" music. Vincent d'Indy was appointed "educational director,"

and in his inaugural speech he stressed the importance of learning Gregorian chant.

The new school opened after an intense period of activity: Bordes had been involved

with the 1900 world's fair, giving hundreds of short performances of chant and

sacred Renaissance polyphony at the mock church of Saint-Julien-des-Ménétriers in

Vieux Paris (a special themed section of the fair), and organizing a sacred music
conference at rue Saint-Jacques in September (prior to the official inauguration of the

new school).4 The école supérieure was an autonomous sub-section of the Schola

organization, and as this school found its feet in the early years of the new century,

the Schola continued its involvement in a number of related activities. Bordes's

promotional performances in the provinces (usually referred to as tours de

propagande) and the publication of La Tribune de Saint-Gervais continued without

interruption. A smaller bulletin called Les Tablettes de la Schola was issued after 1902
to deal more directly with matters related to the school, and a publishing

cooperative for new music or edition mutuelle was also established. Despite
difficulties with the school' s residence for provincial students (the maison de famille)

that were reported in the late 1890s, the Schola continued to operate it after the move

to rue Saint-Jacques. 5

In November of 1903, Charles Bordes suffered a severe stroke and d'Indy

discovered that the Schola was very deeply in debt. Within a very short space of

4 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse 1890-1900: Les Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais,
La Schola Cantorum (Paris: Schola Cantorum, [1902]),58-60. For information on the sacred music
conference see Jean de Muris, "Assises Annuelles de la Schola (Paris 1900)," La Tribune de Saint-
Gervais auly-August 1900): 193-95; and "Compte rendu des assises de septembre: avant-propos
(Charles Bordes); Allocution d'ouverture (Guilmant); Les conférences, lectures et communications
(Parisot); La musique aux assises de la Schola (Pirro)," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (September-
October 1900): 248-60.
5 Full-page advertisements for the maison de famille are found in issues of the Tribune de Saint-
Gervais from May to Oecember 1902, and again for the last six months of 1907.
 8

time, in early 1904 the Schola was radically compartmentalized: Bordes maintained a

monopoly over the tours de propagande and the Tribune, but was otherwise pensioned
off and left Paris altogether in 1905. The école supérieure came under the
administration of a committee, which included individuals close to d'Indy such as

his wife, Isabelle de Pampelonne, and his long-time friend, Henry Cochin.

Eventually, d'Indy took over the Schola as administrative head. The school changed
direction considerably, consolidating its activities in composition and performance

while sidelining sacred music reform to a significant extent. It is important to bear

this in mind, because Pope Pius X's motu proprio (Tra le sollicitudini) of late 1903 can
be interpreted as a show of support for the Schola's work in sacred music, even

though this document really only recommends the founding of other Scholae

Cantorum in the generic sense (not necessarily on the Parisian model). Articles in

the Tribune did lend the école supérieure the appearance of being involved in su ch

heated issues as Latin pronunciation and mensuraI chant rhythm s, because the

various areas of Schola activity had only recently been administratively segmented.

Despite the messages communicated in the Tribune, the chief mission of the Schola as
a school, as the institution that put on concerts of early music at its facility on rue

Saint-Jacques after 1904, was by and large the general musical education of young

men and women.

There are exceptions of course, and one of the biggest ones was the emphasis

on participation in the Gregorian chant choir. Indeed, one of the Schola's teachers

was appointed to the committee for the new Vatican edition after 1903, but by this

time the Schola had already reIaxed its rule requiring students to learn Gregorian

chant. Surviving documentation indicates that not all students were obliged to take

part in this particular ensemble. 6 It should nonetheless be acknowledged that after

1904 individuals associated with the Schola sometimes engaged in sacred music

6 Class lists and photographs indicate that women dominated the choirs. This means that the
other half of the student population was no longer obliged to attend.
 9

activities that were connected to the institution's original mandate. Cases in point

inc1ude the wife of one of the Schola's most ardent supporters, Baroness Cochin,
who organized a Gregorian choir made up entirely of nurses devoted to chant

performances in the Solesmes style recommended by the Schola (Les Musiciennes

infirmières de la croix-rouge). Likewise, a former Schola student, Mlle Duchamp,

was behind similar performances by the 400-strong group of Infirmières

musiciennes de Saint-Vincent-de-Paul? Mme Jumel was consistently involved in

performances of Gregorian chant and sixteenth-century polyphony by children after

1900, and the celebrated children's choir, La Mécanterie des petits chanteurs, was
also the pro du ct of Schola teaching. With the painter Maurice Denis and publisher-
critic Adrien Mithouard, a group of Schola-associated people (Henry Cochin, André
Hallays, Amédée Gastoué, and Vincent d'Indy) founded Les Amis des cathédrales. This

organization was dedicated to preserving art and music at ecc1esiastical monuments

that were deprived of funds as the result of political decisions. Moreover, after

Charles Bordes' s death in 1909, Léon Saint-Requier and Félix Raugel formed groups

that were dedicated to the performance of early music that was formerly associated

with the Chanteurs and the Schola. Thus to the outside observer, the Schola may

have appeared to have continued in its original path long after d'Indy shifted the

academic focus at the school to more general artistic concems.

There is no doubt that after 1904 the Schola Cantorum had become qui te
different from the school for liturgical singing of the 1890s. It became a place where

young men and women could engage in the composition and performance of aIl
kinds of music. One of the sure st signs of this is the fact that, after 1904, student

concerts became closed events. These events had been the principal vehicle for the

performance of early music, particularly the sacred cantatas of J. S. Bach, in the first

three years of the école supérieure. By limiting outside scrutiny of its music making to

7It should be noted here that these nurses may weil have been former members of Catholic
nursing orders that were disbanded after 1905.
 10

half a dozen public concerts of large-scale and often secular works by Bach, Gluck,

Mozart, Weber, and Beethoven, the Schola sent a strong message to the French

public: it was not much different from the secular Conservatoire. These major
events were underwritten by an association called Les Amis de la Schola, formed in
various stages between June of 1902 and early 1904.

Context for the Schola's and the Early Music Revival in France

The Parisian Schola Cantorum has been described as the most important institution

in turn-of-the-century France to con cern itself with the performance of early music.8
Furthermore, performances by the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais under the direction of

Charles Bordes (and sometimes Vincent d'Indy) are sometimes portrayed in the

secondary literature as unprecedented. 9 This tendency is rooted in the attitudes of

his historical secondary sources and turn-of-the-century press accounts of Bordes' s

work, which was frequently cast as completely novel, or at least radically different

from what had come before. lO Yet Bordes's success had historical antecedents that

reached back to the early decades of the nineteenth century {even if the press of the

8 Harry Haskell, The Early Music Revival: A History (London: Thames and Hudson, 1988),50. "In
the first decade of the century, the Schola had served as a catalyst for an unprecedented early
music 'boom' in France."
9 Andrew Thomson writes that the goal of the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais was, "to restore this
music, hitherto the preserve of academic historians and antiquarians, to its rightful context in the
liturgy." See his Vincent d'Indy and his World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 80. Likewise Jean
and Francine Maillard describe the Schola's reform movement as an effort to restore works that
had been forgotten and for which there was little enthusiasm. They also declare Bordes's 1894
Bach cantata series at the Concerts d'Harcourt, "the first annual series for the resurrection of
church cantatas by Johann Sebastian Bach." [la première série annuelle de resurrection des
cantatas d'église de Jean-Sébastien Bach.] See their Vincent d'Indy: Le maître et sa musique, la Schola
Cantorum (Paris: Éditions Zurfluh, 1994),202.
10 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse 1890-1900: Les Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais,
La Schola Cantorum (Paris: Schola Cantorum, [1902]),7. De Castéra describes Bordes's 1892 Holy
Week performances as an occasion to recall the music of the ages to the public and even most
musicians, who had completely forgotten it. See also Romain Rolland, Musicians of Today
translated by Mary Blaiklock (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner and Co., [1914]),286. "The
general public were not really interested in the art of the old musicians until the Association des
Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais was founded in 1892 by Charles Bordes." Press reception of Bordes's
and the Schola's early music concerts is discussed in detai! in Chapters 2 through 5.
 Il

time chose not to acknowledge this), as well as the support of a strong web of

connected individuals who had an interest in this music. Still, the mythologies that

sprang up around his work are important, because they tell us about the process of

creating history and constructing identity at the fin-de-siècle: there was a pronounced

attempt to create musical traditions at Saint-Gervais, that went ironically hand-in-

hand with a need to present "new" early music works at secular concerts.
It was also important that the Schola be different from its historical models,

which included Alexandre Choron's (1717-1834) Institution Royale de Musique

Classique and Louis Niedermeyer's (1802-1861) École de Musique Classique (later

the École Niedermeyer). Both of these earlier schools made the performance of early
music part of their curricula. Beyond the confines of educational institutions, private

music societies also played a role in bringing early music to light, one of the earliest

being the Prince de la Moskowa' s Société des Concerts de musique religieuse et

classique founded in 1843,u After 1868 the Société Bourgault-Ducoudray also gave a

capella performances of Lassus, Palestrina, Jannequin and works by other early

music composers. Throughout the 1880s, Guilmant performed works by Bach and
Handel each season as part of a series of organ recitals at the Trocadéro's Salle des
Fêtes-events that he organized largely by himself and that he funded through an

impressive number of subscribers. In 1888, Henrietta Fuchs' s Concordia society

gave a complete performance of J.S. Bach's Saint Matthew Passion, and in the

ensuing decade the Société des concerts du Conservatoire also gave performances of

this work as well as other Bach oratorios. 12

The presence of these institutions and private societies in Parisian musical

life makes it unlikely that Bordes's concerts were broadly received as new or

11 For a detailed look at this society, see Rémy Campos, La Renaissance introuvable? Entre curiosité
et militantisme: La Société des concerts de musique vocale religieuse et classique du prince de la Moskowa
(1843-1846), (Paris: Klincksieck, 2000).
12 These concerts are discussed in D. Kern Holoman's The Société des Concerts du Conservatoire, 292-
93; 309-10; 336.
 12

ground-breaking, even though they were touted as such in the press. Sorne of the

people associated with the earlier institutions were still very much a part of the

music scene. Bourgault-Ducoudray's music history "classes" or lecture-recitals at the

Conservatoire were open to the public, and according to archivaI records, were

"sold-out" eventsY Still very active on the French music scene at this time, Camille
Saint-Saëns (1835-1921) had participated in sorne of the Société Bourgault-
Ducoudray concerts, and taught at the École Niedermeyer from 1861 to 1865. In the
year the Schola was founded, Saint-Saëns concluded an agreement with the

publisher Durand to edit a substantial portion of works by Jean-Philippe Rameau. 14

During the 1890s, respected organist and former partner of Guilmant in the

Trocadéro concerts Eugène Gigout continued to run the Niedermeyer School, which

gave annual concerts. In the years immediately preceding Bordes's first presentation

of early music in 1891, the music director of Notre-Dame-des-Blancs-Manteaux,

Abbé Perruchot, had already begun to integrate this repertoire into his services.
Amédée Gastoué reported in 1909 that Perruchot's maîtrise was the model and the

inspiration for many church musicians of the era. Frequent mention of the activities

of Perruchot at Blancs-Manteaux in early issues of the Tribune de Saint-Gervais would

seem to support this. Even though the only evidence of these performances to

surface so far is a programme dated 1894, Gastoué' s claim that it was Perruchot who

introduced Bordes to Renaissance music (not the other way around) should be taken

seriously as another sign that Bordes's work with this repertoire was in no way

new. 15

13 Memo dated 2 November 1897 concerning admission to Bourgault-Ducoudray's history

lectures, indicating that the Conservatoire will not be able to me et aIl the requests. (Archives
nationales de France, Fonds Conservatoire, AJ /37/83/8)
14 1 am indebted to Sabina Teller-Ratner for providing me with the date for the initial conception
of the Rameau Oeuvres Complètes published by Durand, with Saint-Saëns as chief editor.
15 Amédée Gastoué, "Charles Bordes," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (November 1909): 5.
 13

An Overview of the Schola's Early Music Performances

To describe the Schola Cantorum's activities in early music revival in the 1890s is
really to provide a history of performances undertaken by Charles Bordes and the

Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, sometimes with the help of Schola people (e.g., Vincent

d'Indy), and after 1898, at events directly connected to the Schola in its role as fine

arts department of the Institut Catholique de Paris. Bordes displayed no particular

inclination to programme early music at Saint-Gervais until a year after his

appointment there as music director in March of 1890. For Maundy Thursday of

1891, he enlisted Julien Tiersot's help in preparing his choir for performances of

Gregorio Allegri's Miserere and Palestrina's Stabat mater. This celebrated event has

gone down in history for having been so well attended that critics were obliged to sit

through the service in the church's confessional booths. 16 De Castéra makes light of

the fact that this service featured a sermon by the well-known theologian, speaker

and writer, Abbé Ferdinand Brettes, but he was probably largely responsible for the

crowd that day. Brettes had been organizing worker associations and lecturing for

almost two de cades at the time. He was extremely popular with the working class

both in Paris and in the provinces. Brettes transformed the Northern church of

Notre-Dame-de-Brebières (in Somme) and a local cult of the Virgin Mary that dated

back to Medieval times into an event that rivaled pilgrimages to the much later

shrine at Lourdes (in the extreme Southern Haute-Pyrénées).17 In lectures,

publications, and intellectual societies that Brettes founded, he explored means of

16 Harry Haskell, The Early Music Revival, 45 and René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale
religieuse, 6.
17 Dictionnaire biographique international des écrivains edited by Henry Carnoy (Paris: Armorial,
1909),427. The shrine at Notre-Dame-de-Brébis had roots in a Medieval apparition of the BVM to
a shepherd. An enormous statue of Mary was moved from a country church to a church in Albert
in the nineteenth century, and an enormous basilica erected between 1885 and 1895. The Church
of the Rosary in Lourdes is a much newer creation, arising out of the 1858 appearance of Mary to
the fourteen-year old Bernadette Soubrioux. Pilgrimages to Lourdes began only in 1873, but had
papal support and encouragement. Today Notre-Dame-de-Brébis is not even mentioned in the
Catholic Encyclopedia, but it is important here because of its Medieval roots, and the fact that
Mary appeared to a male shepherd, and not a young woman.
 14

reconciling science and faith-ideas that we encounter later in this dissertation with
Ferdinand Brunetière, who also collaborated with Bordes (see Chapter 4). It is
probably no coincidence that Bordes' s early promotional tours were concentrated in
the North, and that he later focused mu ch of his effort in the South West. This
brings us back to the notion that the provinces were an important part of the early
Schola's work, and that collaboration with individuals and organizations outside of

music were also integral to its activities.

Bordes expanded his early music performances for the Easter season, and

with the help of Vincent d'Indy treated Parisians to sacred Renaissance music at
Saint-Gervais from Wednesday to Saturday during Holy Week of 1892. It was at this
time that he introduced the practice of performing responsory settings by Vittoria
and Ingegneri (then attributed to Palestrina). These works later became the most

stable repertoire for Holy Week services at Saint-Gervais, along with a limited

number of motets. Bordes's Holy Week performances have become the bedrock of

historical conceptions of the Schola, and are often discussed in reverent tones. But

most of these events were short, the music offered up at offices, by a group as
devoted to "popular" forms of liturgical music as it was to sacred music reform, as
Jean-Yves Hameline has pointed OUt. 18 As the decade progressed, the musical press

covered Bordes's Holy Week performances with much less frequency. The only
mention of the 1899 event to surface thus far is found in La Tribune de Saint-Gervais,

and coverage virtually disappears after this date.

Bordes's landmark performances at Saint-Gervais in 1892 coincided with the

inauguration of Eugène d'Harcourt' s Concerts éclectiques et populaires, which took

place at the newly-constructed Salle d'Harcourt on rue Rochechouart and continued

over a period of five years. The concerts éclectiques should be thought of as a group

of separate series organized by different ensembles and individuals: the concerts that

18 Jean-Yves Hameline, "Musique d'église en France à l'époque de la fondation et de l'essor de la

Schola: Utopie et réalités" in Vincent d'Indy et son temps edited by Manuela Schwartz (Sprimont:
Mardaga, 2006), 251-52.
 15

d'Harcourt conducted frequently highlighted the music of Haydn, Rossini, and

Beethoven, and often ended with one of his own compositions. 19 For a brief time, the

Société nationale de musique gave Hs orchestral concerts at this venue, using

d'Harcourt' s orchestra but programming Hs own repertoire.2° In 1893, d'Harcourt

took Bordes on as his choirmaster and hired the Chanteurs to perform at his own

events, though the choir appeared under a different name (Choeurs des concerts

éclectiques).21 In the same season and under their own name, the Chanteurs

performed in a series of twelve historical concerts that provided a survey of over

three hundred years of music. Organized by Charles Bordes, Paul Dukas, and

Gustave Doret, commentators on these Wednesday night concerts often described

them as not entirely impeccable events. Weak performances by Bordes and the

Chanteurs may explain sorne of the animosity between Bordes and d'Harcourt

recorded in a letter that 1 have transcribed in Chapter 2.22 Bordes and the Chanteurs

also performed in two short series of Bach cantata concerts in the winters of 1894 and

1895 at d'Harcourt's hall. Underwritten by the Princesse de Polignac (Winnaretta

Singer), each concert included two Bach cantatas separated by either a capella

Renaissance music or works by Heinrich Schütz, a11 performed by over one hundred

singers and musicians. 23

Like the historical concerts that Bordes organized with Doret and Dukas, the

Bach cantata events were not without flaws (see Chapter 2). But René de Castéra,

who wrote the first comprehensive history of the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and the

19 Paul Dukas, "Charles Bordes," La Revue Musicale 5/10 (August 1924): 98-99.
20 Michel Duchesneau, L'Avant-garde musical à Paris de 1871 à 1939 (Sprimont: Mardaga, 1997),33.
21 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 23.
2z lbid., "Les executions n'étaient pas toujours impeccables et, si l'on était méchant, on pourrait
rappeler quelques mésaventures comiques." Paul Dukas makes no allusion to these comic
misadventures, but rather recalls the events as having successful concerts that surprised Eugène
d'Harcourt, and engendered great admiration in the impresario for Bordes. See Dukas's
"Charles Bordes," La Revue musicale 5/10 (August 1924): 98.
23 Celebrated pianist and harpsichordist Louis Diémer performed a Bach harpsichord concerto at
the very first concert of the first series, but there were no subsequent performances of
instrumental music at the Bach cantata concerts.
 16

Schola up to 1900, blamed the curtailment of the series on poor attend an ce and a lack
of state funding. 24 In his interpretation, the Bach cantatas series of 1894 and 1895
appear as halcyon moments of purely unselfish early music making:

Oh those wonderful evenings of vibrant enthusiasm where a crowd of

students and workers from the Butte [Chaumont] jumped up and down at
the final chorale of each cantata. 25

The far more substantial number of historical and contemporary concerts that

Bordes put on with d'Harcourt receive much less commentary in de Castéra's

history, because by 1900 there was good reason to emphasize the sm aller group of

only six Bach cantata concerts. Performances at secular events in Paris after 1895

were few and far between until the move to rue Saint-Jacques. But even as de

Castéra' s history began to appear in installments in La Tribune de Saint-Gervais in

1900, the Schola had become heavily involved in creating new versions of these

mythical events at a dizzying rate.

After the inauguration of the école supérieure, Schola concerts had a physical

performing space of their own, and students took an increasing role in early music

events. Between November of 1900 and early 1904, the vast majority of Schola early
music concerts took the form of multi-item events featuring at least one Bach cantata,

and often inc1uding a virtuosic work by the same composer. The Schola was also the
venue for a smaller number of concerts showcasing seventeenth and early

eighteenth-century French music composed by artists with a connection to Louis

XIV-a period of time that Ferdinand Brunetière considered important for the

development of a unified, ideal French language. Sacred music from the

Renaissance was rarely performed at Schola concerts, the exceptions here being the

concerts to inaugurate the academic years between 1900 and 1902 and a lecture-

24René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 24.

25Ibid., "Ah, les belles soirées vibrantes d'enthousiasme où toute cette foule d'étudiants et
d'ouvriers de la butte trépignaient aux ultièmes chorals de chaque cantate!"
 17

recital on French Christmas music. 26 While secular music from the same period (e.g.,

Lassus chansons) made more frequent appearances on Schola programming, the

number of performances of this repertoire was still dwarfed by the overwhelming

emphasis on Bach. Excerpts from the operas of Jean-Philippe Rameau began to

make an appearance at this time with increasing frequency, at the expense of the

smaller keyboard works. As l noted earlier in this chapter, d'Indy's increased

involvement with the Schola after 1904 coincided with the severe restriction of

public events of this kind. The school continued to perform works by Bach, but the

emphasis shifted to larger-scale works, su ch as the Saint John Passion.27

Review of Literature

Literature dealing with the Schola falls into two broad categories: secondary sources

devoted mainly to the Schola, and works that integrate information about the

institution in related studies. There are only three book-length studies of the Schola,

and two date from the early twentieth century. The third is Philip Dowd's 1969

dissertation, which is narrowly focused on Bordes and his work in sacred music

reform up to 1903. 28 Dowd's study has nothing to offer that is not in the more

detailed history of the Schola by René de Castéra, or in a collection of essays on the

Schola published in 1925 under the general authorship of Vincent d'Indy?9 As

celebratory encomiums, these last two sources require critical reading. Still, even

26 Concerts to open the new school years include those held 2 November 1900 (Palestrina, "Ave
Maria" and Vittoria, "Gaudent in Coelis"); 5 November 1901 (Palestrina, "Loquebantur variis
linguis" and Vittoria, "a Magnum Mysterium"); 13 November 1902 (Vittoria, two responsories
incl. "Caligaverunt oculi mei" and the sanctus from Palestrina Missa Papae Marcelli). The
Christmas lecture-recital was given on 24 Oecember 1902 (Vittoria, "a Magnum Mysterium" and
Nanini, "Hodie Christus Natus Est.")
27 The first complete, documented performance dates from 1905.
28 Philip Oowd, "Charles Bordes and the Schola Cantorum of Paris: Their Influence on the Liturgy
in the Late 19th and early 20 th Centuries," (Ph.D. dissertation: Catholic University of America,
1969).
29René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse; Vincent d'Indy et al, La Schola Cantorum
en 1925 (Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1925).
 18

though de Castéra tends to gloss over the negative, at least these moments in the
Schola' s history have been preserved. In general, wh en de Castéra seems to be

making light of something-such as his casual mention of Ferdinand Brettes noted

earlier-further research is warranted. For instance, he mentions that enforcing the

rules at the Schola's maison de famille was difficult: documents at the Parisian

archdiocese reveal that there was near mutiny at the residence and within the Schola

itself at the end of the decade. 30 De Castéra also devotes a paragraph to published

criticism of the Schola that appeared after its tour of the Bordeaux area in 1897,

emphasizing that Bordes and d'Indy eventually won the debate in the pages of Le

Guide Musical. 31 Yet reading through the articles that appeared in this journal in the
winter and spring of that year tells a far more complex tale, as 1 will show in my
third chapter.

Appearing twenty-five years after the move to rue Saint-Jacques, La Schola

Cantorum en 1925 is a collection of articles written by individuals closely connected
to the school. René de Castéra's chapter on the early Schola is a distilled version of

his earlier monograph, though in the paring down process and with the distance of

time, he became more direct on certain matters. He acknowledged that there were

problems with Bordes's promotional efforts in the provinces,32 and that the école

liturgique drew most of its students from the secular population because the chur ch
did nothing to encourage its singers to attend the Schola.33 At the same time, de
Castéra continued to maintain certain half-truths that underpinned the institution's

history. Readers were told that prior to Bordes's performances, early music was

only known in intellectual circles, and through the silent readings of scores in

30 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 43. See Charter 4 for a review of archivaI
documents pertaining to these problems.
31 Ibid., 32.
32 René de Castéra, "La Fondation de la Schola Cantorum, rue Stanislas" in La Schola Cantorum en
1925,14-17.
33Ibid., 9-10.
 19

libraries. 34 With respect to the d'Harcourt concerts, de Castéra mentioned only the

Bach cantata events, which we know were heavily outweighed at the time by at least

twelve other concerts.35 He also exaggeratesd the number of Schola summer sessions

at Solesmes, referring to le voyage annuel à Solesmes, when in fa ct there were only

two-one each in 1897 and 1899, which d'Indy and Guilmant never attende d, and in

which only children and non-musicians participated in 1899.36 Still, de Castéra's

over-generalizations are food for thought: it was important to establish a precedent

for the Bach cantata concerts of the early 1900s because the press at times

characterized these events as commercial undertakings, the kind of thing that d'Indy

vilified (see Chapter 3). The connection to Solesmes, which had disintegrated by

1900 (see Chapter 4), became an important one after 1903, when this group of monks

was appointed by Pius X to complete the official Vatican edition of Gregorian chant.
Other essays in the volume also require critical reading. Pierre de Bréville's

portrait of Charles Bordes is more of a char acter study than a biographical sketch,

and some information is wildly incorrect. 37 But it is still an important read because it

represents a common turn-of-the-century construct of le petit Bordes, or, the

diminutive choirboy who was the darling of his circle despite his legendary

carelessness and lack of organization.38 Eugène Borrel' s brief description of the

Schola's role in reviving early music is perhaps the most astonishing of all the

articles in the collection, because the focus is limited to Bordes's publications.39 In

this the final essay of the volume, Borrel excuses his lack of commentary on actual

34 Ibid., 5.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid., 10.
37 Pierre de Bréville, "Charles Bordes (1863-1909)" in La Schola Cantorum en 1925, 19-26. He places
the papal motu proprio (Tm le sollicitudini) in 1894 when it was actually issued in 1903, though
there were recommendations issuing from the pope's Sacred Congregation of Rites in that year.
He also suggests that Bordes's work in the provinces was concentrated in the years after 1900,
when he actually began this kind of activity in 1895 .
38 Ibid., 19.

39 Eugène Borrel, "La Schola et la restauration de la musique ancienne" in La Schola Cantorum en

1925,133-38.
 20

concerts of early music by asserting that ample mention has been made of them
throughout the volume, and refers readers to a list of concerts in the appendix.40 It is
significant that this appendix includes only performances dating back to the summer
before the Schola joined forces with the Institut Catholique de Paris, and includes
only events directly relating to the school. It tells us that perhaps by 1925, the Schola

was anxious to put sorne distance between itself and Bordes's revival. Likewise, the
volume as a whole gives little space to the Schola's original president, Alexandre

Guilmant, aside from one article that deals more with his early career than his
involvement with the society and schoo1. 41
This sidelining of Bordes, the early music revival, and the role of Alexandre

Guilmant make sense in the context of two articles that treat Vincent d'Indy by Louis

de Serres and Auguste Serieyx. Like de Bréville' s contribution on Bordes, in a sense

these works were also portraits. Sérieyx more th an de Serres contributed

significantly to conflating the person of d'Indy with the Schola in literature 1 address
further on in this chapter.42 For Sérieyx the Schola was d'Indy's school, an
institution, "formed in his image."43 He maintained that the roots of the Schola were

not embedded in the concerts of early music and work in sacred music reform

carried on by Bordes. Rather, it was the natural outcome of a failed attempt to

reform the curriculum of the state-run Conservatoire in 1892. D'Indy sat on this

committee and pu shed for the inclusion of more generalized subjects, but most of his

recommendations were later set aside. Indeed, for Sérieyx, the Schola in 1925 was

really only a quarter century old-six years younger th an the original society that
spawned it. 44 In his introduction to the volume, Vincent d'Indy also considers the

40 Ibid., 138.
41 Louis Vierne, "Alexandre Guilmant" "in La Schola Cantorum en 1925,27-38.
42 Louis de Serres, "Vincent d'Indy et son oeuvre" in La Schola Cantorum en 1925,39-47 and
Auguste Sérieyx, "Vincent d'Indy éducateur musical" in idem., 39-47.
43 Auguste Sérieyx, "Vincent d'Indy éducateur musical" in La Schola Cantorum en 1925,50.
44 Ibid., 49.
 21

Schola to date from 1900, referring to the school's ten-year anniversary in 1910.45

More than a simple collection of inaccuracies, these sorts of portrayals underscore

the great changes to the Schola that came with the inauguration of the école supérieure

in 1900, and help us understand the significant shifts in early music programming

that occurred at that time as the logical consequence of a substantiallransformation

of the institution' s mission.

Beyond these very early studies and Dowd's dissertation, the Schola as an

institution has figured in related studies. Renate Groth has looked into the

significance of Vincent d'Indy's Cours de composition musicale in relationship to other

composition manuals of the same period. 46 Fabien Michel has studied the polemics

that grew up around the Schola after 1905, in what is sometimes caUed "the

counterpoint debate."47 Brian Hart has also examined this tempestuous time in

Schola history, as part of a larger study on the French symphony.48 The Schola's

particular vision of modernity at the turn of the century has been discussed in sorne

detail by Jann Pasler, who has also made strides towards eradicating views of the

institution as radicaUy different from the Conservatoire.49 Of aU of these studies,

however, the only one to address the Schola's concerts of early music in detail is Jane

Fulcher, in a 1999 study of French politics and music after the Dreyfus affair, in

which she interpreted the Schola's concerts of early music as an attempt to define a

canon of anti-Republican works. 50

45 Vincent d'Indy, "La Schola Cantorum en 1925" in La Schola Cantorum en 1925, 1.

46 Renate Groth, Die franzosische Kompositionslehre des 19. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner,
1983).
47 Fabien Michel, "La Querelle des d'Indystes et des Debussystes" (ph. D. dissertation: Université
de Bourgogne, 2000).
48 Brian Hart, "The Symphony in Theory and Practice in France, 1900-1914" (Ph. D. dissertation:
Indiana University, 1994), 16-66.
49 Jann Pasler, "France: Conflicting notions of progress" in Man and Music: The late Romantic era
edited by Jim Samson (London: Macmillan, 1991),389-416 and "Déconstruire d'Indy," La Revue de
musicologie 91/2 (2005): 369-400.
50 Jane Fulcher, French Cultural PoUtics and Music from the Dreyfus Affaire to the First World War,
(New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999),25.
 22

Until recently, much of our knowledge of the Schola Cantorum and its early

music revival came through studies of Vincent d'Indy. In 1972, Charles B. Paul

provided the musicological community with an important interpretation of the

Schola, its revival of Rameau's music, and the political ramifications of this

undertaking. He brought together a number of seminal texts-written by Paul

Landormy, Léon Vallas, and Louis Borgex, among others-and in the space of a few

pages painted a very vivid picture of an otherwise barely known individual, Vincent

d'Indy, and a crumbling institution, the Schola Cantorum:

D'Indy's "absolutist, systematic, dogmatic, nay pedagogical" tum of mind

found full scope in the Schola, which he directed until his death in 1931. For
the next thirty-seven years his life was "an apostolate entirely devoted to the
magnificence of music," the Schola a monastery of which he was the Father
Superior, his role that of a "musical Savonarola, castigating superficiality and
complacency in the name of Franck."SI

Paul's reading of d'Indy and the Schola as doggedly Catholic and moraUy

pretentious is powerfully communicated, and continues to be transmitted in current

scholarship of the French fin-de-siècle. A few years after Paul's article, James

Harding also directly mapped what he interpreted as d'Indy's "high mindedness"

on the Schola, and asserted th~lt the composer held sorne sort of spiritual control

over the institution. In his short biography of the composer and former Schola

student Érik Satie, Harding wrote:

Satie joined the Schola Cantorum during its heroic period wh en d'Indy had
been gui ding its fortunes long enough to impress upon it his own ideas and
high-minded conceptions .... D'Indy paid, out of his own pocket, many of
the Schola' s expenses, so that in the end he could almost, though he never
did, daim that it was his creation twice over, materially as well as
spiritually.s2

51 Charles B. Paul, "Rameau, d'Indy, and French Nationalism," The Musical Quarterly 54/1
(January 1972): 53. Paul's citations are variously taken from Léon Vallas, Louis Borgex, André
Coeuroy, and Martin Cooper.
52 James Harding, Erik Satie (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1975),95.
 23

During the past decade, one of d'Indy' s recent biographers, Andrew Thomson,

asserted that the composer, "conceived the Schola essentially as a community

devoted to fostering a modem social art, according to his enlightened Roman

Catholic philosophy."53 Most recently, in a chapter from a broader study of Gabriel

Fauré's musical aesthetics, Carlo Caballero underscored the Schola's deep roots in

Catholic ideology:

In short, the pedagogical orientation and activities of the school reflected the
strong religious views of its founders, and their efforts to serve the Chur ch
can be considered immensely successful. This religious attitude was not
merely official; it was fundamental. Bordes, d'Indy, and Guilmant intended
their institution to serve the music of the faithful and the faith at once; for
them art and Catholicism were intertwined.54

CabaUero's contribution is important in that that he points to aU three Schola

founders as "Catholic" forces behind the Schola. For a major methodological

problem with most contemporary readings of the Schola is a tendency to work from

the biography of only one of its three founders, Vincent d'Indy-often constructed
almost exclusively on what we know of his extreme views of the post-1898 era (the

public explosion of the Dreyfus Affair).

This limited focus on d'Indy (propagated by Sérieyx), and only certain

aspects of d'Indy's biography, also results in a highly generalized vision of the

Schola. We tend to forget its life before 1900, prior to d'Indy's appointment as

educational director. Another major problem of approach is an overdependence on

the most accessible sources of information about the Schola: the Cours de composition,

d'Indy's speech to open the école supérieure in 1900, and highly-selective use of
period press articles. D'Indy's speech and the Cours only serve to reinforce readings

such as Paul's. Moreover, scholars appear reluctant ta acknowledge that articles,

53 Andrew Thomson, "Indy, Vincent d'," in Grave Music Online ed. L. Macy (accessed 3 November
2005), http://www.grovemusic.com.
54Carlo Caballero, Fauré and French Musical Aesthetics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2001),180.
 24

speeches, and textbooks are public documents, and as su ch may be laden down with
other agendas, induding the sale of scores and publications.

Problems of methodology in the past have been compounded by the fa ct that

readings of the Schola as "Catholic" are nonetheless grounded in a measure of
reality. That d'Indy was a practicing Catholic should be taken as a point in fa ct.

Moreover, from René de Castéra's earliest history onwards, the school's ties to

various Church institutions and congregations have been dearly acknowledged.55

Untangling the web created out of d'Indy' s own personal Catholicism, the Schola' s

curriculum, and its artistic worldview would require a separate study, for there
exists no detailed analysis of the nature and extent of the composer's faith that might

be used to draw any but the most generalized of parallels between d'Indy's

Catholicism and the Schola. This is likely on the horizon, since there appears to be a

very serious effort underway to revaluate d'Indy's biography and significance for

turn-of-the-century France. James Ross has attempted to refute Fu1cher's daims that

d'Indy was sympathetic to the anti-Dreyfusard Maurice Barrès, while Steven

Huebner has offered new ways of appreciating the composer's music.56 In a new
volume of essays on Vincent d'Indy, commentators have also increased our

knowledge of the composer.57 Katharine Ellis outlines the problems with d'Indy's
conception of music history, Annegret Fauser provides an explanation for the

outlandish changes that d'Indy made to Monteverdi's L'Orféo, Jean-Yves Hameline

reminds readers to view the Schola as doubly committed to chant reform and less

55 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 27. "La Schola était fondée en principe, le
numéro spécimen du bulletin entièrement composé et prêt à paraître lorsque éclata comme un
coup de foudre le décret de la Sacrée-Congrégation des Rites du 12 juin 1894. Ce fut pour certains
un effondrement ..... La Schola a depuis montré trop de préférence pour le chant de Solesmes
pour que l'on ne devine point que la question du chant bénédictin ait été la pierre d'acoppement de
tout l'édifice." (emphasis his) Léon Vallas has also pointed to the early Schola's principal mission
to uphold the principles of Solesmes. See his Vincent d'Indy: La maturité, la vieillesse, (Paris: Albin
Michel, 1950), 37.
56 James Ross, "D'Indy's Fervaal: Reconstructing French Identity at the Fin-de-Siècle," Music and
Letters 84/2 (May 2003): 209-40; Steven Huebner, "Striptease as Ideology," Nineteenth-Century
Music Review 1/2 (2004): 3-26.
57 Manuela Schwartz (ed.), Vincent d'Indy et son Temps (Sprimont: Mardaga, 2006).
 25

pious forms of music making, and Myriam Chimènes sketches a portrait of d'Indy's
social connections. The principal drawback of this volume is that it is just that-a
collection of parts, by scholars who, for the most part, normally work on other

subjects. As a result, some of the tireless tropes perpetuated in biographies such as

Thomson's persist in this volume: for Schwartz, d'Indy was anti-Semitic because the

people around him were; for Fauser the Cours is based on a positivist outlook; for

Chimènes, d'Indy was a wealthy aristocrat. In this dissertation 1 have looked at aIl

three of these issues and put forward a simple and irreverent reason for d'Indy's

anti-Semitism; a reading of the Cours in a broader intellectuai and philosophical

context; and a new interpretation of d'Indy' s financial situtation. The idea that
d'Indy could afford to be idealistic, or in some cases, manipulate matters through

wealth, has deep roots going back to writings from the time the école supérieure was

founded at rue Saint-Jacques. It has great importance for understanding the

reception of the Bach cantata concerts between 1900 and 1903, as weIl as d'Indy' s

role in the Schola prior to 1904. lndeed, as 1 point out in Chapter 2, d'Indy's

financial situation was not nearly as comfortable as some scholars would have us
believe.

If conceptions of the Schola as filtered through the biography of Vincent

d'Indy often seem negative, the same is not true for transmissions of information

that reach readers through biographical works devoted to Charles Bordes. The most

substantial work relating to this Schola founder is a dissertation by Bernard Molla,

defended in 1986.58 Even though, as with Phillip Dowd, the main text of this

dissertation is essentially a fleshed-out version of de Castéra's history, Molla's

contribution is significant for its inclusion of aU of Bordes's autograph letters housed
at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and at the Benedictine Abbaye Saint-Pierre

de Solesmes. Another major contribution is Molla's attempt to trace actual

58Bernard MoHa, "Charles Bordes: Pionnier du renouveau musical français entre 1890 et 1909,"
(Ph.D. dissertation: Université de Lyon II, 1986).
 26

performances of works included in Bordes's edition of Renaissance masters

(Anthologie des maîtres religieux primitifs), through references in the Tribune. He
further devotes more space to Bordes's relationship to Solesmes and provincial

activities than may be found in any other source. Despite its clear contribution in
providing mu ch more information and easy access to sorne of Bordes's

correspondence, Molla's dissertation suffers most from a lack of a nuanced critical

perspective. For example, he devotes an entire volume of his dissertation to Bordes's

work in "decentralization," without considering the dissonance between Bordes's

attempt to impose a single (i.e., centralized) reading of chant on the entire French
nation and the celebration of regional difference.
Another category of literature related to this dissertation are works that refer

to the early music revival, either in general, or with respect to the Schola as part of a

larger study. Much of the literature acknowledges that the founding of the Schola

was catalyzed by concerts given by the Chanteurs.59 According to Laurence Davies,

these events continued to be of primary importance to the institution until at least

1900.60 In his work on Érik Satie, Alan Gillmor lists the revival of early music as one

of three main principles that guided the early Schola.61 While not speaking directly
of the concerts, Elaine Brody has suggested that the institution's emphasis on early
music betrays a nationalist outlook. She links this with the prevailing Wagnerism of

the time, referring to the Schola's, "enjoinder to students-paralleling Wagner's

intentions-to explore their own musical backgrounds, to research their musical

patrimony, and to build new works from these fresh musical resources.,,62 In this

59
Martin Cooper, French Music from the Death of Berlioz to the Death of Fauré, (New York and
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984, a reprint of the 1951 edition), 59; Paul Landormy, La
Musique française de Franck à Debussy, 13th edition, (Paris: Gallimard, 1943), 114-15; Francine and
Jean Maillard, Vincent d'Indy, 202; Yvonne de Blaunac, Vincent d'Indy, L'homme, Le musicien, Le chef
d'orchestre, 1851-1931 (Morges: Yvonne Rosso, 1987),85. Romain Rolland, Musicians ofToday, 286.
60
Laurence Davies, César Franck and His CircZe (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1970),284.
61
Alan M. Gillmor, Erik Satie (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1988), 6.
62
Elaine Brady, Paris, The Musical Kaleidoscope 1870-1925 (New York: George Braziller, 1987),232.
 27

she is fairly representative of views dating back to early general histories of music at
the French fin-de-siècle by Romain Rolland and Paul Landormy.63 Jane Fulcher has

taken the idea of nationalism to a more extreme degree, claiming that the
institution's allegiance to the political far right posed a very serious threat to the

Republic, and that the institution used the popularity of its concerts to impose its

own, anti-Dreyfusard, version of the "classic" repertoire. 64 Thus a number of

secondary sources not only suggest the importance of the Schola's early music

revival, Brody and Fulcher in particular have opened the door to a study of the

relationship between these concerts and French nationalism.

More recently, Katharine Ellis has commented on Schola-related early music
concerts up to 1900 as weIl as sorne of Bordes's published comments on this

repertoire. Like Fulcher and Brody, she suggests that these events have political

implications, though she views Bordes's Palestrina revival as an effort to

democratize the repertoire. Ellis's monograph on the early music revival in

nineteenth-century France provides important background on Bordes's antecedents

and gives the lie to any daims that his work may have been new or unique at the

time. 65 An indispensable source of background information for the early music

revival in general up to 1900, Ellis's book also replaces an earlier and more

generalized study by Harry Haskel1.66 Studies devoted to isolated aspects of the

revival indude Rémy Campos's book on the Moskowa society as weIl as Joël-Marie

Fauquet and Antoine Henion's monograph on the Bach reviva1. 67 A series of essays

on performances, editions and perceptions of the Renaissance in nineteenth-century

France edited by Philippe Vendrix is notable for its contributions by Katharine Ellis

63
Paul Landormy, La Musique française de Franck à Debussy; and Romain Rolland, Musicians of
Today.
64
Jane Fulcher, French Cultural Politics and Music, 215; 25.
65 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Pasto
66 Harry Haskell, The Early Music Revival.
67 Rémy Campos, La Renaissance introuvable? and Joël-Marie Fauquet and Antoine Hennion, La
Grandeur de Bach: L'Amour de la musique en France au XIX siècle (Paris: Fayard, 2000).
 28

(on Palestrina) and Leeman Perkins (on nineteenth-century editions).68 The latter is

an important source for und ers tan ding the context of Bordes's own editions of early

music, though most of the ones Perkins lists can be found in Anna Heyer's index ta

multi-volume editions.69 In a dissertation devoted ta French opera, Anya Suschitzky

includes a chapter on the Rameau revival and posits that the editorial practices of

the time (including those of d'Indy) were guided by nationalist concerns?O In this

Suschitzky continues a tradition of thinking that dates back to Charles B. Paul and

Graham Sadler and is echoed in the work of Fulcher.71 In a later article, Suschitzky

attributes fascination for this French father of harmony to a parallel interest in the

eighteenth-century painter Antoine Watteau.72

In an of these related studies, the Schola's role in the revival of early music

weaves in and out like an elusive theme. Despite its seeming relevance to

scholarship, the Schola's revival has not yet been studied in detail, possibly because

of the various obstacles that must be overcome simply to put the performances in

context: we have no recent, substantial, and critical studies of d'Indy, Bordes or the

Schola as an institution to place these events in context. These events are also

connected to sorne problematic areas of study, including the chant revision effort

carried out by the Benedictine monks of Solesmes and the movement to reform

sacred music. With respect ta Solesmes, the work of Katherine Bergeron has limited

rel ev an ce for any study of Bordes's work, because it is more about print culture than

68 Katharine Ellis, "Palestrina et la musique dite 'Palestrinienne' en France au XIXe siècle:

Questions d'exécution et de reception" in La Renaissance et sa musique au XIXe siècle, edited by
Philippe Vendrix. Paris: Klincksieck, 2000,155-90; Leeman L. Perkins, "Published Editions and
Anthologies of the 19th Century: Music of the Renaissance or Renaissance music" in idem, 91-128.
69 Anna Heyer, Historical Sets, Collected Editions, and Monuments of Music: A Guide ta their contents
(Chicago: American Library Association, 1980).
70 Anya Suschitzky, "The Nation on Stage: Wagner and French opera at the end of the nineteenth
century," (Ph.D. dissertation: University of California at Berkeley, 1999).
71 Charles B. Paul, "Rameau, d'Indy, and French Nationalism," The Musical Quarterly 58/1
Ganuary 1972): 46-56; Sadler, Graham. "Vincent d'Indy and the Rameau Œuvres Complètes: A Case
of Forgery?" Early Music, 21 (1993): 415-21.
72 Anya Suschitzky, "Debussy's Rameau: French Music and its Others," The Musical Quarterly
86/3 (Fa1l2002): 398-448.
 29

live performances?3 A documentary study by Pierre Combe provides insights into

Solesmes's relationship to the Vatican, but tells us little about its relationship to the
Schola?4

On one hand, the Schola's concerts of sacred early musie require careful
reading in the context of both sacred musie reform and chant revision. But on the

other, the institution's performances of sacred and secular works from this same

repertoire at secuiar events require sensitivity to the problematies of French

nationalism. In a word, getting at the whole is complicated. The issues within the

French Catholic chur ch at the time were as heated as those in the secular world of

politics and social thought-and the two came famously together with violent

results in the Dreyfus affair just four years after the Schola was founded. Moreover,

if taking on the Schola's revival means going back over sorne well-trodden territory,

it also involves coming to terms with ideas and individuals that have become either

objects of embarrassment or completely obscure, su ch as Brett and Brunetière

mentioned earlier. Studying the Schola's early mu sie revival requires a willingness
to absorb detail, and to get at least knee-deep in more obscure topies, su ch as the
movement for sacred music reform. It also challenges researchers to keep aU of these

ideas in the context of broader streams of philosophieal thought that informed the

arguments and discursive habits in writings on the topie not only during the period

at hand, but earlier in the century.

73 Katherine Bergeron, Decadent Enchantments: The Revival of Gregorian Chant at Solesmes (Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998). This book is a revised version of her
"Representation, Reproduction, and the Revival of Gregorian Chant at Solesmes," (Ph. D.
dissertation: Cornell University, 1989).
74 Dom Pierre Combe, O.s.B., The Restoration ofGregorian Chant, Solesmes and the Vatican Edition
translated by Theodore N. Marier and William Skinner (Washington D.C.: The Catholic
University of America Press, 2003). [Originally pu~lished as Histoire de la restauration du chant
grégorien d'après des documents inédites: Solesmes et l'Edition Vatican (Abbaye Saint-Pierre de
Solesmes: n.p., 1969).)
 30

Outline of the Dissertation

The structure of this dissertation reveals me for the quasi-communitarian that I am,
with mild sympathies for the kind of views that Michel Faure is often prone to
express. 75 This is why I do not begin with a bird's eye view of French society and
nation, but rather, after a review of early music programming trends, with

biographical issues related to each of the Schola's founders. Still, my examination in

Chapter 2 inc1udes a discussion of the network of individuals around each of the

three Schola founders. As a result, even though the purpose of this chapter is to root
out personal reasons for the changes to Schola programming, the result is a portrait
of the community of individuals who were behind it. In Chapter 3, I extend outward

to the institutional without containing the Schola in a strict vaucum, for I sketch out

the Schola's relationship to other institutions, mainly the Conservatoire. I show how
the Schola's early music revival related to its official mandate and how the reception
of its early music concerts sometimes reflected debates over the Schola's relationship

to other institutions. The circ1e widens in Chapter 4, with a discussion of the

relevance of Bordes's revival to sacred music reform. It is not until the final chapter

of this dissertation that I attempt to view my subject in the broader context of the

politics of culture in turn-of-the-century France. As a sort of reluctant monograph,

the chapters of this dissertation do depend on each other, particularly the last three.
But this really reflects the subject more than any pre-determined organizational
scheme. The Schola was founded as a sacred music society on the reputation of a
group that had become increasingly secularized in its activities. This situation

makes it difficult, and perhaps not entirely desirable, to separate the institution

entirely from the church. The nation was bound up in the chur ch, as much as the
Schola had issues with both the chur ch and the nation.

Michel Faure, Musique et société, du Second Empire aux années vingt: Autour de Saint-Saëns, Fauré,
75
Debussy et Ravel (Paris: Flammarion, 1985).
 31

Each chapter includes a number of passages that either correct or flesh out

our knowledge. I have already mentioned the problem with d'Indy' s biography, but

there is also no really close reading of the Schola's relationship to the Republic and
its institutions, which I provide in Chapter 3. Likewise, Chapter 4 is prefaced by a

lengthy re-examination of the Schola's relationship to the Catholic church. It is

important to understand the ambivalence of this relationship, because it explains in

part a paucity of religious events after 1898 that might otherwise be attributed to a

lack of research or documentation. The second half of this chapter also takes into

account a growing movement in sacred music reform to adopt quasi-materialistic, or

scientific discursive frameworks for discussions about essentially spiritual subjects,
and we have already seen with Brettes that people of this mind were important to

the Schola. In Chapter 5, I have included discussions of ideas that inform the

writings of music critics who reported on early music. These range from the highly

generalized, for instance, a discussion of which types of music may have held

greater value in fin-de-siècle France, to the more specifie, such as types of nationalism

that may have underpinned individual points of view.

Summary of Research Contributions and Conclusion

A substantial corpus of early music events underpins this dissertation: over 340 for

the Schola alone (detailed in Appendix 1), and sorne 600 outside the institution. To
date there is no study based on such a substantial amount of raw data, and the lists

provided in the appendices of this dissertation will provide future researchers with

information available in no other source. My interpretation of the trends in Bordes's

and the Schola's early music programming stands apart from other studies for its

emphasis on genre and period: the Rameau who wrote Castor et Pollux should not be

confused with the one who wrote harpsichord works. I am also the first to provide
 32

detailed information about Bordes's programming for Catholic services other than

Holy Week, to point out the differences in canon-forming tendencies as well as

repertoire, and to maintain a focus on concert type (multi-item, themed, and grand

concert) as an important factor for secular events.

Throughout this study, l have been able to account for sorne nationalist
tendencies in programming, and to attribute sorne of the most right-winged
activities to Charles Bordes. Indeed, my treatment of this Schola founder is fairly
irreverent. In this dissertation l have stressed the fact that he was often under

prepared (Chapter 2), that his events may have bored Pari sian audiences by 1897

(Chapter 3), and that he was sometimes criticized in the press (Chapter 3). Most

important, the discussion in Chapter 4 reveals that Bordes was far more involved

with Solesmes and other Church agencies than d'Indy, even though the style of early

sacred music he performed was not al ways in line with prescriptions given by

sacred music reformers.

If l have not emphasized Alexandre Guilmant in this dissertation, it is

because his involvement in the Schola was largely that of a figurehead. He is barely
mentioned in either de Castéra's history or La Schola Cantorum en 1925 (except for the

essay noted earlier). This tendency to de-emphasize Guilmant's role in the Schola

also marks the most recent and thorough dissertation on Guilmant by Kurt

Leuders. 76 Nonetheless, l am the first to draw attention to important connections

that Guilmant shared with d'Indy and Bordes, and have suggested sorne valid

reasons why he may have been asked to preside over the fledgling society for sacred

music.
Through the lens of d'Indy, l have come to an understanding of that
important shift in repertoire and concert type after 1904, and contributed in a

significant way to the revaluation of his biography as secondary result. But this

76Kurt Leuders, "Alexandre Guilmant (1837-1911), organiste et compositeur" vols. 1-2, (Ph.D.
dissertation: Université de Paris IV, 2002), 259-68.
 33

change around 1904 may also reflect a transformation of the French public's musical

values, as expressed in the reception of early music (see Chapter 5). By looking at
Schola concerts from an institutional point of view, l have also suggested that they

may have been less a means of promoting d'Indy's anti-Dreyfusard ideals, as

Fulcher suggests, and more a practical solution to a financial problem that could not

be acknowledged at the time. Widening the circ1e in Chapter 5, l show that the

music of Bach and Rameau can be interpreted through different nationalist lenses,

and may be viewed as either a mass movement for ethnic homogeneity (something
often associated with d'Indy and the Schola), or as an impulse to express difference.

This chapter also takes into account factors relating to gender and c1ass that have a
noticeable effect on the discourse of early music reception, and which we observed

in the Debussy quote that l provided near the outset of this introduction.
 Chapter 1

Early Music Concerts and the Parisian Schola Cantorum

Introduction

This chapter is a study of the Schola's programming trends based on over 340

documented performances of early music by the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and the

Schola Cantorum between 1891 and 1914. After outlining sorne underlying reasons for

concert documentation and recording, l paint a broad picture of the kinds of changes in
performance tastes and habits that evolved over a period of sorne twenty years. My

approach is centered mainly on genre and period (Renaissance versus Baroque,

instrumental versus vocal, large versus small scale), mostly because it yields more

significant trends than examinations of individual composers. Granted, by looking

solely at composers one could establish sorne of the same results. For instance, assuming

that Palestrina was principally a composer of sacred music, the near disappearance of his

works from Schola programming around 1900 tells us quite clearly that there was a drop
off in performances of sacred pieces. Yet it is somewhat misleading, because what was
lost around the turn of the century were works with Roman Catholic liturgical
associations: sacred works by Bach and other Baroque composers actually increased in

numbers.
A genre and period centered approach also allows a more careful pinpointing of

works by composers like Orlando di Lassus, whose secular music (the polyphonic

chansons) were revived alongside his sacred works (the motets and masses). Bach and

Rameau are also an issue here, for it is important to separate their vocal from their

instrumental works. As l point out in Chapter S, the Rameau of the small keyboard
works was not usually received the same way as the composer who wrote Castor et

Pollux and a host of other monuments of French opera. Still, readers in se arch of the
early music chestnuts of the 1890s and early 1900s will have an opportunity to discover
 35

them-though they may find that familiar favourites then were much the same as they
arenow.

Sources of Knowledge and Methodology

The corpus of early music that underpinned the Schola's revival and which forms the
basis for this study was reconstituted in large part from references in period reviews and
literature. 1 also consulted original concert programmes and notices, detailed further on

in this chapter. Main published sources inc1ude the Schola Cantorum's mouthpiece La
Tribune de Saint-Gervais, the school's bulletin, Les Tablettes de la Schola, a book entitled La
Schola Cantorum en 1925 (which includes a list of over one hundred concerts), and the
long-standing weekly Le Ménestrel. References from nine additional sources also appear
in the data bank, but were derived from a much less systematic survey than for the main
sources (a complete listing is provided in Table 1). The data bank includes records of
concerts and other events performed not only by the Schola, but also by the Chanteurs
de Saint-Gervais (both prior to the founding of the institution and after the death of
Bordes). While the Société G. F. Haendel and the Société Palestrina had very close ties to

the Schola, 1 have not taken these concerts into account (these concerts are nonetheless
listed in Appendix 2, a compiling of non-Schola concerts of early music). Likewise, more

than one hundred records of single performances or series given by individual artists
associated with the Schola, as weIl as the twenty-minute sessions performed by the
Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais at the 1900 world's fair were excluded from the data bank.
Since the data bank includes performances by the Schola and the Chanteurs outside the

institution, tracking over a dozen individual artists at other venues would have breached
the limitations of the dissertation. Moreover, the performance habits of single artists

(virtuosos) should not really be compared with those of choral groups-though 1 have

most certainly discussed executions of virtuosic works where relevant. Finally, it is

almost impossible to give equal treatment to aIl of the single artists: Blanche Selva's
 36

performances were carefully noted in the press, but a number of individuals receive only

sporadic coverage. This is even the case for a major figure like Wanda Landowska.

Table I-Period Reviews and Literature Consulted 1

Period Review/Source Records Period

Referenced Represented
La Tribune de Saint-Gervais 134 1895-1914
Les Tablettes de la Schola 62 1906-1914
Le Ménestrel 65 1891-1904
La Schola Cantorum en 1925 86 1898-1910
Le Courrier musical 23 1900-1908
Le Guide musical 55 1896-1903
Le Monde musical 31 1893-1896
Le Temps 7 1900-1907
Le Journal des débats 10 1893-1898
La Musique à Paris 5 1895-1899
Les Ecrits de Paul Dukas sur la musique 4 1893-1896
Bulletin du Denier de l'Institut Catholique 2 1899-1900
Bulletin de la Société des concerts de chant 6 1896-1901
classique

There are very few hypothetical records in the databank for concerts alluded to in

the literature or press that could not be otherwise confirmed. A good example is the

group of events held at the Concerts d'Harcourt between 1893 and 1895. Logically, there

should be six actual"Bach Cantata" concerts, plus as many as twelve concerts historiques

et éclectiques for the 1893-94 season. In reality, documentation for only thirteen of a
possible eighteen events at d'Harcourt have so far come to light. Since it is impossible to

ascertain whether or not programmes for the missing concerts included early music, 1

have not created hypothetical records for them. This inconsistency, however, is balanced

by the in complete listing of Bach cantatas performed between 1901 and 1904 at the

1 This table does not include the four references gleaned from Sylvia Kahan's Music's Modern
Muse: A Life ofWinnaretta Singer, Princesse de Polignac (Rochester and Woodbridge: University of
Rochester Press, 2003). Books and collections of previously published reviews and articles
included in this table are Vincent d'Indy. La Schola Cantorum en 1925; Paul Dukas, Les Écrits de
Paul Dukas sur la musique (Paris: Société d'Éditions Françaises et Internationales, 1948); Gustave
Robert, La Musique à Paris vols. 1-6 (Paris: Fischbacher, 1895-1900).
 37

Schola. Original programmes and references indicate up to three series of three concerts
each per year at the tum of the century, and even supplementary concerts. Yet 1 have
rarely assumed that these concerts actually took place, and as a result, only about twenty

are documented for that period. Inflating the numbers for the d'Harcourt concerts

between 1893 and 1895 by creating hypothetical records would result in a misleading

ratio between performances of Bach cantatas given in the 1890s and events of a similar

nature that took place in the 1900s. In the end 1 have erred on the side of caution, and for

the most part only included concerts for which reliable documentation exists. What the

data cannot show, because it is clearly beyond the bounds of this dissertation, are the
hundreds of concerts given in the provinces during the late 1890s.2 Bordes's frequent
absence from Paris during this time accounts in large part for a smaller number of events

in the late 1890s, as do other issues associated with the administration of the Schola and

its relationship to the Catholic church, discussed in Chapters 3 and 4.

This substantial collection of information was collected in a data bank using the

Macintosh AppleWorks programme that generated both hypercards and lists, and

therefore was searchable as a whole or within sub-sets, by one or more fields or

parameters, or globally as though it were a text file. Information was recorded in ten
fields, including: 1) Date; 2) Type of Event (either religious or secular); 3) Venue; 4)

Conductor; 5) Performers; 6) Remarks; 7) Early Music; 8) Other Music; 9) Press

References; and 10) Other References. The "Type of Event" field is admittedly rather
broad: while the events actually range from short offices, to lecture-recitals, full-blown

concerts, and slide shows with musical accompaniment, they were entered only as either

"Secular" or "Religious." Further information on the specifie type of event or occasion

was nonetheless provided in the "Remarks or Occasion" field. A code indicating period,

genre, and degree of completeness in performance followed each of the works entered in
the "Early Music" field. Even though these codes are absent from the listing of the data

2 See René de Castéra for a more detailed discussion of Bordes's tours de propagande.
 38

bank records in Appendix 1, l have used them in sorne of the tables in this chapter, and

for that reason have provided a summary in Table 3. As a result of the software's

flexibility and the simplicity of the codes, it was possible to search fields using only
partial codes. For instance, entering only I/[B_" in the I/Early Music" field, generated a
list of aU records containing works from the Baroque in every genre; substituting liSSa V"

aUowed the system to retrieve aU small sacred vocal works regardless of period.

Unfortunately, the AppleWorks software does not allow users to program the

generation of multiple searches within a range of variables. For my purposes, it greatly

facilitated the sorting and retrieval of data (and was surely a step above index cards), but
it did not provide much help in terms of analysis. Therefore, in consideration of
software' s limitation in this respect, and its imminent obsolescence, l have included the
records from the data bank in printed form as Appendix 1. This will preserve the data

for future research, even though other researchers will have to enter it into a more

sophisticated programme.
 39

Table 3-Codes for the Data Bank of Concerts

Period Type Example Genres Code

Renaissance Large Sacred Vocal - Mass [R-LSaV-C]
complete
Renaissance Large Sacred Vocal - Mass [R-LSaV-E]
excerpts
Renaissance Small Sacred Vocal - motet, responsory, [R-SSaV-C]
complete antiphon
Renaissance Small Secular Vocal - Madrigal [R-SSeV-C]
complete
Renaissance Small Instrumental - versets, intabulations [R-SI-C]
complete
Baroque Large Sacred Vocal - mass, oratorio [B-LSaV-C]
complete
Baroque Large Sacred Vocal - mass, oratorio [B-LSaV-E]
excerpts
Baroque Large Sacred Vocal - mas s, oratorio [B-LSaV-A]
single arias
Baroque Small Sacred Vocal - cantatas, motets [B-SSaV-C]
complete
Baroque Small Sacred Vocal- cantatas, motets [B-SSaV-E]
excerpts
Baroque Small Sacred Vocal - cantatas, motets [B-SSaV-A]
single arias
Baroque Large Secular Vocal - Opera [B-LSeV-C]
complete
Baroque Large Secular Vocal - Opera [B-LSeV-E]
excerpts
Baroque Large Secular Vocal - Opera [B-LSeV-A]
single arias
Baroque Small Secular Vocal- secular cantatas [B-SSeV-C]
complete
Baroque Small Secular Vocal - secular cantatas [B-SSeV-E]
excerpts
Baroque Small Secular Vocal - secular cantatas [B-SSeV-A]
single arias
Baroque Large Instrumental - solo concerti, [B-LI-C]
complete orchestral suites
Baroque Large Instrumental - solo concerti, [B-LI-E]
excerpts orchestral suites
Baroque Small Instrumental - solo instruments, [B-SI-C]
complete sonatas, trio sonatas
Baroque Small Instrumental - solo instruments, [B-SI-E]
excerpts sonatas, trio sonatas
 40

Pieces of the Past

Records in the data bank were also established through consultation of original

programmes and notices housed at the Bibliothèque nationale de France and other

repositories. These documents provided a tangible record of early music performances

given by the Parisian Schola Cantorum and the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais. By
themselves, these sources opened up a window on at least part of the institution's

activities. In aIl, over one hundred notices, programmes, and advertisements scattered
in various files at the Département de la musique and the Bibliothèque de l'Opéra

provided documentation for over 100 events. 3 While this number represents less than

one third of aIl records included in Appendix 1 of this dissertation, the se gradually
disintegrating pieces of our musical history actually tell a fair amount of the story.
Original programmes, notices and advertisements alone tell us that the Schola

and the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais participated in an increasing number of events untiI

the end of 1903 and that activity took a veritable nose dive between 1904 and 1909.

These documents also reveal that in the twenty-two years between 1892 and 1914, the

Schola and its partners were generally more involved in musical events of a secular
nature than they were in religious ceremonies. And one might rely solely on original

documents to pinpoint the very year in which a trend towards more secular events

began: 1898. They also lead to a more subtle observation about the Schola' s

performances of early sacred music, which is that despite increasing involvement in

secular events, performances of religious repertoire figure prominently-on fully two

thirds of programmes. But these programmes also reveal that sacred music from the

Baroque clearly occupied a far greater place in the Schola's musical activities than works

of a religious nature from the Renaissance.

Original programmes constitute a precious resource for the study of the Schola's

early music revival. Unevenly divided between the Département de la musique and the

3 A single, undated programme is also preserved in the archives of the Institut Catholique.
 41

Bibliothèque de l'Opéra, they have been preserved in a number of different files (see
Table 2), and where they may be found today is telling. Most of the programmes housed

at the Opéra originally belonged to Charles Malherbe, who was actively involved in the
Rameau Oeuvres complètes, to which Bordes would have contributed if he had not died
prematurely. Together with programmes buried in Eugène d'Harcourt and Alexandre

Guilmant's respective Fonds Montpensier files, they are the only original documents

recording sorne of Bordes's earliest, "pre-Schola" activities. In fact, ten of Malherbe's

programmes also constitute the only source of information about the se activities, perhaps

because they represent a number of religious ceremonies. That Malherbe had in his

possession documents for relatively obscure events may mean much or nothing at aIl,
because while he was close to Bordes's circle, he was also a driven collector.

Table 2-Collections of Original Concert Programmes and Notices

Library/ Collection4 File Events Period of

Archive Documented Coverage
Bnf-Opéra PC Sain t-Gervais 13 1893-94

Bnf-Opéra PC Salle des 1 1895

Agriculteurs
Bnf-Musique FM Vincent d'Indy 5 1900-1910

Bnf-Musique FM Eugène 7 1893-1895

d'Harcourt
Bnf-Musique FM Alexandre 4 1894-1902
Guilmant
Bnf-Musique PC Schola 73 1895-1912
Cantorum /
École Franck
Bnf-Musique PC Société J.S. Bach 1 1905

Bnf-Musique PC Concerts 4 1909-1912

Lamoureux (all notices)
Bnf-Musique PC Société G. F. 3 1910
Haendel
Institut 1 1899
Catholique

4 PC indicates the Programmes de Concerts collection, while FM indicates the Fonds

Montpensier.
 42

Sometimes a relationship between the Schola and another society may be

established through advertisements. There is only one advertisement for Schola

activities in a collection of over fort y programmes for the Société J. S. Bach, which may

indicate that the two were not as connected as we might think. Still, little may be

concluded from the scant number of notices for Schola concerts in programmes for the

Société Haendel, founded by the Schola teacher Félix Raugel, because there are only

three extant Société Haendel programmmes at the Bibliothèque Nationale. The small

amount of documentation found in d'Indy and Guilmant' s Fonds Montpensier files may

be the result of archivaI practices to avoid duplication of material, and the fact that the

Fonds Montpensier is, in theory, devoted to press clippings, not concert programmes.5

But what stands out is that there are no concert programmes at aIl dating earlier than

1909 in either Bordes's Montpensier file or the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais's concert

programme file. 6 At least in the minds of archivists at the Département de la musique,

Bordes's work belongs to others: what he accomplished with d'Harcourt belongs to

d'Harcourt, with Guilmant to Guilmant, with the Schola to the Schola.

The largest number of programmes currently resides in the Schola

Cantorum/École César Franck file of the "Programmes de concerts" collection at the

Département de la musique. In total, they provide information on 73 events, though

over 50 of these are concentrated in the years between the Schola' s move to rue Saint-

Jacques in 1900 and Bordes's death 1909, with 15 in the 1890s and only 4 for the period
after 1910. Without them, we would have no record of over 20 of the institution's

5 While the Fonds Montpensier is only supposed to contain press clippings, other printed
documents sometimes end up in individu al files, including programmes. Indeed, in d'Indy's
Montpensier File, an original manuscript draft with marginal notes for Hugues Imbert's
biographical sketch of the composer figures among the contents.
6 There are a number of reviews, however, mainly by Pierre Lalo for Le Temps. The only
programmes in the Chanteurs's Programmes de Concerts file are for events dating after 1914.
 43

concerts and religious ceremonies? The documentation is not strictly limited to events
given at the Schola, but inc1udes information for about 20 concerts held outside the

institution after 1900, when the Schola acquired its own hall. Unfortunately, the Schola's

performances at the Institut Catholique, with which it maintained formaI ties between
1898 and 1899 and where it gave monthly concerts and lecture-recitals, appear

substantially under-represented with only one original programme.

Gaps in the collection of programmes result in a complete absence of original

documents for the years 1896, 1906-07, 1911, and1913-14. Of course there are still press
reviews and other sources of documentation for these years. Interpretations might easily

be made for the period after 1909, given Bordes's death, but a lack of information for the
other years poses a serious methodological problem for any study of the Schola's early

music revival. Moreover, these documents provide no record of religious events in 1899,

1901-05, 1908-10, and 1912 (this list excludes the years for which there are no extant

programmes or notices). While a reduction in the number of religious events after the

withdrawal of French state funding to churches at the turn of the century might be

expected, an absolute dearth raises a flag, especially given the much-publicized motu
proprio of 1903 (Tra le sollicitudini), which Bordes spun into overt approval for the
Schola in articles for the Tribune (see Chapter 4). And so while the collections of

programmes and notices tell us a great deal about early music at and by the Schola

Cantorum, they also, through their various lacunae and inconsistencies suggest

questions to consider and further avenues to explore.

7 The number should perhaps be higher, because ev en though 7 figure in the list provided in
LaSchola Cantorum en 1925, this source provides scant and often false information, which must be
either fleshed out or verified by another source.
 44

Issues of Frequency and Reliability

The records of Schola early music performances that are gathered together in the data
bank are not evenly distributed over the twenty-three year period between 1891 and

1914, as may be observed in Figure 1.

Figure 1-Early Music Events, 1891-1914

"1
1

25+------------4~--------------------------------------------~1
1

1
20+-------~--~__------------~r_10~------------~r_----------~

:il
15+-----~~ __~~~~~~,G~~~__~+_c~------------~~~·I~.&_------~

:x
5+_~~~~~~~*~~~_RI~~~~~~~~~.~I~~~~~~~$~~~~~~.I~-~~~@L~------~

o 1

The scarcity of events between 1904 and 1908 makes it difficult to draw conclusions

about the institution's activities during that period, as the data may be extremely

unrepresentative of the Schola's work in the realm of early music revival. Future

research may well uncover more documentation of early music events for this time

period. That being said, a sm aller number of records may not indicate complete
unreliability, because we know that Bordes held no church position after 1902, and so the

opportunities for music making decreased substantially at the time. Furthermore,

surviving documentation indicates great change in the Schola's overall programming

habits after 1903: statistics for concerts of early music cannot show the many events
 45

featuring contemporary music (including an entire evening devoted to Claude Debussy)

and works from the high c1assical and early romantic periods given after 1904 that
limited the possibilities for early music performance. Moreover, there may have been

fewer early music events at the Schola after 1903 because the school put on fewer, more
"substantial" concerts of works like the Bach Mass in B Minor. Numbers probably drop

after 1903 for the sake of monumentality. Finally, after 1904 more early music concerts

were given by individual Schola teachers, which as l mentioned earlier, were exc1uded
from the data bank.

The numbers shown in Figure 1 fail to illustrate the full extent of a spike in early

music events after Bordes's death in 1909. The increase apparent in Figure 1 resulted

mainly from Léon Saint-Requier's increased activities with the Chanteurs de Saint-

Gervais. But it would have been even greater if l had inc1uded the records of events

undertaken by two associations linked to the Schola: the Société Palestrina (directed by

Léon Saint-Requier, with Vincent d'Indy as president) and the Société G. F. Haendel

(directed by Schola teacher Félix Raugel). The Tribune de Saint-Gervais and Les Tablettes

de la Schola reported in much more detail and with more regularity on the Société G. F.
Haendel. Thus the records for this group are much more complete (listed in Appendix

2). Often references to the activities of the Palestrina society proved too vague to be

included in the data bank, and so it should be noted that Saint-Requier' s activities after

1909 are likely less than fully represented in Appendix 2 than Raugel's. The very sharp

drop in the number of events beginning in 1912 may result from a transfer of early music

activity from the Schola itself to these two societies, but to err on the side of caution, the

data for the period after 1911 should not be considered very reliable. The same cannot

be said for the time between 1893 and the end of 1903, for despite the fact that the

number of events fluctuates considerably, the dip in events during 1898 and 1899likely

represents an actual decrease in events and not a lack of documentation (see Chapter 3).

Even though the number of events fluctuates greatly from year to year, it is still

possible to observe sorne very c1ear trends in Chanteurs and Schola programming over
 46

the years. By comparing the number of events with at least one work from the

Renaissance to the number of events with at least one work from the Baroque, it becomes

c1ear that interest in Renaissance music began to wane around 1897. After dipping to

only five events in 1901, it never really recovered. And while figures for Renaissance
music might have increased after 1909 if 1 had inc1uded concerts by Saint-Requier's

Société Palestrina, levels would still have remained proportionately far below the

number of events that inc1uded Baroque repertoire.8 This trend is charted in Figure 2.

Figure 2-Events with Renaissance and Baroque Music <1891-14)

30

25

20

15

10

5
" ~
~

~
- ,---
CL;'

, ~
G
~

"

o
~
Il
~
~
Il
0/ 0/
~
L,-

~
~
-,-J

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~
L,-

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~
L,-

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~
~

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~
'"
~
~
& ~
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i
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'ri

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~
~
~
~
~
~
v v
~ ~ ~
~ ~
~
1
~~enil~!;~ n~~~~Ba}-oq-;:;~l

81 have not included figures for 1891, 1892 and 1914 because there are fewer than five records for
each of these years. 1 have included 1912-13, ev en though the information 1 have been able to
gather for these years is likely not representative.
 47

Of course, the Renaissance and Baroque periods are not evenly represented in

each record. Religious events were sometimes given over entirely to Renaissance music,

while historical survey lecture-recitals frequently offered a balanced mix. But the trend

emerges ev en when calculations are based on the number of performances of individual

works, as shown in Figure 3. 9 This chart cornes very close to replicating the results based

on records, except for 1899 and 1911. In the case of 1899, the difference between the

number of Renaissance and Baroque records is already fairly minute, and thus a reversaI

of this minute difference through a comparison of performances really does not tell a

very different story. The change in proportions for 1911 indicates more performances of

large Baroque works (e.g., oratorios), so that the number of records increases while the

number of works shrinks.

Figure 3-Renaissance vs. Baroque Works (1891-14)

100
90
80
70 ,
60
50
,
40
30 -1
j
20
10
o '" 1 rd jJ j -
,fi n 1 li't
lilRenélissànce Il Ba;:o-q~elJ
c.........._ ............•.........................

9 In Figure 3, the tallest column represents performance frequency, and not an actual number of
works, because sorne pieces were given repeat performances in the same year. At the same time,
examination of the actual records reveals that the Chanteurs and the Schola gave an astounding
number of works only once a year, and an equally mind-boggling number only a single time
during the whole of the 1890s (see the section entitled "Composers in and Around the Schola" in
this chapter).
 48

This trend has no single explanation, though it would be easy to offer at least two

that might be demonstrated solely through statistics: fewer sacred events for the

performance of Renaissance music, and a shift away from concerts that include a
number of small works (multi-item events). There are simple and complicated answers

for both. Part of each explanation will be given in this chapter, and part requires the rest

of the dissertation. The first explanation has sorne merit: there is a noticeable drop in the

number of religious events after 1898 revealed in Figure 4. Religious events slide below

five in 1900 and disappear entirely in 1902, 1903, and 1907. But Figure 4 fails to take into

account performances of sacred Renaissance music at secular events, which constitutes

about ten percent of aU records. It also does not make any distinction amongst the

various different types of religious events at which performances took place.

Figure 4-Religious and Secular Events over Time

25

~
20

15

------1
la -

5
CC

J~~ 1 JLI
»»
j'

a fil! Il '-r "

, 1 1 1 1
~
0/ 0/ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
v ~~ ~~
[riï3~~1i2~~S:!:S:~ui~J
 49

L'Art à sa Place . .. : Sacred Repertoires at Religious Events

To really understand the Schola's early music revival, it is important to have a bird's eye

view of the place given to sacred repertoires, because the institution was founded as a

result of sacred music events, and for the promotion of "sacred" not "early" music. It is
highly likely that the Chanteurs gave many more performances of sacred music at

religious events than surviving records and references indicate. But even within the

constraints of our primary source knowledge, it is at least possible to reconstruct the

broader trends for the 1890s. In the early days prior to the reincorporation of the Schola

at rue Stanislas (1896), the Chanteurs performances at services for Pentecost, the Fête-

Dieu (Corpus Christi), and even the feasts of Saint Gervais and the Assumption were

more duly noted in the press than in later years.lO The clearest picture of the Chanteurs's

spring or "off-season" activities cornes through reports of Pente co st celebrations between

1893 and 1896. The repertoire for these services is striking for its lack of repetition. At

most there are three instances of repeated works over the four-year period. None are

masses, and two are by minor Baroque composers: Aichinger's "Factus est repente," a

fauxbourdon by Viadana, and Palestrina's "Veni Creator." Otherwise, as the list

provided in Table 4 shows, ev en though most of the works are by Palestrina and

Vittoria, the programmes differ entirely from year to year in terms of actual works. With

records of services for only two celebrations each of the feast of Saint-Gervais (1893;

1896), the Assumption (1893; 1895), and the Fête-Dieu (1893; 1894), it is difficult to make

generalizations aside from Pentecost. Two works given as part of the festivities

surrounding the Fête-Dieu in 1893 figure in the programming for the following year.ll
Still, the fact that there was no repetition of repertoire for the two known Assumption

services, and only one work from Saint Gervais services in 1893 carried over to 1896
suggests that in choosing music for religious events during the spring and summer

10 The Chanteurs also sang for Ascension services in 1893, but there are no other documented
~erformances for this feast unti11905.
1 Palestrina's Missa Brevis and "Exultate Deo", as well as Josquin's "Ave Christe".
 50

Bordes may have deliberately avoided repeating pieces from previous years. At least in
the church music off-season, canon-forming tendencies in early music programming

seem highly restricted.

The programmes for Pentecost and other spring services also tell us something

about the programming of early music for religious events in general. Baroque music

was given far more often in the spring and summer than at services that coincided with

the main, secular concert season between October and April (see Table 5). Still the most

profound difference between these two broad categories of religious events is that one

appears to have been almost devoid of tradition-making impulses at the level of the
individual work, while the other (in the regular season) seems to have moved

deliberately in that direction.

Table 4-Pentecost Services <1893-1896)

Composer Work Date

Palestrina Veni creator (2 choirs) 18930521
Vittoria Domine non sum dignus 18930521
Vittoria Dum complerantur dies pentecostes 18930521
Vittoria Estote fortes in bello 18930521
Vittoria Missa Ave Maris stella 18930521
Aichinger! Factus est repente 18940513
Aichinger Regina coeli 18940513
Bach Tantum ergo 18940513
G. Corsi Adoramus 18940513
Viadana unspecified fauxbourdons (2 choirs) 18940513
Zachariis unspecified faux bourdons (2 choirs) 18940513
Andréas unspecifed fauxbourdons 18940513
Gabrieli Sacerdos et pontifex 18940513
J.? Kerle Te Deum 18940513
Lassus Magnificat 18940513
Palestrina Veni creator (2 choirs) 18940513
Palestrina Missa Ascendo ad patrem 18940513
Vittoria o Quam gloriosum 18940513
Aichinger Factus est repente 18950602
Viadana o Sacrum convivium 18950602
Viadana Unspecified fauxbourdon (s) 18950602
J.? Kerle Missa Regina coeli (for 4vv, men) 18950602
Palestrina Loquebantur 18950602
Palestrina Magnificat (2 choirs) 18950602
Bach Unspecified organ fugue 18960602
Palestrina Missa Papae marcelli 18960602
 51

Table 5-Sacred Baroque Music at Religious Events (1891-1913)

Composer Work Date Occasion

Aichinger Assumpta est Maria 18930815 Assumption
" Factus e~~ repente 18940513 Pentecost
18950602 Pentecost
18950811 St. Philomena
1895 Il 01 AlI Saints
18951121 St. Cecilia
19100515 Pentecost
Regina coeli 18970417 Holy Week
" 18940513 Pentecost
18940324 Holy Saturday
18950411-14 Holy Week
Salve regina 18940527 Fête-Dieu
Unsrecified 18960402-05 Holy Week
Bach Ave verum 18940603 Sacred Heart;
Lassus 300th
Lauda sion 18940527 Fête-Dieu
18940603 Sacred Heart;
Lassus 300th
Sacris solemnis 18940527 Fête-Dieu
Tantum ergo 18940513 Pentecost
" 18940527 Fête-Dieu
18930623 Fête-Dieu
18950811 St. Philomena
Fugue in E minor (organ) 189511 01 AlI Saints
Unsrecified organ fugue 18960602 Pentecost
E.? Bernabei Alleluia 18940324 Holy Saturday
18940527 Fête-Dieu
Charpentier Passion 19120516/26 Pentecost or
Ascension
Reniement de Saint-Pierre 19080416 Maundy Thursday
" 19090408 Maundy Thursday
1911 0414 Good Friday
G. Corsi Adoramus 18940513 Pentecost
18930623 Fête-Dieu
18950811 St. Philomena
18961021 St. Ursula
Frescobaldi Unsrecified organ versets 18951121 St. Cecilia
Muffat Unsrecified organ versets 18961021 St. Ursula
Schütz Hodie Christus natus est 18951225 Christmas Day
Verba mea auribus percipe 18940321 Holy Week
" 18950411-14 Holy Week
19080417 Good Friday
Viadana o Sacrum convivium 18950602 Pentecost
Unspecified fauxbourdons (2 18940513 Pentecost
choirs)
Unspecified f~~xbourdon (s) 18950602 Pentecost
18951121 St. Cecilia
Zachariis Unspecified fauxbourdons for 2 18940513 Pentecost
choirs
" Benedictus (fauxbourdon for 2 18970415 Holy Week
choirs)
 52

Services for the faH celebration of AH Saints are consistently documented

between 1894 and 1899, and may be combined with records for AH Souls from 1892 and
1893 for a clear picture of programming trends for this particular time of year. There are
five records for Christmas Day services between 1893 and 1899 and four for Christmas
Eve from 1896 ta 1899, in addition ta a chain of documentation for various events during

Holy Week spanning the period between 1891 and 1898.12 In aH, these records provide

strong evidence of canon building, though they do sa to varying degrees. In the case of

AU Saints Day, it appears as though motets were more stable than masses. Even though

motets were often unspecified in programmes and other sources of information (see
Table 6), in the case of Vittoria and Gabrieli, it is reasonable ta suppose that they were
"0 quam gloriosum" and" Angeli, archangeli," named in later years. Bordes not only

published these motets in 1893, they also appeared in Carl Proske' s Musica Oivina in

1855 where they were prescribed for AlI Saints DayP Otherwise, the mass setting

changed from year to year, from Lassus to Goudimel, Vittoria, and Soriano before
reaching Palestrina in 1897. In this, and the inclusion of a Bach organ fugue in 1895, it

might be said that programmes for All Saints bore more resemblance to those for

Pentecost than Christmas or Holy Week. But as we shall see, the difference was really

more about the stability of the smaller works, the motets and responsory settings that

provided a constant musical foundation for these events.

12Holy Week services for 1899 were not reported on at aIl in either La Tribune de Saint-Gervais or
Le Guide Musical, and there is no surviving programme for this year. Commentators in the 1890s
often reviewed the services for Holy Week in their entirety, and so it is not always possible to
know the specifie day on whieh specifie pieces were given. Where exact information was
available, 1 recorded the actual day in the data bank.
13 See the first volume of Bordes's Anthologie des maîtres religieux primitifs. His indebtedness to
earlier nineteenth-century collections of early musie is evident in the concordance for this edition
found in Appendix 3. When Léon Saint-Requier took over the Chanteurs, he performed another
motet prescribed in Proske's edition for AlI Saints on the appointed date (Palestrina's "5alvator
mundi").
 53

Table 6-Music for AlI Saints Day (1893-1899)

Composer Work Date

Gabrieli Unspecified Motets 1893 Il 01
Lassus Missa Douce mémoire 189311 01
Vittoria Motets-Unspecified 189311 01
Goudimel Missa Bien que j'ay 189411 01
Josquin Unspecified motets 189411 01
Lassus Unspecified motets 18941101
Vittoria Motets-Unspecified 18941101
Vittoria Gaudent in coelis 1895 Il 01
Vittoria Missa 0 quam gloriosum 18951101
Gabrieli Angeli, archangeli 189611 01
Soriano Missa Nos autem gloriari 18961101
Vittoria o quam gloriosum 189611 01
Gabrieli Angeli, archangeli 18971101
Palestrina Missa regina coeli 18971101
Vittoria o quam gloriosum 18971101
Vittoria Missa Quarti toni 18981101
Genet Missa A l'Ombre dung buissonnet 189911 01
[Carpentras]

Christmas at Saint-Gervais became synonymous with Nanini's "Hodie Christus

natus est" and Vittoria's "0 magnum mysterium" during the 1890s. When these pieces

were not performed on the actual day, they were given the night before for Christmas

Eve. lncluded for Christmas Day services in 1893, Palestrina's Missa Papae marcelli

returned in the celebrations for Christmas Eve in 1896 and was consistently performed

over the next three years (see Table 7, page over).

 54

Table 7-Music for Christmas (1893-1899)

Composer Work Date

Gabrieli, A. Angeli, archangeli 18931225
Nanini Hodie Christus natus est 18931225
Palestrina Missa Papae marcelli 18931225
Vittoria o magnum mysterium 18931225
Morales unspecified motets 18941225
Morales Missa Quoeramus cum pastoribus 18941225
Nanini Hodie Christus natus est 18941225
Vittoria o magnum mysterium 18941225
Guerrero Missa Puer natus est (for 4vv) 18951225
Vittoria o magnum mysterium 18951225
Palestrina Hodie Christus natus est 18961224
Palestrina Missa Papae marcelli 18961224
Vittoria o magnum mysterium 18961224
Nanini Hodie Christus natus est 18961225
Palestrina Missa Assumpta est Maria 18961225
Vittoria Gaudent in coelis 18961225
Nanini Hodie Christus natus est 18971224
Palestrina Missa Papae marcelli (excerpts) 18971224
Palestrina Missa Salve regina 18971224
Vittoria o magnum mysterium 18971224
Vittoria o magnum mysterium 18981224
Vittoria Missa Ave maris stella 18981224
Nanini Hodie Christus natus est 18981225
Palestrina Missa Papae marcelli 18981225
Vittoria o magnum mysterium 18981225
Palestrina Missa Papae marcelli 18991224
Nanini unspecified motets 18991225
 55

Table 8-Music for Holy Week (1891-1901)

Composer Work Date

Allegri Miserere 18910326
Palestrina Stabat mater 18910326
Josquin Miserere 18930329
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18930329
Vittoria Responsories 18930329
Palestrina Missa Ascendo ad patrem 18930330
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18930330
Vittoria Responsories 18930330
Vittoria Passion (Saint John) 18930331
Vittoria Responsories 18930331
Vittoria Responsories-Improperia 18930331
Lassus Litanies 18930401
Asola, M Christus factus est 18940321
Lassus Timor et tremor 18940321
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18940321
Vittoria Responsories 18940321
Anerio, F. Christus factus est 18940322
Clemens non Papa Erravi sicut ovis 18940322
Palestrina Dextera Domini 18940322
Palestrina Peccantem me quotidie 18940322
Palestrina Missa 0 Regem coeli 18940322
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18940322
Vittoria Domine non sum dignus 18940322
Vittoria Ovosomnes 18940322
Vittoria Pange lingua 18940322
Vittoria Responsories 18940322
Lassus Pulvis et umbra sumus 18940323
Palestrina Stabat mater 18940323
Palestrina Vexilla regis 18940323
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18940323
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories-Improperia 18940323
Pitoni Christus factus est 18940323
Vittoria Passion (Saint John) 18940323
Vittoria Vere languores nostros 18940323
Vittoria Responsories 18940323
Morales Magnificat 18940324
Palestrina Sicut cervus desiderat 18940324
Palestrina Missa Paeae marcelli 18940324
Lassus Pauper sum ego 18950411-14
Lassus Penitential Psalms 18950411-14
Palestrina Stabat mater 18950411-14
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18950411-14
Vittoria Domine non sum dignus 18950411-14
Vittoria Pange lingua 18950411-14
Vittoria Responsories-Selectissimae Mod ulationes 18950411-14
Vittoria Missa 0 quam gloriosum 18950411-14
Palestrina Missa Pa.eae marcelli 18950414
Allegri Miserere 18960402-05
Andréas Unspecified 18960402-05
Josquin Unspecified 1896 04 02-05
Nanini unspecified motets 18960402-05
Palestrina Peccantem me quotidie 1896 0402-05
Palestrina Sicut cervus desiderat 1896 04 02-05
 56

Table 8-Music for Holy Week (1891-1901), continued

Composer Work Date

Palestrina Stabat mater 18960402-05
Palestrina Missa Brevis 18960402-05
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories-Improperia 18960402-05
Vittoria Domine non sum dignus 18960402-05
Vittoria o quam gloriosum 18960402-05
Vittoria Pange lingua 18960402-05
Vittoria Responsories-Improperia 1896 04 02-05
Vittoria Responsories--Selectissimae modulationes 1896 04 02-05
Andréas Benedictus (fauxbourdon for 2 choirs) 18970414
Lassus Penitential Psalms (Excerpt--no. 6) 18970414
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18970414
Vittoria Responsories 18970414
Josquin Miserere 18970415
Palestrina Coenantibus illis 18970415
Palestrina Dextera Domini 18970415
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18970415
Soria no Missa nos autem gloriari 18970415
Vittoria Pange lingua 18970415
Vittoria Responsories 18970415
Nanini Benedictus (fauxbourdon à 2 choeurs) 18970416
Palestrina Stabat mater 18970416
Palestrina Vexilla regis 18970416
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories 18970416
Palestrina / Ingegneri Responsories-Improperia 18970416
Vittoria o vos omnes 18970416
Vittoria Passion (Saint John) 18970416
Vittoria Responsories 18970416
Andréas Magnificat 18970417
LaRue, P. de o Salutaris 18970417
Palestrina Sicut cervus desiderat 18970417
Palestrina Missa Iste confessor (excerpts) 18970417
Palestrina Stabat mater 18980406-10
Vittoria Responsories--Selectissimae modulationes 18980406-10

Unlike the music for Christmas Day, there were no specific masses attached to
the music for Holy Week (see Table 8). The performances of the Missa Papae marcelli in

1894 and 1895 may stand out because this mass was performed frequently at other times

of the year during the 1890s. But it did not become attached to this particular time of the

liturgical calendar in the same way that it resurfaced time and again for Christmas

services. There were a large number of Palestrina masses given over the years at Holy

Week, but they varied from year to year. To really become almost ritualistic in nature,

the repetition must be exact. Bordes's choice of motets seems more directed towards the

creation of rituals, and like the music for Christmas Day, there was a comparatively high
 57

level of consistency among the motets: Palestrina' s "Stabat mater" (1891; 1894-98) and

"Sieut cervus" (1894; 1896; 1897), as weIl as Vittoria' s "Pange lingua" (1894-97) and Saint

John passion (1893; 1894; 1897). The many responsory settings for Holy Week by

Ingegneri (then identified as composed by Palestrina) and Vittoria became the centre

piece for this particular set of services in the 1890s. Identifying the individual titles in

this group of small, simple polyphonie works poses sorne problems. Titles are indicated
in surviving programmes, and these suggest that Bordes performed entire sets for the
appropriate offices during Holy Week. Sometimes these responsories were identified as

improperia and so we know that they were a very specifie set composed for Holy Week,
including settings found in Bordes's Anthologie ("Popule meus" and "Vine a mea").

Vittoria's Holy Week settings, Selectissimae modulationes, are specifically identified by title

in three records. But more often than not, responsory settings were referred to

generieally in the press. The absence of the specifie titles within the sets is less crucial for

the responsory settings than it is for mass settings and motets, because these groups of

short pieces set texts are a fixed part of the Holy Week services and have a specifie place

in the liturgy. If what is important to the building of traditions and canons is the

recurrenee of very specifie musieal objeets, then it appears as though Bordes's attempt to

ereate a tradition rested heavily on these liturgieally specifie polyphonie pieces.

During the 1890s Palestrina was one of the most frequently programmed

eomposers of saered Renaissance musie, even though, in terms of raw data, there are

more works by Vittoria recorded in the data bank. 14 This is because Palestrina's masses

were more frequently performed than his motets. Even though these works are made up

of several movements, they were entered in the data bank as a single work, as opposed

to groups of motets, whieh were entered and accounted for as single works.

Performances of Palestrina masses clearly outstripped executions of this same genre of

14 The information included in Appendix 1 reveals appearances of Palestrina's music at 68 events,

Vittoria's at 90.
 58

music by Vittoria: 10 masses over 37 performances for Palestrina; 4 masses over 9

performances for Vittoria. Instances of masses by other composers were insignificant by

comparison, with usually only one or two performances of a single mass per composer.15
Still, despite the higher number of performances, most Palestrina masses were
abandoned in the same year they were introduced into the Chanteurs's repertoire,

including the Regem coeli (1894) and Assumpta est Maria (1896) masses. Cases in point

also include the three masses given for the first time by the Chanteurs and Schola in

1897: Missa Ecce ego Johannes, Missa Iste confessor, and Missa Regina coeli. The only two
masses to be performed with any consistency in the 1890s were the Missa Brevis and the

Missa Papae marcelli. Understanding that Bordes made little attempt to create a canon of
masses is important to this study: in Chapter 4, l discuss the implications of performing

polyphony in a liturgical setting more closely in the context of the movement for sacred

music reform.

The new century brought with it a whole different set of music making values at

the Schola, and combined with other factors, had a clear effect on early music

programming. Markedly fewer records of early music performances exist for the period
beginning in 1904, and ev en if we look at the frequency of performances of Palestrina's

music in relative terms, it remains well below levels established in the early to mid-
1890s. Of the masses given in the 1890s, only the Missa Papae marcelli continued into the

1900s with any regularity.16 Reports exist for only two performances each of the Missa

Brevis and Missa Ascendo ad patrem, along with single hearings of the Salve regina and Iste
confessor masses in the new century.17

15 These include an isolated Kyrie from Dufay's Missa L'Homme armée (given in 1896 and 1898),
Carpentras's Missa À L'Ombre dung buissonnet (1899), Goudimel's Missa Bien que Fay (1894 and
excerpts in 1898), Guerrero's Missa Puer natus est (1895), Kerle's Missa Regina coeli (1895), Lassus's
Missa Douce mémoire (1893 and 1894), Morales's Missa Quoeramus cum pastoribus (1894 and 1899),
Sermisy's Missa Plurium modulorum (1898), and Soriano's Missa Nos autem gloriari (1896 and 1897).
16 Performances are documented for 1902, 1905, 1908, 1909, and 1913.
17 The Missa brevis was given in 1900 and 1909; Missa Ascendo ad patrem in 1900 and 1905; Salve
Regina in 1905; and Iste confessor in 1912.
 59

Performances of Palestrina motets also tapered off after 1900, though they made a
small comeback after 1909 with Saint-Requier. What survived the Schola's move to rue
Saint-Jacques was Palestrina's most popular motet, "Stabat mater." Despite a seven-year
lapse between its last known performance of the 1890s and its first performance of the
1900s, "Stabat mater" was heard on at least seven occasions during the new

century-twice with the Société des Grandes Auditions for the Italian composer Dom

Lorenzo Perosi's visit to Paris in 1910. "Sicut cervus" slipped quietly out of the Schola's

Parisian repertoire, to return in a single performance in 1909 by the Société Palestrina at

the Concerts rouge. Bordes appears to have introduced only one new Palestrina motet
after 1900, "Alma redemptoris mater" (1906).

Few of the consistently admired and frequently performed motets by Vittoria

found a place in the Schola's repertoire after 1900. Two of the five may have

disappeared entirely: there are no documented performances of "Domine non sum

dignus" and "Pange lingua." To open the new Schola in November of 1900, Bordes
reached back to the less well-known "Gaudent in coelis" (last performed in 1896),

though he included "0 magnum mysterium" in a concert to usher in the 1901 academic

year and as one of several pieces to accompany a lecture by Tiersot in 1902 on French

noëls populaires. IB Following a 1906 hearing at the Sorbonne, this motet dropped under
the radar until Saint-Requier began his work at Saint-Gervais in earnest in 1909, along
with "0 quam gloriosum.,,19 A rather unusual fate awaited "0 vos omnes." First it was

pressed into the service of a slide show on the life of Leo XIII in 1900. Twelve years later

(the only other recorded performance of the work), it was used as background music

along with the Hallelujah chorus and other similarly monumental pieces to accompany a

reading of Leconte Le Lisle' s Passion and projections of colour photographs of the

Oberammergau play. Already infrequent in the 1890s, performances of Vittoria's masses

18 The theme appears loosely applied. Though it might be possible to argue Vittoria as a French
cousin, this event also included a performance of the Hallelujah chorus from Handel's Messiah.
19 There are six documented performances "0 Magnum Mysterium" between 1901 and 1911.
 60

disappeared completely from programmes for thirteen years after 1898. Symbolically,
the return to this repertoire took place at Saint-Gervais for the 1911 Congrès de musique

d'église with a performance of the Missa Pro defunctis-a mass associated with AlI Souls
Day for 1892 and 1893 and subsequently completely dropped from the repertoire,zo
With respect to masses, performances of music by Lassus were much more in line
with the kind of treatment accorded the many other composers brought to life by the

Chanteurs and the Schola: records exist for only two performances of one mass (Douce
mémoire) prior to 1911. Lassus's motets were offered up to the public in much the same
way as Palestrina's, mostly in single doses. Of the eight Lassus motets performed
between 1893 and 1899, five were abandoned after a single performance. "Nos qui

summus in hoc mundo" and "Pulvis et umbra sumus" were each given twice, and it is

likely the same case for "De profundis clamavi ad te" (the sixth of the Penitential

Psalms).21 Lassus stands out from other composers whose music was co-opted by the

Chanteurs and the Schola as the voice for the Renaissance at many secular events in the
1890s. His music provided a Renaissance ballast for these events that was secular, and

which was also considered French at the time .

. . . et l'Art en Place: Sacred Repertoires at Secular Events

At secular events, the boundaries between sacred and secular music was often blurred.

The pairing of Lassus chansons with the two motets by Vittoria and Palestrina for a

concert at the Trocadéro in June of 1893 is a good example. These Renaissance works,

partly sacred, and partly secular but sharing the same tonal language, were positioned

20 Bordes gave the Missa Pro defunctis for aIl soul's day, however, Saint-Requier's performance
was held in June. Thus there must have been other factors influencing his choice, for it was not
guided by the liturgical calendar. The work is scored for six voices, so this may have guided his
decision.
21 The review for holy week of 1895 indicates that the Penitential psalms were performed in
entirety. This is a single review for aIl of the services, so aIl of the psalms in this set may have
been presented at one of the offices. The second record for 1897 is also a single review for aIl of
the services, and indicates only "De profundis."
 61

alongside Bach's imposing Trauerode and various contemporary works by Saint-Saëns,

Guilmant and others. In other concerts, individual Palestrina spiritual madrigals were
frequently reinforced by at least two Lassus chansons. Perhaps the rational for this was

also style. Like the sacred music of Vittoria and Palestrina, performances of Lassus
chansons and other works in this genre thinned out as the number of events decreased

globally in the late 1890s, but there was a small influx of chansons by Costeley and

Claude Le Jeune. It is difficult to establish a firm list for the Lassus chansons, because

they were oHen unspecified in the press, and programmes survive for only six of the
seventeen concerts at which they were performed during the period between 1893 and
1899. But on the whole, Renaissance polyphonic chansons formed a far more stable part
of the Schola and Chanteurs' s repertoire for secular events than their sacred cousins

(Renaissance motets). Of the known titles, aU of the Lassus chansons were introduced by

1895, except for "Le Chanson de Clément Marot" (performed in 1898), and only one new

title appeared during the 1900s?2 Six chansons returned in the course of at least fourteen

performances given during the 1900s, mainly concentrated in the years prior to 1904.

This should be considered a fairly large number, compared to the carry over of sacred
works by Palestrina and Vittoria from one decade to the other.

If sacred Renaissance motets and spiritual madrigals were overwhelmingly

overshadowed by their secular cousins (French chansons) in Schola and related

programming, much religious music of the Baroque eventually found an enduring place
in secular concerts. Bordes' s programming tendencies in this respect might be viewed as

an extension of the blurring of boundaries between sacred and secular music that began

with a vogue for sacred oratorio in the 1870s and 1880s. Moreover, even though there

22 "Si le long temps" was performed in 1909. "Le Chanson de Clément Marot" may be one of weIl
over a dozen chansons that Lassus set to texts by Marot. The others are: "Fuyons tous d'amour le
jeu comme le feu," "L'Heureux amour, plaisir qui eslève et honore," "Las! Voulez-vous qu'une
personne chante," "Mon coeur se recommande à vous," [then attributed to Lassus] "La nuict
froide et sombre," "Orsus filles que l'on me donne," "Quand mon mary vient de dehors,"
"Quelque jour engraisserés," [then attributed to Lassus] "Sauter, danser, faire des tours," "Si vous
n'estes en bon point, bien à point," "Soyons joyeux sur la plaisante verdure," "Un jour vis un
foulon qui fouloit."
 62

are over eighty records of religious events between 1891 and 1914, a preponderance of

sacred Baroque music performances at secular concerts rendered music making outside
the chur ch radically different from religious services (Figure 5).
Small sacred genres of the Baroque period dominate events except for one period:
1897 to 1899 (inclusive), which 1 have already identified as a problem are a that must be

further discussed (see Chapter 3). This genre of music made a small comeback in 1910,

the year of Lorenzo Perosi' s visit to Paris, for which the Schola collaborated with the
Société des grandes auditions on two concerts (one was a repeat), and a themed

historical concert entitled "Le Motet et le madrigal du xvre au XX e siècle".

Figure 5-Events with Small Sacred Works at Secular Events

16

14

12

10

4 4

li
2

o
.-1 N (Y)
~lJ
<:t Lfl \0
'-r
,1 I i i 1 1 1
f', (Xl 0\ 0 .-1 N (Y) <:t Lfl \0 f', (Xl
Il-Uh-
0\ 0 .-1 N (Y) <:t
0\ 0\ 0\ 0\ 0\ 0\ 0\ 0\ 0\ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 .-1 .-1 .-1 .-1 .-1
(Xl (Xl (Xl
.-1
(Xl co co (Xl (Xl (Xl
.-1
0\
.-1
0\
.-1
0\ 0\ 0\
.-1
0'\
.-1
0\
.-1
0'\
.-1
0\
.-1
0\
.-1
0\
.-1
0\
.-1
0\
.-1
0\
.-1
0\
.-1
.-1 .-1 .-1 .-1 .-1 .-1 .-1 .-1 .-1

r--~~~---~------~---~I

I! [R-SSaV-C/E] liII [B-SSaV-C/E/

. --
A] .
_.-----.-----_.
-------- -_._------,-----------. ~---- ----

ln aIl, the data bank contains records for only about thirty secular events in which

at least one small sacred work from the Renaissance was included on the programme.
One third of these events (10) were multi-item concerts undertaken with other

individuals or associations and given at the Trocadéro (1893 and 1899), Salle Pleyel
(1897), Théâtre de l'Ambigu (1897), and with the Concerts Lamoureux (1899), Concerts
 63

Colonne (1899), Société des Concerts de Chants Classique (1899), and the Société des
Grandes Auditions (1910). Eight of the events were presented as concerts and/ or lecture

recitals with a theme, at venues ranging from the Concerts d'Harcourt (1893) to the

private hotel of Prince Roland Bonaparte (1900). But a lack of documentation for the
Schola's lecture-recitals at the Institut Catholique between 1898 and 1899 means that this

number might be higher. Aside from a handful of benefit concerts and three slide

shows, the data bank also contains records of a few miscellaneous secular events (e.g.,

inaugurations, anniversaries, and Saint-Cecilia's Day) with performances of one or more

small sacred works from the Renaissance.

While they represent only ten percent of aIl records, these thirty-odd events

reveal a number of interesting avenues for further exploration, particularly sin ce Bordes

was sensitive to the propriety of keeping religious music in its place (as 1 point out in
later in the dissertation). It is interesting to note the high preponderance of small sacred

Renaissance works by Vittoria-double the number by the Vatican-endorsed Palestrina,

particularly since motets had more potential for canonization than masses. Josquin was

also comparatively well represented in secular events that include Renaissance music.

His name appears in only 23 records over the entire range of the data bank, but fully one

third (eight) of these are instances of small sacred works at secular venuesP Finally, of

this small set, six included performances and/ or lectures on folk music in arrangements

by Bourgault-Ducoudray, Tiersot, and other unspecified arrangers. There might have

been French nationalist issues at play here, but not informed by an ideology that

privileged only the indigenous products of the nation. But for this we must await the
final chapter of this dissertation, and a discussion of Ferdinand Brunetière's notions of

latinité as an innate abiIity to assimilate.

Folk music in no way appears an appropriate companion for small sacred works

of the Baroque. Of the more than ninety records of secular events that included at least

23Josquin's ode to Ockeghem was c1assified as a small secular work in the data bank, but it is
notable that there are 4 known performances of it.
 64

one Baroque composition, not a single one includes selections from this nati'onal body of

music that so many individuals associated with the Schola had taken part in coUecting

and arranging. This is an important fact to bear in mind, because as 1 discuss in Chapter
S, the Schola's "French" music concerts may have been intended for a completely

different audience. In other respects, there are similarities between the types of secular

events at which small sacred works of the Baroque were given and the concerts that

included religious Renaissance music. Aside from four benefit events and two slide
shows, the majority of these events are divided between multi-item concerts given with

other associations and musical events with an advertised theme,z4 Strictly speaking,

there are only ten multi-item programmes given with others, and eight occur in the

1890s. However, this type of concert continued into the 1900s, often in the guise of a

loosely themed event.

The great concentration of themed concerts featuring smaU sacred works from

the Baroque actuaUy took place between 1900 and 1903. In fact, there were twice as

many themed events given just after the founding of the Schola (about 30) than in aU of

the 1890s (about 15). These possessed an incredible range of character, and at least might

be assined to another category. These were events with extremely general themes: "La

Musique du XVe au XIXe Siècle" (twice in 1894), "La Musique au XVe, XVIe, xvne et
XVIIIe siècles" (1896), "La Musique Française des XVIre et XVIIIe Siècles" (1901), "La

Musique Française Historique" (1907), "Les Trois Bach" (1912). Only two of the themed

events included sorne kind of lecture, and both of were given over to French music (1898

and 1903).
Over twenty-five of the concerts were devoted to J. S. Bach, and aU but one were

given after 1900. This exceptional event was advertised as an aH-Bach concert, and given
in April of 1899 by Guilmant and the Chanteurs. But it also included arias from

Handel's Samson and Messiah, an unspecified Schütz piece, and Palestrina's "Ave

24 These are the same two slide shows that included small sacred Renaissance works. The method
of sorting rneans that sorne concerts belonging to the group of 38 secular events featuring sacred
Renaissance music are also part of the group of 95 concerts that included sacred Baroque works.
 65

Maria." In addition to the mainly aU-Bach concerts given between 1900 and 1903, at least

fifteen of the "Bach Cantata" concerts had no interlude with music by another composer,
as they did in the 1890s. Variety came through the various genres programmed for the
event, and usuaUy included at least one large instrumental work (a concerto), and a
sonata or other work for one or two instruments or isolated aria. These "Bach Cantata"

concerts differed enormously from the "Bach Cantata" concerts of the 1890s, in works by

at least one other composer provided contrast. Renaissance sacred and secular
polyphony framed the Bach cantatas for the Princesse de Polignac's series given at the

Concerts d'Harcourt between January and February of 1894. Schütz replaced the
Renaissance works for the series of 1895, though there was a return to the 1894
programming for Guilmant' s concert of this repertoire at the Trocadéro in April of 1895.

Another tactic was the inclusion of Franck organ chorales as a foil for Bach (at the

Trocadéro in April of 1894).

In the decade that foUowed the Chanteurs' s earliest Bach cantata performance in

1893, this group and later the Schola performed at least twenty-eight sacred cantatas

with choir. 25 Performance frequency varies from one to eight complete performances,

from a single attempt at "Weinen klagen sorgen sagen" (BWV 12) in 1905 to eight

performances of "Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme" (BWV 140) given twice in the 1890s,

and six times after 1900. Other titles that recur with sorne frequency (four or more
performances), and especially in both decades include "Ich hatte viel Bekümmernis"

(BWV 21), "Jesu der du meine Seele" (BWV 78), and "Liebster Gott, wenn werd ich

sterben" (BWV 8). The pronounced surge in performances of these works meant that
few of the cantatas given in the 1890s were abandoned in the 1900s, though a fair

number of new ones were introduced at that time. Along with "Alles nur nach Gottes

willen" (BWV 72), the cantatas "Aus der Tiefen" (BWV 131) and" Ach Gott von Himmel

sieh darein?" (BWV 2) failed to leap across the divide that held back a substantial

25 There are eight references to unspecified cantatas in the 1890s, and nine between 1900 and 1903.
 66

portion of the 1890s repertoire. This circumstance makes this body of works the most

stable corpus of the Schola's entire early music repertoire for the period between 1893
and 1904.

The comparatively small number of non-Bach themed events makes it possible to

mention them here. Aside from an alI-Rameau concert (1903), research currently reveals

only three other themes: "La Cantate classique et moderne" (1906), "Le Milieu du XVIIe

siècle chez les trois nations musicales" (1908), and "Histoire de la cantate funèbre" (1906,
1907, 1913). This last event was given three times, al ways with Bach (either Actus

tragicus or Trauerode), twice with Josquin's "Déploration," once with Lalande's "De
profundis." The inclusion of the Lalande as weIl as odes by Friedrich Rust (twice) and
Beethoven (three times) may mean that these events were given as a result of the

specialized interests of Vincent d'Indy and Henri Quittard.

Studying the nature of secular events that served as hosts to small sacred genres

of music reveals a great deal about the changing conditions that dictated the cross over

of religious works from sacred ritual to worldly entertainment. Music with stronger ties

to the Roman Catholic church-Latin-texted pieces from the Renaissance-did not make
the transition as easily as works in the vernacular largely composed for Protestant

ceremonies. Sacred music of the Renaissance was kept mainly à sa place, in religious

events, though it could be set en place in the secular world within particular types of

concert (multi-item and themed) and in combination with particular types of music:
secular chansons, French folksongs, and even small instrumental and vocal works of the

French Baroque.
The performance of large sacred Renaissance works at secular events tells a

similar story on a sm aller scale. Again, most of the secular events featuring works of this
type from the Renaissance took place in the 1890s (12 of 15). Unlike the small sacred

Renaissance works, however, cyclic masses from this period were not easil y transplanted

from the physical environment of the church, even if they could be given outside the
 67

liturgy. All were held either at Saint-Gervais or the Église de la Sorbonne?6 In contrast,

even though there were only two complete performances of large-scale sacred Baroque

works during the 1890s, both events took place at mainstream venues: the Trocadéro
(1897) and the Salle Erard (1896). In both cases, the work was Carissimi's Jepthe, a much
smaller oratorio than those of Handel and Bach, and actually comparable in size to many
cantatas. Given what we know of programming trends for small sac:red music genres at

secular events, the shift in emphasis for towards large sacred vocal music after 1900
should come as no surprise. Of the 29 performances of complete Baroque oratorios and

similar pieces given between 1893 and 1914, all but two took place after 1900, and most
were of works by either Handel or Bach.27

Excerpts of large-scale sacred Baroque works rarely surface at secular events. A

small cluster of nine concerts between 1900 and 1904 featured excerpts mainly from

Handel oratorios, with two works by Bach and one by Carissimi. On two occasions,

Schütz provided the contrast for Handel's music, perhaps a variation on the formula that

had proved successful for the Bach cantata series of 1895. Another spate of excerpt
performances settled over 1910 and 1911, again mostly Handel and Bach but
significantly including numbers from Moreau's Esther on two occasions. Excerpts from
large sacred vocal works of the Baroque were easily paired with small sacred works

from the same time period, appearing in much the same types of concerts as we saw for

that genre, that is, Bach cantata concerts and multi-item events. Two events stand out

because they included lectures. One dating from 1899 included excerpts from Esther as

part of a lecture given by André Hallays on Racine at the Institut Catholique-it was the

only early music work on the programme (the others were Gossec, Boieldieu,
Mendelssohn, Gounod, and Fauré). The second was an event already mentioned with

26 The Église de la Sorbonne was deconsecrated at the time that Bordes held events there.
However, the church was still required to answer to the archdiocese when it came to musical
performances, and to conform with church regulations regarding women, the use of the
vernacular, and the abridging or alteration of biblical texts. See the correspondence housed at the
Archives de l'Archevêché de Paris.
27 The three performances of Charpentier's Reniement de Saint-Pierre given in 1902 represent an
anomaly in programming that was not replicated.
 68

reference to small sacred Renaissance works, a Christmas concert given 24 December

1902 that included a performance of Handel's Hallelujah chorus from the Messiah
alongside a lecture by Julien Tiersot entitled "Les Noëls populaires français" with
musical illustrations by Mme Molé-Truffier of the Opéra-Comique.
Although there were a number of talented singers associated with the Chanteurs

and the Schola, the inclusion of isolated arias from either small or large-scale sacred

Baroque works was as rare as the performance of excerpts from these same types of

works. The most concentrated period for the occurrence of single arias is 1900 to 1903,

which converged in the aU-Bach and Bach cantata concerts but also included
performances from Handel's Joshua at three multi-item events. A reluctance to
programme single arias appears to have been a generalized tendency-even in the case

of secular works. Single arias from works by Lulli, Rameau, Carissimi, Handel, Bach,

and Monteverdi were given at only twenty-two events between 1893 and 1914, and the

majority of these were concentrated in the same three-year period as the single arias

from sacred works (1900 to 1903).

Pas un métier: Secular Music Performances

At the turn of the century until the spring of 1904, concerts featuring Bach cantatas so

dominated the Schola's performance activities that anything beyond this stands out in

very sharp relief. During this period, the Schola also gave at least nirte concerts that

included smaU French Baroque secular cantatas. These concerts took place over two

series of themed concerts on French Renaissance and Baroque music (1901-02; 1903-04),

and in two single concerts in 1902 and 1903.28 In the course of these events, Rameau's Le
Berger fidèle was delivered to audiences five times, in addition to a pairing of

28 The 1901-02 series was so popular that the Schola added a supplementary concert, and the all-
Rameau event was given a repeat performance.
 69

Charpentier's La Déscente d'Orphée aux enfers with Clérambault's Orphée, and two
performances the latter composer's Alphée et Aréthuse.

Rameau' s Le Berger fidèle was frequently programmed during the 1890s. But
unlike aIl of the performances in the 1900s, except one given by the Schola's Quatuor
Vocal in 1902, this work was programmed alongside Bach cantatas and other works by

non-French composers including Purcell.z9 The same holds true for small instrumental
works. Louis Diémer appeared on programmes with the Chanteurs several times in the

1890s, in events that also featured Bach cantatas and other music. And even though

there were themed concerts with all-French programmes in the 18908, small French vocal
and instrumental works were not confined to them. This inclusive (sorne might say
eclectic) tendency in the programming of French music during the 1890s contrasts
considerably with how it was packaged for audiences in the 1900s. There is a clear

separation of musical repertoires by genre and national extraction after 1900, which may

suggest that there were different audiences for the different repertoires.

If the Schola showed nationalist propensities in its choice of early music, it was

surely in the area of opera. Aside fram complete and partial performances of

Monteverdi's Orfeo and Poppea, the overwhelming majority of early operatic works

performed at the school were French, with the greatest emphasis on Rameau. Interest in

this composer dated back to the 1890s, with performances of excerpts from Dardanus at

multi-item and themed events between 1894 and 1898. The first performance of a

substantial nature of this work also took place in the 1890s, but at the Princesse de

Polignac's salon. Although excerpts of Rameau operas were most frequently

programmed alongside only French works after 1900, his music was performed with

pieces by Bach and other composers. This is one exception to the tendency to segregate

French music from pieces by composers of other nations and particularly Bach that 1

described earlier. In Chapter 5, 1 point out that it is important to break French Baroque

29 The Quatuor Vocal de la Scola (sic) concert included works by Beethoven, Berlioz, Fauré, and
Gluck, so it does not really compare with the others, ex ce pt in its inclusion of Le Berger fidèle.
 70

music down into two categories, of works composed during the reign of Louis XIV, and

pieces written at the time of Louis XV. Rameau's music dates from the latter's reign;
Lully' s from the former' s. The most well-known instance of combining the music of
Rameau with the work of a non-French composer may be the "Théâtre sur la verdure"
fund raising event of 1903. For this outdoor staging of Rameau' s La Guirlande, excerpts

from André Campra's Fêtes vénitiennes were given with the Italian Egidio Duni's Les
Sabots (though the composer actually lived the last eighteen years of his life in France).
What is significant about this event, other than its pairing of Rameau with a non-French

composer, is that it was the first performance of a complete, albeit single-act, work for

the lyric stage. 30 A trend towards concerts of either complete or substantial portions of
only two or three large-scale works begins to emerge shortly thereafter, funneling into
complete performances of Monteverdi's Orfeo (1905), Dardanus (1907), Destouches's Issé

(1908), and Rameau's Castor et Pollux (1909).31 The move away from the multi-item

programme that begins around 1905 should be thought of as a radical shift in

performance trend that also coincides with one of the most turbulent periods in the

institution's history, including a change in management.32 Along with the pronounced

transformation of programming that marked the move to rue Saint-Jacques, this change

served as an effective roadblock that prevented any significant return of the more varied
repertoires and traditions of the 1890s. These large-scale, secular works were delivered

to a hallowed platform far above corn mon musical métier.

30 The programme for Bordes's concert of December 13th , 1893 at the Concerts d'Harcourt
indicates a complete performance of the Beaujoyeux-Beaulieu Ballet de la reine, but given the
number of works on the programme, it is difficult to imagine that it was given in full.
31 La Schola Cantorum en 1925lists a complete performance of Zoroastre for 1903, but no other
documentation for this event exists.
32 Schola students did present multi-item programmes after 1905. However beginning in 1903,
programmes for these events (where available) clearly indicate that they are closed to the public,
as were Schola practical exams.
 71

Conclusion

By the time the Schola became an educational institution in 1896, the Chanteurs had
performed over three hundred and fifty individual works in a highly varied range of
genres dating from the Middle Ages to the late Baroque. Alongside canonic composers
such as J. S. Bach and Palestrina, the Chanteurs and the Schola performed works by over
fifty different composers, including sorne relatively obscure artists like Aichinger,

Cabezon, Gagliano, Morley, and Viadana. Indeed, works by lesser-known composers

constitute more than half of all the music performed by the Chanteurs and the Schola

prior to 1900. Concerts su ch as one given at Eugène d'Harcourt's hall in December of

1893, which included Caccini's Euridice, Monteverdi's Orfeo, and Gagliano's Dafne, the
Missa Papae marcelli, and Jannequin's "La Bataille de Marignan" became extremely rare
after 1900.

If the more frequently performed works seem more important, it is important to

remember that occasional performances of more obscure pieces often have significance

wh en viewed within a group of events. This is the case for Jean-Baptiste Moreau's

Esther, which speaks volumes as a (failed) expression of one particular type of French
nationalist mindset (see Chapter 5). Sometimes going beyond simple frequency tells a

much more significant tale.

At the same time, the numbers indicate a tendency to create stable repertoires for

certain types of religious events despite the impressive variety of music that the

Chanteurs performed during the 1890s. Frequency of performance also shows that not

all religious events were subject to this ritual-forming tendency. Still, this splintered
view of sacred music requires further context, given in Chapter 4. Moreover, while

many sacred events in the 1890s may have had a distinctly secular feel, most secular

events include only sacred music that was disconnected from the liturgy.
In this chapter I have taken a carefullook at surviving programmes for the

Schola's early music revival, and here 1 mean the actual documents. 1 believe it is also a

good place to end my discussion. These pieces of the past are concrete, and remind us
 72

that we are dealing with real events that had were shaped by a great number of
interlocking variables, including things not necessarily on the page. They further

compel the researcher to keep things in perspective, to consider the information

provided in these crumbling little sheets of acid paper alongside personal proclivities,
administrative constraints, religious dictates, and the wider politics of French culture at

the fin-de-siècle.
 Chapter 2
Le Grand, Le Petit et l'Auteur: The Schola's Founders and Early Music

Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to provide information about each of the Schola's
individu al founders, specifically confined to each individual's biography prior to the
founding of the Schola, with a small exception for Bordes. Here 1 point to the kinds of
personal and career experiences that Bordes, d'Indy, and Guilmant brought to the

institution in the period prior to June of 1894 thatmay have influenced the shifts in
repertoire and concert types outlined in the previous chapter. Personal taste and

experience are difficult to establish, and often depend on various factors. In this chapter,
1 look to varying degrees at each person's social position, personal network, career path,

relationship to the Franckistes and Wagnerism, attachment to Catholicism and the

church, and prior experience with early music. Admittedly, 1 have given more attention

to d'Indy's social position than to Guilmant's or Bordes's because it was necessary to

correct errors in the literature in order to complete my argument.

Understanding personal taste and experience is important, because the factors

that shaped it historically had associations with early music. For instance, Wagner was

strongly associated with Bach and Palestrina after 1885, so it is necessary to understand

how deeply attached each of the three founders was to Wagnerism.l Social position

mattered as well, because certain repertoires were c10sely identified with certain
audiences. French Baroque dance music, for example, served as means of vicarious
escape for the nobility.2 Other repertoires had already been co-opted as metaphors for

1
For a more detailed description of this historical interpretation of the connection between Bach,
Palestrina, and Wagner in nineteenth-century France, see Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical
Past, 236-37. See also Chapter 5.
2
Ibid., 94-96. See also Chapter 5.
 74

an egalitarian (though fiercely masculine) Republic when the Schola was founded.3 Still,

sorne of the issues attached to sacred music composers like Palestrina could really only
be understood within a Catholic mindset. 4

The role of personal taste and social conditioning in shaping choice should be
acknowledged as a somewhat speculative pursuit. This chapter is admittedly riddled

with words su ch as "may," "probably," "perhaps," and "likely." Yet by bringing this
kind of discussion of Guilmant, d'Indy, and Bordes together in the same document, l

have been able to point to similarities within each person's social circle that further
research may prove even more relevant. The discussions are limited. This is not the

place for a comprehensive biography of each founder. In the case of Guilmant, for
instance, the information l provide here can never replace the fine study recently

completed by Kurt Lueders-in fact, l depend very heavily on him.5 But Lueders's

interest is not the Schola or its early music revival. As we shall see, Guilmant's role in

shaping concerts of early music at the Schola was mainly passive, though he provided a
compelling model for Bordes and d'Indy.

Le Grand Guilmant, Maître de l'orgue classique

When Charles Bordes gathered a group of supporters around him for the very first

meeting to discuss the founding of the Schola in June of 1894, he included the well-
known chur ch and concert organist Alexandre Guilmant. Born in 1837, by that time

Guilmant was comfortably settled in the prime of his career. Appointed in 1871 to the

Église de la Sainte-Trinité (or la Trinité as it is generally referred to), Guilmant's

3
Ibid., 210-33.
4
Ibid., 179-207. See also Chapter 4.
5
Kurt Lueder's 2002 dissertation combines an extensive and thoroughly researched biography of
Alexandre Guilmant with a consideration of his works. There is little chance that it will ever be
surpassed in terms of actual factual material, and one can only hope that it will soon reach
readers in published form. It was my principal reference for much of the information l present
here. See his Alexandre Guilmant./I
/1
 75

experience also inc1uded almost two decades of service as organist to the Société des
Concerts. By 1894, his concerts at the Trocadéro's 5, OOO-seat Salle des Fêtes had become
a fixture in Parisian musicallife with an eclectic range of repertoire that included works
from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century-events that attracted hundreds of
subscribers from aU walks of life and sold out with great regularity. Such success

outside the church was actually rather extraordinary, and it has been argued that
Guilmant was really the first organist to secularize the instrument for French audiences.
In a word, he created the professional phenomenon of the concert organist in France.6
After 1880, Guilmant' s Trocadéro concerts became synonymous with the performance of

organ works by Handel, providing the seed for his later reputation as a champion of
"classical" music, and a musician gifted with an extraordinarily "pure" style of
execution. By the time of his death in 1911, Guilmant's personallibrary inc1uded a

number of collected editions of early music including twenty volumes of the Lassus
edition, thirty-three of Palestrina, sixteen of Schütz, and five of Vittoria (which was a

new and ongoing edition at the time)?

Guilmant's Circ1e

Guilmant also had extensive contacts within the church, resulting mainly from his work

with organ manufacturing companies and a ho st of inaugurations that extended back to

his years as a provincial organist, music director and orphéon choir conductor in

Boulogne-sur-Mer in the 1860s. It is interesting to note that the chant reform and early
music specialist Charles-Joseph Vervoitte (1819-1884) had also been employed as the

6
Guilmant's Trocadéro series came out of his performances at the same venue for the 1878
exhibition, which were provided to the public free of charge. Guilmant later organized concerts
there with Eugène Gigout for the next two years, after which he formed his own concert society
that allowed him to give four concerts each spring for almost two decades. Kurt Lueders has
asserted that Guilmant created the concert organist. See his "Alexandre Guilmant" vol. 1, 102-04.
7
This information is taken from a catalogue of Alexandre Guilmant's library, compiled for its
donation to the Bibliothèque de la Sorbonne. A copy is also available at the Bibliothèque
Nationale de France.
 76

music director at Guilmant' s parish during the organist' s youth. Guilmant' s was a rare
and largely self-taught talent, cultivated mainly with his parish organist father and
poli shed up late in the game by sporadic contact with the virtuoso Jaak Nikolaas

Lemmens (1823-1881). In the decade preceding his appointment to the Trinité, Guilmant
inaugurated organs for the Merklin company at Saint-Omer, Arras, and Lille. He came

to national attention for his role in breaking in an instrument by the Cavaillé-Coll

company for the Église Saint-Sulpice alongside César Franck and Camille Saint-Saëns in

April of 1862.8

As his side career inaugurating new organs intensified in the 1870s and 1880s,

Guilmant created an extensive network of provincial organists. He also sat on a number

of selection juries for church organists. Very early on, Guilmant acquired the support of

the Abbé Eugène Van DrivaI (1815-1887), a notable champion of Catholic

Ultramontanism and dedicatee of Guilmant's first work. 9 A recipient of the Order of

Saint-Gregory in 1881, Guilmant served the 1895 sacred music conference at Rodez as

vice president, and was probably involved with this conference either before or during

the very early stages of the Schola's foundation.

In the larger world of composition, Guilmant appears strongly connected to the

composer Camille Saint-Saëns. Kurt Lueders asserts that they were not only good

friends: they shared a similar artistic aesthetic and facility for musical composition. lO

When he first arrived in Paris, Guilmant participated in historical concerts organized by

Louis-Albert Bourgault-Ducoudray (also a Schola founder), at times replacing Saint-

Saëns as organist. Seven years after his move to Paris, Guilmant served on the music

performance committee for the 1878 exhibition and, together with Saint-Saëns, lobbied

8
Lueders has pointed out that Saint-Saëns attended the Arras inauguration, which took pla~e in
1861, and that this event was also reviewed by Adrien de La Fage in the Revue et gazette musIcale
(3 November 1861): 346-47. For further information on these early inaugurations see Lueders's
"Alexandre Guilmant" vol. l, 62-5.
9
Ibid., 45.
10 Ibid., 181-84. Lueders stops short of making a direct link between the tragic deaths of Saint-
Saëns' children, and the accidentaI death of Guilmant's second son, who died after he was
dropped at the age of three weeks.
 77

for and secured the organ recital series that fall. l1 Other members of the committee

included Ambroise Thomas, Léo Délibes, Charles Gounod, and Jules Massenet. By 1879,

Guilmant had been appointed vice president of the Société des compositeurs de
musique.

Aside from committee work for these larger projects and organizations, Guilmant
was also involved with the more exclusive Société nationale de musique, founded in
1871 by Saint-Saëns and Romain Bussine.1 2 In addition to having works performed, he
also served on its committee for a number of years.1 3 But Guilmant became a casualty of

the Société's reforms of 1881, led mainly by Vincent d'Indy, to reduce the committee in

numbers and wipe out compositionally conservative representation at the same time.
Reporting on the success of his maneuvers at the Société nationale, d'Indy reveals some
contempt for Guilmant as a conservative composer in a letter to Paul Lacombe dated

shortly after the meeting:

You may or may not know that we have revolutionized the Société Nationale;
there were in the bosom of the Committee insufferable conflicts; that would no
longer do at aIl. Briefly, after circumstances that it would take too long to explain
to you, and after the stormiest of General Assemblies, we ended up by pitching
all the retrogrades out the door, so that now, "The Société Nationale is us"; the
Committee no long contains any Dubois, no hint of Guilmants, not a trace of a
Pfeiffers or another Gouvy.... Thus we have the Société in our hands, and no
longer hindered in our forward march by the sticks that our dear colleagues
placed with so much solicitude in our wheels, we shaH endeavor to give a great
and new expansion to said Société.1 4

If the Schola had been created in 1881, it is likely that Bordes would not have called on

both d'Indy and Guilmant, for they seem to have been very mu ch at odds at the time.

11
Ibid., 96.
12
Guilmant joined in 1872.
13
For a detailed look at the first decade of the Société Nationale, see Michael Strasser, "The
Société Nationale and Its Adversaries," 225-251. For Guilmant's involvement see Lueders's
" Alexandre Guilmant" vol. l, 93-4.
14 Letter from Vincent d'Indy to Paul Lacombe dated 7 June 1881 1 am grateful to Michael Strasser
for pointing out this letter to me, cited in the text of his "'La Société Nationale c'est nous!': d'Indy
and the Franckists Stage a Coup," unpublished paper read at the annual meeting of the American
Musicological Society (Kansas City, 1999), as well as in his dissertation "Ars Gallica: The Société
Nationale de Musique," 380.
 78

But by 1896, Guilmant' s aesthetic position on Wagner ha d, to aIl appearances,

shifted. His conversion" to Wagnerism has yet to be studied in detail. What we know
fi

is that he was Winaretta Singer' s organ teacher, and that she made her first pilgrimage to

Bayreuth at the age of seventeen (1882) and was an ardent, longstanding Wagnerite. As

Singer' s organ teacher he may have been present for performances that she hosted in her

home, after her first marriage to Prince Louis Scey-Montbéliard in 1887. These soirées

included performances of works by the Franckiste composer Emmanuel Chabrier (the

central figure in Fantin-Latour's Les Wagneristes of 1885) as weIl as Vincent d'Indy.1 5 50

even though Guilmant may have been alienated from the d'Indy and the Franckistes in

the mid-1880s, he also shared an important social connection with them.

Beginning in 1884, Guilmant was also involved in musical soirées organized by

Joseph-Dominique Aldebert de Pineton, Comte de Chambrun (1821-99)-another social

connection of d'Indy's, which dated back to the early 1870s as 1 mention later in this

chapter. 16 Like Vincent d'Indy and the Comtesse de Chambrun, Guilmant traveled to

Bayreuth in 1886. Though he is not mentioned in d'Indy's correspondence from this

period, his presence would most surely have registered with other French nationals in

attendance for an event held in a small festival town,17 Guilmant's connection to

Wagnerism solidified in 1891, when he traveled to Bayreuth to perform works by J.S.

15
Myriam Chimènes, Mécènes et musicians, 86-88.
16
Lueders states that Guilmant performed at the Comte de Chambrun's for about ten years after
de Chambrun's organ was installed in 1884. He gave major works by Bach in collaboration with
Maurice Bouchor, and the scores were published by Durdilly at de Chambrun's expense. See
"Alexandre Guilmant" vol. 1,258. Joseph-Dominique Aldebert Pineton de Chambrun was born at
in the Southern town of Saint-Chely in the Lozère region of France, which he served as both a
member of the French parliament and a senator. He married into the Baccarat crystal dynasty,
and directed the company after 1860 with particularly fruitful results derived from market
expansion to North America and Asia. The Comte de Chambrun loved art, but became blind
sometime before 1884. He had an organ installed in his home around that time, and later built a
beautiful outdoor stage in Nice. In the larger realm of intellectual endeavour, de Chambrun wrote
works about Wagner, French political history, and sociology.
17 '
D'Indy reports looking through Bayreuth hotel registers to see who was in town. One assumes
the practice was fairly normal. See his letters to Isabelle dated 13 August 1886 and 15 August 1886
in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 404-05.
 79

Bach at a private gathering at Wahnfried for Cosima Wagner and other Bach amateurs.1 8

Whether or not Guilmant really espoused the theories and aesthetic shared by the
Wagnerians of his time is less relevant here than the fact that he may well have

understood the expediency of identifying with this powerful group of artists and social
figures.

Guilmant's success should appear to us today as phenomenal. He toured

internationally, to as far away places as Russia and North America, where he enjoyed no

less success than he did at home. A veritable poster boy for the Cavaillé-Coll organ

company, Guilmant also lent his name and image to the sale of Mustel harmoniums for

domestic consumption (the kind Winnaretta Singer would have used until she acquired

her own concert instrument). Widespread church support, legions of concert fans,

connections to Wagnerian cirdes, and, perhaps most important, long-term corporate

endorsement ensured Guilmant continued visibility in the public eye, as well as solid

financial underpinning. His material means aUowed him to occupy a spacious country

home in the Pari sian suburb of Meudon, though he also maintained his apartment in

Paris until1901. By the 1890s, Guilmant no longer required the hefty inauguration fees
he had earned in the 1870s and 1880s (reaching up to 1, 000 francs per performance), and

had begun to delegate these jobs to a younger generation of organists. The power that

came with holding the keys to these occasional but lucrative forms of employment

should perhaps not be considered negHgible.

This kind of profile made Guilmant an excellent choice for the Schola's first

president when the institution was founded in 1894, because we must bear in mind that

it was intended to be a standard bearer for religious music. Guilmant was far more

visible in the church at the nationallevel in the early 1890s than either Charles Bordes or
Vincent d'Indy. And by this time, he also had developed his career as a secular organist

18
See the notice in Le Ménestreal (16 August 1891), 263 informing readers Guilmant had left for
Bayreuth to give an organ recital for Mme Wagner and "les amateurs de la grande musique de
Bach."
 80

to the extreme limit of its potential. When Guilmant agreed to serve as president, he

brought with him Baron Fernand de La Tombelle, his regular pianist for the Trocadéro

concerts during the 1880s and early 1890s. 19 De La Tombelle also composed on a limited

scale, and sorne of his works were later given at the Schola.

Guilmant and Early Music

Guilmant was strongly associated with early music as a result of his Trocadéro concerts

after 1878, and these events may have served as a model for Bordes' s Chanteurs de

Saint-Gervais concerts outside the church (for instance, at the Concerts d'Harcourt). In

the period surrounding Bordes' s 1892 performances at Saint-Gervais, Guilmant enjoyed

virtually unfettered public support for his performances of early music, as press reviews

attest. According to Amédée Boutarel, his rendering of an unspecified Handel concerto

with the Société des Concerts du Conservatoire in February of 1888,

shook the Conservatoire's public from its habitually semi-conscious state, eliciting
true signs of enthusiasm .... Above an, the unaccompanied Andante was executed
with such emotion, such colour, and in such a grandiose manner that it provoked
unanimous applause. This concerto is a masterwork, and interpreted as such it is
also becomes a poetic work of indescribable beauty.20

Guilmant's success in performing early music repertoire may be partly attributed to the

fact that it was always presented in conjunction with performances by well-known

singers and instrumentalists, as well as airings of nineteenth-century French and foreign

19
De la Tombelle appears on surviving programmes through the 1880s and up to 1891. He is
listed as the pianist for a performance with the Chanteurs on April 161h, 1896, but this could be a
special circumstance. Press references to de la Tombelle's participation in Guilmant's concerts in
Le Ménestrel were traced up to the 8 May 1892 issue.
20
Amadée Boutarel, Le Ménestrel (12 February 1888), 56. "L'éxecution, par M. Guilmant, d'un
superbe concerto de Haendel pour orgue et orchestre déjà entuendu au Trocadéro, a secoué le
public du Conservatoire de sa demi-torpeur habituelle et lui a arraché de véritables marques
d'entousiasme. Ce concerto est une oeuvre hors ligne, d'une pureté de style et d'une chaleur
d'accent merveilleuses, et M. Guilmant l'a joué avec une supériorité qu'on ne saurait trop faire
ressortir. L'Andante sourtout, sans accompagnement, a été dit par lui avec un sentiment, une
couleur, un caractère grandiose qui lui on valu des applaudissements unanimes. C'est un chef-
d'oeuvre que ce concerto; interprété ainsi, c'est un poème d'une beauté indescriptible."
 81

works-what 1 have termed the "multi-item event." The reception of his concerted

historical survey of works for the organ, punctuated by occasional vocal works, is a case

in point, and the reviewer is careful to mention that the performances of the singers

played a significant role in bringing the crowd to its feet: "It is difficult to describe the
breadth of emotion, mastery, and style with which M. Guilmant performed the eighteen

works that made up this artistic reconstitution of greatest interest for musicians. Mme
Montégu-Montibert and M. Auguez contributed much to the great success of this
concert."21

Guilmant continued to programme early music alongside contemporary works,

and to combine the whole with performances by gifted virtuosi of both repertoires
throughout the 1880s and early 1890s. For example, to open his 1891 recital series, he

programmed works by Bach and Handel alongside those of Gustave Lefebvre and

Richard Wagner. With singers Marcella Pregi and Numa Auguez performing under the

direction of Edouard Colonne, the concert could almost be described as an extension of

the Concerts Colonne season. The announcement for the concert is particularly

revealing, stressing as it does the serious, educational nature of the event even as it
promises sorne fireworks frorn the powerful organ installed at the Salle des Fêtes:

As in previous concerts, Bach and Handel will form the basis of the programmes
for these musical solemnities, the interestof which has not escaped artists and
music lovers. It is, in fact, the only occasion that will present itself for the public
to familiarize itself with organ music, and only the enormous hall at the
Trocadéro with its fabulous Cavaillé-Coll organ are fit to lend themselves to these
imposing performances.22

21
Unsigned, Le Ménestrel (15 September 1889), 303. "Le neuvième concert d'orgue donné au
Trocadéro par M. Alexandre Guilmant a été encore plus intéressant que les précédents. Le
programme permettait de suivre le développement de la science de composition pour orgue, de
1586 à nos jours et à travers tous les pays. Il est difficile de dire avec quelle intelligence des
sentiments divers, et toujours quelle maestria et quel style M. Guilmant a exécuté les dix-huit
morceaux qui composaient cette reconsituttion artistique du plus haut intérêt pour les musiciens.
Mme Montégu-Montibert et M. Auguez ont contribué beaucoup au grand succès du concert."
22
Unsigned, Le Ménestrel (10 May 1891), 152. "Bach et Haendel formeront, comme précédemment,
la base des programmes de ces solennités musicales, dont l'intérêt n'a pas échappé aux artistes et
aux amateurs. C'est, en effet, l'unique occasion qui se soit jamais présentée de se familiariser avec
la musique d'orgue, et, seule, l'immense salle du Trocadéro, grâce au bel orgue de M. Cavaillé-
Coll, peut se prêter à ces imposantes exécutions."
 82

The review that appeared a week later demonstrates the extent to which the success of

the performance hinged on the participation of the singers, who for the most part
performed works outside the early music repertory.23 This kind of concert strategy led
to a similar reception for most of the 1892 series. 24

Understanding Guilmant's career, his connections in musical, social and church

circles, and the ways in which he integrated early music into relatively mainstream

musical events makes his appointment as the first Schola' s president appear as a logical
and politicaUy savvy choice on the part of the original founders. Moreover, like the

Franckistes at the Société nationale, by 1894 Guilmant was a confirmed Wagnerite (at

least in public). His career path should be viewed as a model for Bordes, who also gave
his early music events the best of aU possible chances of popular suc:cess by drawing on

the virtuosic talent of performers-some of whom had been part of Guilmant' s circle-as

we shall see later on in this chapter.

Vincent d'Indy, l'Auteur de Fervaal

Charles Bordes aiso convinced a forty-three year oid Vincent d'Indy to join his efforts in

the spring of 1894. Although d'Indy was more than a decade older than Bordes, the two

had been part of the same social-artistic circle for almost ten years. To a much greater

extent than Guilmant, d'Indy and Bordes participated in a French culture of fascination

for Richard Wagner, and were among the select number of artists, intellectuals, and

social figures who traveled to Bayreuth and other places in Germany to experience his

23
Unsigned, Le Ménestrel (17 May 1891),159. "M. Alexandre Guilmant, qu'on n'avait pas entendu
l'an dernier, a été l'objet d'une ovation de la part du public d'élite qui se pressait jeudi dernier
dans la salle du Trocadéro pour son premier concert. On a beaucoup applaudi aussi Mlle
Marcella Pregi, dont la voix a beaucoup de charme, M. Herwegh, qui a joué dans la perfection
une aria de Bach, et M. Auguez, qui a dû recommencer la romance de l'Étoile de Wagner.
L'orchestre, notablement augménté et dirigé par M. Ed. Colonne, a eu sa bonne part de succès
dans l'exécution d'une marche funèbre de M. Guilmant, un prélude choral de M. Ch. Lefebvre, et,
comme toujours, des oeuvres de Bach et de Haendel."
24
See, for example, the reports that appeared in Le Ménestrel (24 April 1892), 136; Le Ménestrel (1
May 1892), 143; Le Ménestrel (8 May 1892), 152.
 83

music. Sorne of these pilgrims to Bayreuth had studied with the composer César Franck,

whose studio d'Indy described in 1873 as "a large class with quite a few students who

are fairly rich.,,2S There was also overlap with the Société nationale. Like Guilmant,

d'Indy was an early member of this society. He later wrested control of its workings

from Saint-Saëns shortly after his trip to Bayreuth in 1886, by circulating a petition to

perform works by deceased and foreign composers that effectively forced Saint-Saëns to

resign. 26 The French folk song specialist Julien Tiersot, another former student of Franck

and pilgrim to the 1886 performances at Bayreuth, was among those who supported

d'Indy's takeover, along with Charles Bordes, Paul Poujaud, and Louis-Albert

Bourgault-Ducoudray. AlI of these individuals would later be closely associated with

the Schola, though Bourgault-Ducoudray's connection might just as easily have come

through Guilmant.

The performances at Bayreuth (and sometimes in other German cities) brought

together Wagnerians, Franckistes, and members of the Société nationale outside their

usual environment for a shared experience that was not unlike the religious pilgrimages

that came to be so popular in France during the nineteenth century. D'Indy took the

"pilgrimage" much more to he art than some: in 1886 he hiked from Southofen to

Innsbruck the week prior to the Bayreuth festival. It is something he fancied

undertaking with Paul Poujaud and the group of regulars who gathered at the Café

25
See the entry in d'Indy's journal intime dated 8 November 1873, transcribed in Vincent d'Indy,
Ma vie, 259-61. See page 260 in particular, "En attendant, je vais assidûment à la classe d'Orgue
(siC) où nous sommes assez nombreux, et où il y a plusieurs types assez riches." He also describes
an unidentified M. Lemaître as, "Un grand plein de boutons, se fichant de tout le monde et pas
fort malgré ses poses." Since his name does not figure in the list of students provided in Joël-
Marie Fauquet's César Franck, further research is required to confirm whether or not this person,
identified as an auditor, is Jules Lemaître. A protracted summary of issues related to the "Franck
Circle" would create too great a diversion here. For the most recent view, see Fauquet's César
Franck. Much earlier discussions (sorne problematic) are found in Laurence Davies, César Franck
and his Grele, 123-59; Norman Demuth, César Franck, 186-97 (who refers to the circle as the
"Franck Family") and Léon Vallas, César Franck, 252-64.
26
See Michael Strasser, "Ars Gallica: The Société Nationale de Musique," 397-450. This coup is also
very briefly described in Michel Duchesneau's L'Avant-Garde Musicale à Paris, 24-26. Duchesneau
identifies those who signed the petition as: Pierre de Bréville, Charles Bordes, Henri Lerolle, Paul
Poujaud, Maurice Bagès, Raymond Koechlin, Raymond Bonheur, Claude Blanc, Louis-Albert
Bourgault-Ducoudray, and Julien Tiersot.
 84

Americain after Lamoureux's Sunday concerts. Apparently the group did not share his
particular taste for the outdoors, and d'Indy eventually made the trip aloneP He was

thirty-five at the time, married, a father to three children, winner by a hair of the
Concours de Paris, and more or less arrived as ['auteur du Chant de [a Cloche.

The extended journey on foot was something he held very dear, and undertook into his

seventies. It is something that is well to bear in mind, because it is one of several

character traits that set him somewhat apart from the people around hi m, as we shall see
further on.

By the mid-1880s, the people around d'Indy constituted the kind of tight web of
connections necessary for a career in opera composition at the time. Sorne of the
individuals in his circle were longtime friends, men roughly his age who would remain

in that role for the next two decades: the libretti st for d'Indy's comie opera Attendez-moi

sous ['orme, Robert de Bonnières (1850-1905), and the work's dedieatee Henry Cochin
(1854-1926), a childhood friend who was the only pers on d'Indy trusted to run the

Schola other than himself at the turn of the century. Robert de Bonnières was also

d'Indy's neighbour at Avenue de Villars, as was another proche-his short-term rival for
the affections of Ellie MacSwiney and fellow Franckiste, Henri Duparc (1848-1933). The
lawyers Paul Poujaud (1856-1936) and Octave Maus (1856-1919) were also important

connections. The first was a well-known music lover, close confidant of many
Franckistes, and one of the few non-musicians admitted to the music patron Marguerite

de Saint-Marceaux' s Friday night gatherings.28 The second was strongly connected to

Les XX, a Brussels society for avant-garde art where a number of Franckistes had works
performed. D'Indy's friendship with Maus had already solidified by 1887. He

frequently stayed at the Belgian lawyer's home when he was in Brussels for professional

27
See d'Indy's letters to Paul Poujaud dated 2 July 1886 and 4 July 1886, transcribed in Vincent
d'Indy, Ma vie, 398-99.
28
A brief description of Poujaud's life and activities is provided in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 384fn.
His correspondence with Chausson and Debussy has been published. See also Manuela Schwartz,
"Paul Poujaud" in Dictionnaire de la musique en France au XIX' siècle (Paris: Fayard, 2003): 992; and
Myriam Chimènes, Mécènes et musicians, 52-53.
 85

engagements, and appears to have worked closely with Maus to secure performances of

his work in Belgium, including the operas Fervaai and L'Étranger. Maus was a staunch

supporter of the Schola, and immediately offered funds when the institution stood on
the verge of bankruptcy in January of 1904.

D'Indy also had important social connections, including one that extended back
at least to the 1870s: the Comte Joseph-Dominique de Chambrun and his wife. The latter
introduced d'Indy to Camille Bellaigue (1858-1930), critic for the Revue des deux mondes,

at the same Bayreuth festival of 1886 that 1 mentioned earlier in this chapter.29 The

relationship with the Chambruns was not so close as to oblige d'Indy to eut short an

engagement in Germany to attend Mme de Chambrun' s funeral in 1891, but it was

intimate enough to allow Berthe, d'Indy's daughter, to be married in the Comte de

Chambrun's private chapel in 1896. 30 Later in the 1880s and into the 1890s, d'Indy was

closely associated with the musical activities of Elizabeth, Comtesse de Greffulhe, an

enthusiastic Wagnerite. Aside from salon performances, Greffulhe founded and

presided over the Société des grandes auditions, a group that gave Bach's Christmas

Oratorio in January of 1892, probably joined by what would become the Chanteurs de

29
Bellaigue's published opinions of d'Indy dating from the late 1880s appear ambivalent, at least
to the extent that they are communicated to scholars through Léon Vallas's biography. Perhaps
one of the reasons why Bellaigue never really openly condemned d'Indy was because of the
connection to the Chambruns. Whatever the case, Bellaigue later became a strong supporter of
Bordes's revival after 1894, and d'Indy seemed to feel that he supported the Schola in 1900. For a
description of Bellaigue's reaction to d'Indy in the late 1880s see Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy: La
maturité, la vieillesse, 14-17. See also d'Indy's letter to Octave Maus dated 10 October 1900,
transcribed in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 618.
30
D'Indy mentions the Chambruns in a number of leUers and diary entries dating from 20
November 1871 to 29 October 1898. See Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 152-3; 157; 165; 168; 390-91; 404-05;
457-58; 534; 571; 572. Myriam Chi mènes maintains that there was a Iongstanding connection
between the d'Indy and Chambrun families but provides no evidence of a connection prior to
1872 (a trip to Gounod's aiso cited in Léon Vallas's biography). She tells readers that the Comte
de Chambrun built a recital hall adjacent to his house at rue Monseiur in order to give organ
recitaIs: but we know from Kurt Lueders that these took place only in 1884. In generaI, the
relationship to the Chambruns requires much more detailed analysis. To date the best evidence is
provided in the letters published by Marie d'Indy, a body of evidence that Chi mènes does not
drawn on fully in her "Vincent d'Indy dans la société Parisienne." She provides 250 words on
d'Indy and the Chambruns on pp. 66-67.
 86

Saint-Gervais. 31 By 1889, D'Indy had already gained the support of the future Princesse

de Polignac, Winaretta Singer, before her marri age to Edmond, Prince de Polignac.

D'Indy appears to have been on friendly terms with Singer's second husband and Schola
founder, the Prince de Polignac, as early as 1884.32

D'Indy's Social Position

If d'Indy brought to the Schola his connections to at least three wealthy patrons (de

Chambrun, Greffulhe, and Singer) and two influentiallawyers (Poujaud and Maus), he

also brought his own tremendous artistic ambition and aIl the complexities of his own

social ambivalence. While it has been common practice to describe d'Indy as a wealthy

aristocrat whose fortune made him oblivious to the pecuniary considerations that

plagued other composers such as Claude Debussy, these kinds of assertions seem

somewhat exaggerated. 33 D'Indy inherited nothing from his paternal grandmother,

Thérèse de Chorier (Rézia d'Indy), as the declaration following her death plainly
reveals. 34

31
Sylvia Kahan asserts that Bordes gave the Christmas Oratorio under the auspices of Greffulhe's
Société des Grandes Auditions in January of 1892. See her Music's Modern Muse, 70. Jann Pasler
mentions a number of key moments in which d'Indy either advised or acted for the Comtesse de
Greffulhe (over her Société des Grandes Auditions and the staging of Lohengrin and Tristan und
Isolde for example) in "Countess Greffulhe as Entrepreneur," 240-42. Myriam Chimènes's
description of d'Indy's connection to Greffulhe echoes in large part the work of Pasler. See her
"Vincent d'Indy dans la Société Parisienne," 83-84
32
See d'Indy's letters to Isabelle de Pampelonne in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 376; 380; 382.
33
Claims that d'Indy's possessed considerable wealth as the result of inheriting his paternal
grandmother's entire fortune have been made by Andrew Thomson and Yvonne de Blaunac. See
Andrew Thomson, Vincent d'Indy and His World, 20, and Yvonne de Blaunac, Vincent d'Indy, 18. A
more generalized description of d'Indy's wealth inc1udes Léon Vallas's, Vincent d'Indy: La jeunesse
(1851-1886), (paris: Albin Michel, 1946), 118-19. "Vincent avait vingt et un ans; disposant de la
fortune de sa mère et de l'héritage de sa grand'mère, il était riche; on ne pouvait plus le tenir en
brides comme un petit garçon. Cependant, des difficultés persistèrent. Le père, Antonin d'Indy, et
son frère Wilfrid, comme leur feue mère, ne concevaient la musique, nous l'avons vu, que sous
l'aspect d'un art d'agrément .. .ils ne voulaient pas admettre la réalité des fiançailles du jeune
homme avec sa cousine vivaroise, fille charmante, de noblesse ancienne, mais trop proche parente
"
34
Notoriété après decès de Mme la ctsse d'Indy, dated 27 March 1872. (Archives Nationales de
France, Minutier Central, Étude XXIX, Liasse 1286, Me H. Deschars.)
 87

Revenues from his mother's estate did provide d'Indy with the means to enhance

his lifestyle, but not to live on a genteellevel,35 His parents were married under the

communauté des biens, an arrangement in which capital brought into a marri age remained
the property of the individual who brought it, but where subsequent income was shared
equaUy.36 As a result, when d'Indy's mother (Mathilde) died in May of 1851, his father

(Antonin) was free to spend any and aU of the revenues from her estate until d'Indy

reached the age of eighteen. Moreover, the terms of Antonin and Mathilde' s marri age

contra ct stipulated an annual and life-Iong rente viagère of 4, 000 francs for Antonin. 50

even after d'Indy gained control of his mother's capital in 1872, he had to pay his father a

substantial portion of the revenues until Antonin died in 1904.

According to the liquidation agreement for Mathilde' s estate, Antonin was

obliged to turn over to d'Indy on his twenty-first birthday the revenues from her capital

for the three years preceding his majority (minus the rente viagère of course). But for

every month of this three-year period, Antonin charged d'Indy 500 francs for his lodging

and education. As a result, the only cash that Vincent received in 1872 was the residue

of Mathilde's trousseau, liquidated in 1851 but calculated without interest twenty-one

years later at about 2, 500 francs. To this was added roughly another 2,500 francs, which

represented three years of profits from Mathilde's properties and investments, minus the

6,000 francs per year that Antonin charged Vincent for expenses, and again without

interest. In addition to his lump sum of about 5, 000 francs, Vincent inherited property,

shares in a mine in Anzin that paid annual dividends, and a government investment

certificate for a maximum annual income of about 12, 000 francs when he turned twenty-

35
As is shown further on in this chapter, d'Indy's maximum yearly income from his mother's
estate was about 8, 000 francs. 5teven Huebner has asserted that 9,800 francs per annum
constituted the "lower end of the annual salary required by a comfortably-off bourgeois family."
See his French Opera at the Fin de Siècle, 8.
36
The ter ms of Mathilde de Chabrol-Crousol and Antonin d'Indy's marri age contra ct, as well as
the details of her estate and the agreement to liquidate the trust fund she set up for Yincent
d'Indy before her death are all outlined in the notarial document entitled, "Projet de liquidation
et Partage et de présentation de Compte de tutelle entre Mr le y le d'Indy et son fils," dated 1 May
1872. (Archives Nationales de France, Minutier Central, Étude XXIX, Liasse 1286, Me H.
Deschars.)
 88

one. Minus Antonin's rente viagère of 4,000 francs per year, Vincent's annual income

from this source was no more than 8,000 francs. The essence of the massive legal

document recording these arrangements is summarized in Figure 1.37

The agreement to liquidate d'Indy's trust fund strongly suggests that d'Indy's

income was rather modest, and his revenues for 1872, at least from his mother' s estate,

were probably about one third (if not one quarter) of the 25, 000 francs claimed by his

biogapher Léon Vallas. His annual income of no more than 8,000 francs per year was

artificially higher in 1872 because of the one-time lump sum he received that the time.38

It is probably a lack of income that delayed his marriage to Isabelle de Pampelonne for

two years, between 1873 and 1875: it does not seem a coincidence that it went forward

the year he was appointed Colonne's choirmaster. 39 Whatever d'Indy's situation was

going into his marri age with Isabelle, it is also important to remember that they had

three children, and each of them would require a dot of sorne kind in order to marry back

into the nobility, so there were also issues of wealth preservation gui ding d'Indy's career

until his young est child, Jean, was married in 1906.

37 1 am grateful to René Lessard, Chartered Accountant of Canada, for aiding me in the

interpretation of d'Indy's trust account liquidation.
38
Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy: La jeunesse, 119 fn.
39 D'lndy indicates in his diary entry of 27 February 1872 that Isabelle de Pampelonne is not rich.
See the transcription in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 161.
 89

Figure I-Projet de Liquidation et Partage et Présentation de

Compte de Tutelle (Modern Summary)

CASH (MATHILDE'S TROUSSEAU)

Original trousseau 6,500 frs

Expenses to May 1851 (4, 000) frs

Residue due to Vincent in 1872 2,500 frs

ANNUAL INCOME
(MATHILDE'S PROPERTIES AND INVESTMENTS)

Incorne frorn Mathilde' s estate (1851-1872)

- Rente sur l'État 600 frs
- shares in a mine 3,500 frs
- incorne frorn properties 7,900 frs

Total Incorne Annually 12, 000 frs

Expenses Charged to Mathilde's estate

- Antonin's rente viagère (4, 000) frs
- Vincent's living expenses (6, 000) frs
- other (variable)

Total Expenses Annually «la, 000) frs

Incorne minus Expenses of 1869 (partial);
1870; 1871; 1872 (partial) due to Vincent 2,500 frs

VINCENT'S CASH PA YMENT (1872) 5,000 frs

There are three things that come out of the study of d'Indy's finances that have

relevance for the Schola and its early music revival: it tells us that d'Indy was not in a

position to give himself entirely to su ch causes; it shows why he may have prioritized

the composition of opera; and it provides an important reference point for d'Indy's

takeover of the Schola in 1904. When rus father died in that same year, d'Indy likely had

an increase in income of 4, 000 francs per year, and in theory, at Ieast one quarter of his

father's estate. It was at this point that d'Indy in fa ct assumed a more responsible role in
 90

the school's operations, though the primary reason for the shift in power was a
debilitating stroke that took Charles Bordes out of commission in November of 1903, as

well as the subsequent discovery that the Schola was heavily in debt. But together with

the support of Les Amis de la Schola, it is probably no coincidence that programming at

the Schola shifted radically after 1904 from multi-item events, to major concerts of large-
scale works. While there can be no doubt that Schola concerts were headed in this

direction with the staging of Rameau's La Guirlande (1903) and the performance of

Mozart's Requiem (1902), which took place when Bordes still held the balance of control,

d'Indy's increased financial stability probably allowed him to steer a course in

programming that was more suited to his own musical values. In his letter to Henry

Cochin dated 8 May 1905, d'Indy asserted that he was primarily and personally

responsible for bringing income into the institution. He wrote "to earn aIl of this ...

there is only me!"40

Money and Comic Opera

Finances allow us to observe d'Indy's musical values to sorne extent. The first major
musical work that d'Indy undertook after his marriage to Isabelle, and concomitant

delivery from his many lowly forms of employment, was the one-act comic opera

Attendez-moi sous ['orme (1876-82), originally intended for the Concours Cressant. D'Indy
later revived this work in Brussels at the same time as the premiere of L'Étranger in early

1903.41 This genre of music may be viewed as a nineteenth-century analogue to pieces

by composers such as Jean-Baptiste Lully, whose stage works were revived to full
houses at the Comédie-Française in the early years of the Third Republic. As Katharine

Ellis has pointed out, this type of music was weIl known to critics as la musique française,

40
See d'Indy's letter to Henry Cochin dated 8 May 1905 in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 671, "pour
~lagner tout cela ... il n'y a que moi!"
Ibid., 638-43. These passages refer to this production.
 91

an expression that was usually invoked in a pejorative sense.42 While Jann Pasler has
recently drawn scholarly attention to a letter in which d'Indy daims that he found

working on this one-act opera distasteful, it is important to bear in mind that it was fully

four years after his marri age and appointment to Colonne that he began the symphonic-
choral work, Le Chant de la Cloche. 43 This last piece eventually captured the Concours de
Paris over a work by Georges Hüe (1858-1948), the Prix de Rome winner for music in
1879.

As much as it may reveal an interest in the composition of larger symphonic-

choral genres, the composition and success of Cloche should not negate the importance of

Attendez-moi sous l'orme. In turning to comic opera almost immediately after his financial
situation became stable, d'Indy betrayed a particular value for the operatic

genre-specifically one-act comic opera-very early on in his career. This provides a

link between d'Indy's career as a composer and the Schola's revival of late seventeenth

and early eighteenth-century music after 1898. D'Indy's endeavour to write a comic

opera might be construed as an embarrassing attempt to please a paying public, and a

failed one at that. His biographer Andrew Thomson makes only a very brief reference to

this work. 44 Léon Vallas apparently felt compelled to account for this artistic misdeed,

writing that d'Indy quickly lost interest in the work, and that when he learned it would

be staged he only half-heartedly made changes that the producers suggested would

please the crowds. 45

The premiere of an opera, even a comic opera that fails to please the public,

should be cast as a major landmark in a French composer's career. But for d'Indy, the

landmark was displaced to his success in the 1885 Concours de la Ville de Paris and Le

42
Katharine Ellis refers to French Baroque music as la musique française throughout her chapter on
this repertoire. The expression is derived from Jean-Jacques Rousseau's condemnation of this
music in his 1753 Lettre sur la musique française. See her Interpreting the Musical Past, 125.
~ .
Jann Pasler, "Déconstruire d'Indy," 372. The letter Pasler refers to lS dated 8 June 1876 and has
been transcribed in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 303.
44
See Andrew Thomson, Vincent d'Indy, 52.
45
Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy: La jeunesse, 263.
 92

Chant de la Cloche-and with it an important link between d'Indy the composer and
d'Indy the early music reviver. Everything else seems secondary, but aside from

composing Attendez-moi sous l'orme d'Indy also edited André Cardinal Destouches's

(1672 -1749) ballet, Les Eléments for Théodore Michaëlis's Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de
l'Opéra français around the same time. 46 Understanding d'Indy's finances might cause us
to view this last project as a commercial undertaking. Yet revival of music from this

same period after 1898 at the Schola was probably not motivated (or at least not entirely)

by pecuniary considerations: it began as an education al venture, and turned into a small

but recognizable alternative to the Bach cantata events after 1900.47 If d'Indy had not

instigated the revival of Attendez-moi sous l'orme in early 1903, one might be tempted to

attribute performances of la musique française at the Schola between 1898 and 1903 to

Bordes alone. For now, it appears as though d'Indy may have formed at least the artistic

predisposition for reviving music connected to the Bourbon kings very early on in his

career.

As much as d'Indy's finances point to key moments in his life and strongly

suggest that we look more dosely at his involvement with la musique française, they also

point to an ambiguous position in society. D'Indy's income was only barely sufficient to

a bourgeois lifestyle, and it appears as though his family had taken fairly drastic

measures to prevent the erosion of their capital. The move from rue du Bac to avenue de

Villars in 1867 probably meant a bit of a come down: rue du Bac was the soul of Saint-

Germain; avenue de Villars was a new street in a speculative area much further from the

centre of the city. But the family gained in space, which allowed for rentaI income. Not
long after the move, d'Indy was led around to a number of high society events,

46
Katharine Ellis has discussed this work in relationship to d'Indy's view of opera history in "En
Route to Wagner: Explaining d'Indy's early music pantheon" in Vincent d'Indy et son temps
(Sprimont: Mardaga, 2006), 111-2l.
47
Here the performance of Rameau's La Guirlande in 1903 should be excepted, because it was
staged as a fundraising event. This one-act comedy has a strong ballet component, and as 1
discuss in greater detail in Chapter 5, it is important to differentiate between Rameau the opera
composer and Rameau the inventor of dance music. Rameau the dance music composer has a
relationship to court and the ancien-régime that Rameau the opera composer does not.
 93

sometimes in the company of the Chambruns, and probably for the principal purpose of
securing an advantageous match-hence the opposition to his relationship with the less
richly endowed Isabelle de Pampelonne from the same era.48 In the months leading up
to his marriage with Isabelle, d'Indy communicated to his half-sister the news that he
and Isabelle would make their home at avenue de Villars, and that he preferred that
arrangement to settling in Saint-Germain. The letter is particularly revealing: d'Indy
writes that Saint-Germain is crowded and residents observe each other through
keyholes. That feeling of being under scrutiny was probably not imagined, since d'Indy
lived at rue du Bac for the first sixteen years of rus life.

D'Indy biographers have devoted lengthy passages to the composer's wealth and
supposed artistic philanthropy. But sorne suggestion as to d'Indy's true place in society
does come through the work of Andrew Thomson and Léon Vallas. Thomson recounts

statements made by Robert de Bonnières that reveal d'Indy's discomfort in high Parisian

circles: "He would cast a quizzical eye on the absent-minded d'Indy and say: 'Vincent,
take care of your appearance and your shoes ... Poor Vincent, when he' s in evening
dress, he does rather look like a village locksmith."'49 Vallas draws his reader's
attention to a review of d'Indy's music made by Camille Bellaigue, that suggests that
d'Indy's music was directed towards the masses, as music for a socialist democracy

rather than heroic, aristocratie art. 50 It is important to bear in mind that this review was

published before Bellaigue and d'Indy came together at Bayreuth through the Comtesse
de Chambrun, and so his knowledge may reflect public perception more than intimate,
personal knowledge. We also learn from Léon Vallas that d'Indy avoided the overly

48
D'Indy indicates in his letter to his half sister Marie d'Indy dated 2 June 1874, that he cannot
imagine himself married to a woman with an annual income of 50, 000 francs. See the
transcription in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 270-72.
49
Andrew Thomson, Vincent d'Indy, 37.
50
Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy: La jeunesse, 290. "C'est la musique dépersonnalisée, la musique néo-
hégélienne, la musique-foule au lieu de la musique-individu. En ce cas elle est bien la musique
de l'avenir, la musique de la démocratie socialiste remplaçant ]' art aristocratique héroïque ou
subjectif."
 94

rabid Wagnerites and the "snobs" in the Wagnerite circle such as Judith Gauthier,

Catulle Mendès, and Villiers de l'Isle-Adam.51

Still, Vallas's overall remarks about d'Indy's social position represent the

composer as a sort of rich bad boy, who liked to masquerade as a struggling artist:

We know that he did not want to be Viscount d'Indy, descended from an old and
well-connected Catholic family, but rather a professional musician. He let people
think he was poor and nourished only by his craft. Playing piano here and there,
beating time no matter where, pretending to live off his so-called musical
profession seemed better to him than going out into the world, into his
aristocratic world of visits, receptions, and balls where he found only loneliness
and boredom. Already he had begun to create his own legend: unquestionably,
he would not be a second Wilfrid d'Indy!52

Discounting of course the fact that Vallas is probably overestimating d'Indy's wealth,
and definitely attributes a noble title to the composer that he did not possess until much

later in life (and then only as a result of new laws), what we learn from Vallas is that

d'Indy felt alienated within his own social circle.53 Vallas's description implies that

interaction with the aristocratic world left d'Indy with only a profound sense of

loneliness and boredom. He further declares that d'Indy's escape was an historical

fabrication that would lead him off the path taken by his uncle, Wilfrid d'Indy, who was

a salon composer. There is a tremendous desire to dissociate d'Indy from anything

suggestive of fashionable dilettantism. But there is also a strong tendency to maintain

myths that exaggerate d'Indy's wealth and status, for this guarantees that the

composer's artistic undertakings will always stem from pure and disinterested musical

51
Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy: La jeunesse, 297-98.
52
Ibid., 130-31. "Il veut être, nous le savons, non le Vicomte d'Indy, de vieille famille catholique,
bien alliée, mais seulement un musicien professionnel, laissant croire qu'il est pauvre et nourri
par son métier. Taper du piano ça et là, batter la mesure n'importe où, sembler vivre de sa
prétendue profession musicale lui parait mieux qu'aller dans le monde, dans son monde
aristocratique, pour y trouver en des visites, des receptions, des bals, la solitude d'âme et l'ennui.
Déjà il commence à fabriquer sa proper légende: décidément il ne sera pas un second Wilfrid
d'Indy!"
53
Vincent d'Indy's grandfather Théodore d'Indy was a count, but Théodore's eldest son was
Wilfrid and not Antonin (d'Indy's father). Antonin was a viscount until Wilfrid's untimely death
in the 1880s made him a count as a result of new laws that allowed noble titles to be passed
between male siblings if an eIder son died without male issue. Thus d'Indy became a viscount in
the 1880s through a change in law, and a count on his father's death in 1904.
 95

impulses. For the composition of Attendez-moi sous ['orme is an embarrassing foray into a

commercial genre, a step along the path that Wilfrid and fellow-Franckiste Emmanuel
Chabrier had taken, and a betrayal of the highly "serious" nature that d'Indy was
supposed to have had. A wealthy d'Indy also proved an important construction to
uphold in the early years of the Schola, as we shaH see in Chapter 3.

The more contemporaneous account of d'Indy written by Hugues Imbert at the

tum of the century also suggested that d'Indy suffered from sorne form of social unease.
For Imbert, this was the source of the composer' s legendary reserve:

The general bearing suggests infinite control: the face is one that, once seen, is
never forgotten; it reflects a great willpower, a marked individuality, deeply
rooted convictions. At the bottom of aIl the man is a modest person who seems
always afraid of boring the public with his personality. But in spite of his reserve
this personality has emerged in a strong form and has won the keen admiration
of the musical world. 54

Still, writing at the same time as Imbert, Romain Rolland appeared anxious to establish
d'Indy as an archetypal aristocrat, filled with the same kind of noble value for
philanthropy (one of the few reasons that aristocratie women, for instance, could invoke

to justify participation in public musical events). The passage below may indeed have
been a precedent for Vallas:

The popular art that [d'Indy] extols is not an art belonging to the people, but that
of an aristocracy interested in the people ... M. d'Indy gives his time and the
results of his study unsparingly to others. Franck gave lessons in order to be able
to live; M. d'Indy gives them for the pleasure of instructing and to serve his art
and aid artists. He directs schools, and accepts and almost seeks out the most
thankless, though the most necessary, kinds of teaching ... 1 have known his
kindness personally, and 1 shall always be sincerely grateful for it.55

Although he likely enjoyed less power and prestige than Guilmant in the early
1890s, Vincent d'Indy was nonetheless a highly visible individual on the Parisian
musical scene from the mid-1880s until the eve of World War One. To Guilmant's

connections within the church, concert organizations, and instrument industries, d'Indy

54
Hugues Imbert, "Vincent d'Indy," 123.
55
Romain Rolland, Musicians ofToday, 134-36.
 96

brought the reputation of a serious Wagnerian with aU the potential to revere Palestrina
and Bach as this composer's artistic ancestors. He also came with an influential circle of

friends and connections, as l noted earlier. But understanding that our image of d'Indy

has been greatly distorted by many of his biographers through exaggerations of his
personal circumstances should cause us to rethink his place in the workings of the

Schola, and particularly the extent to which he was involved in its very early activities.

While there is no doubt that d'Indy was a tremendous asset to the early Schola, he was
probably not as important to its founding as Guilmant and Bordes.
D'Indy's career interests in the year of the Schola's founding (1894) were likely

more directly geared towards his compositional aspirations-he was heavily committed

in terms of conducting engagements, c10sely tied to the activities of the Les XX in

Brussels, and most important, was a year away from the completion of Fervaal, rus first

fuU-Iength opera. There is no question that he supported Bordes through his position as

president of the Société nationale de musique, though sorne of the connections that

d'Indy might have brought to the 1894 founding committee may have easily been

recruited by Guilmant. For example, as l pointed out earlier in this chapter, the original
Schola founder Louis Bourgault-Ducoudray's connection to Guilmant extended back to

the 1870s, and this celebrated organist was also the Princesse de Polignac' s organ

teacher. Moreover, Guilmant was probably more closely connected to the Catholic

c1ergy than d'Indy, even though he rarely emerges in the literature as particularly

religious. He was a long-time organist and familiar with clerics from aIl parts of the

country as a result of his performing and organ-inaugurating career.

Despite misrepresentations of d'Indy's social status, the frequently reiterated

characterization of d'Indy as a devout Catholic is unassailable. Demuth describes his

Catholicism as "an unquestioning and consummate Faith" noting that, "M. Romain

Rolland envisaged him burning heretics with zeal (and possibly pleasure), but this faith

was more than an academic adherence to the tenets of Christianity; in his eyes, it was the
 97

only way of life."56 There is little point in attempting to refute this daim. If d'Indy' s

speech to inaugurate the Schola (emphasizing the religious nature of aU art and the

benefits of learning Gregorian chant) does not suffice as proof, we could also mention

that he was a public anti-Dreyfusard, and contributed to Catholic journals such as

L'Occident. At the same time, these very visible signs of devout Catholicism are traceable
only to the last thirty years of his life, at least five years after the original founding of the

Schola Cantorum. Prior to the late 1890s, d'Indy appears fairly noncommittal in terms of

religion: his was not a family that sacrificed younger sons to the dergy, or daughters, as

was an increasing trend during the nineteenth century. D'Indy was not educated by

Jesuits or Dominicans as were many young men of the French bourgeoisie, and we do
not even know if he was a regular member of a particular parish, except that he worked

as an organist at a suburban church for a period of two years. More important, we do

not know if he had the sort of moderate Ultramontane leanings that would have

predisposed him to the music of Palestrina, or if his interest in this composer came from

his aesthetic position as a Wagnerian.

This ambitious young composer was probably not terribly interested in devoting

too much energy to the reform of sacred music or the early Schola- he did not have the

luxury of time to do so, and had already turned down a teaching job at the

Conservatoire two years earlier. 1 do believe that once he felt established as a composer

by the premieres of Fervaal (12 March 1897) and L'Étranger (7 January 1903) that he

sought out greater institutionallegitimacy, and that his commitment to the Schola

strengthened as a result of this impulse, which was shored up by a more solid financial

position after 1904.

56
Norman Demuth, \lincent d'Il1dy, 5.
 98

D'Indy and Early Music at the Schola

Various aspects of d'Indy's life and personal network seem relevant to Schola
performances of early music, but mostly to the kinds of concerts given after 1904. The
restriction of audiences for student concerts to family and friends around 1905 which 1
mentioned in the introduction to this dissertation shows sensitivity to the exclusivity of
salon practices and moreover, the social taboo of placing aristocratiç and noble young
women in the glare of public scrutinyP He appears to have shared the Comtesse de
Greffulhe's valuation for performances of single, large works over multi-item events.58
Indeed, one of the first single-item concerts programmed following Bordes's departure

was Bach' s Christmas Oratorio, given at the Schola in December of 1904 ... and by
Greffulhe more than a decade earlier. Bach's Saint John Passion (a work previously
published by the Comte de Chambrun) was later heard in April of the same year, several
years after an aborted performance that was supposed to have been underwritten by

Winaretta Singer. By 1907, d'Indy had successfully organized several complete

performances of the Saint Matthew Passion.

Aside from these three major Bach works, d'Indy should be credited with
introducing Monteverdi into the Schola's repertoire. Although Bordes was responsible
for the first Schola-related performance of excerpts from Monteverdi' s Orfeo at one of the

d'Harcourt concerts (13 December 1893), d'Indy's programming of the entire opera in

January of 1905 represents a striking departure from the usual Schola fare of Rameau
and Bach between 1900 and 1903. It is true that d'Indy was preparing an edition of the

work at the same time,59 but the interest seems to date from an earlier performance
scheduled for April 1899 that was to be given alongside Gluck's Orphée. 60 These works

57 Jann Pasler, "Countess Greffulhe as Entrepreneur," 235.

58
Ibid., 236-42.
59
Annegret Fauser has discussed this edition in" Archéologue malgré lui: Vincent d'Indy et les
usages de l'histoire" in Vincent d'Indy et son temps, 122-33.
60
D'Indy refers to this upcoming concert in a letter to Gabrielle de Pampelonne, 26 Dec. [1898] in
Ma vie, 592-93.
 99

have very obvious syrnbolic meaning for the history of music, significance that
redoubles if we consider opera (not syrnphony) as d'Indy's foremost creative occupation.

While the focus of this dissertation is the performance of early music up to 1750
but not including pre-Classical composers such as Gluck, it is nonetheless important to
draw attention to the music that frequently replaced this repertoire at the Schola's
Grands concerts mensuels after 1904. There was an increase in the performance of works
by Beethoven: the Egmont Overture in November of 1906, the Elegischer Gesang or Chant
Élégiaque (op. 118) in December of 1906 and 1907, and the Mass in D Minor in March of
1910. D'Indy also programmed several operatic works from the classical and pre-

classical repertoires, including Gluck's Iphigénie en Aulide (February 1907) and Orphée

(February 1910 and 1911), as weIl as Weber's Euryanthe (January 1908 and 1909) and Der

Freischütz (January 1912 and 1913). These works might be considered timeless
compositional models, and in at least Gluck's place in history was made plain in the final

concert for 1909, entitled "Les Orphées Musicaux aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles en Italie, en

Allemagne, en France" (see Figure 2).

Figure 2-"Les Orphées Musicaux" (30 April and 7 May 1909)

Peri: Euridice
- scenes 5 and 6
- Paris premiere
Monteverdi: Orfeo
- excerpts from Act II
Charpentier: Orphée Descendant aux Enfers
- Recit d'Orphée
R. Keiser: Orphœus
- excerpts from Acts IV and V
- Paris premiere
J. W. Gluck: Orphée
- excerpts trom Acts l and II
- Paris premiere with "the original text"

For d'Indy, Gluck was akin to Bach, Beethoven and Wagner-a genius who

cornes along every fifty years to effect great change in music.61 In his early twenties,

61
Ibid., 273. This letter to Henry Cochin is dated 13 June 1874.
 100

d'Indy recorded profound admiration for the composer in his diary, writing, "each time
1 hear, read, or perform something by this gigantic Gluck, 1 am annihilated and
confounded. It is impossible to appreciate anything more beautiful than his

simplicity."62 The emotional attachment that d'Indy formed for Gluck is revealed in

letters and diary entries that also deal with his love life. In May of 1872, several weeks

after Isabelle de Pampelonne confirmed her love for hi m, d'Indy reasoned that his

previous attachment to Ellie MacSwiney (at its strongest in 1869) had been the result of

emotional confusion: he had been in love with music, not Ellie. She had studied Les

Huguenots with him, as weIl as works by Beethoven, Gluck, Weber, and Mendelssohn,
and he had transferred his love of this music to her as a result. 63 This realization came to
him about two months after a hearing of the oracle scene from Gluck's Alceste, given by

Pauline Viardot at a Pasdeloup rehearsal. He referred to it as "one of the most

astounding and complete musical experiences that 1 have ever had." In the next breath,

d'Indy brings together all of the most powerful affective stimulants he can think of:

"love, Isabelle, Gluck, Beethoven, how infinite!"64

While there is a significant absence of references to Gluck in the published

correspondence after the 1870s, d'Indy's powerful emotional attachment to this

composer should not be underestimated. In late 1907, he disagreed violently over a

production of Gluck' s Iphigénie en Aulide organized by Albert Carré and Jules Bois, and

entered into a public press battle with Bois. The affair was only eventually settled by a

gun duel in January of 1908. 65 D'Indy also included works by Gluck for a series of five

concerts in Barcelona in 1895 that were unrelated to the Schola and its revival, and

62
Ibid., 168. This entry in d'Indy' s journal intime is dated 2 May 1872.
63
Ibid., 162. This entry in d'Indy's journal intime is dated 9 March 1872. For the Viardot
performance of Gluck, he writes that it was "l'une des impressions musicales les plus étonnantes
et les plus completes que j'ai jamais ressenti." He almost immediately writes, "Je sens une force
nouvelle, Beethoven! Gluck! ... L'amour, Isabelle, Gluck, Beethoven, quel infini!"
64
Ibid., 184. This entry in d'Indy's journal intime is dated 17 Oecember 1872. Vallas also refers to
this experience in Vincent d'Indy: La jeunesse, 89-90.
65
Ibid., 693. These letters to Octave Maus are dated 3 January and 10 January 1908.
 101

planned to mount a production of Iphigénie en Tauride in the same city sometime after

1898. Tauride was to be given as a run up to Wagner's Tristan und Isolde and d'Indy's
Fervaal. 66
In the years that led up to the founding of the Schola, d'Indy appears to have
assigned much less value to composers su ch as Bach, Rameau, and Palestrina than he

did to Gluck. As a young man, d'Indy appears to have considered Bach, along with

Gluck, Beethoven and Wagner, as a composer of "serious" music suited to the aesthetic

of any "futurist" (Le., Wagnerian) composer.67 But references to Bach in his

correspondence and journal intime rarely reveal a heightened emotional state: the closest

we get to real artistic excitement are his letters from Leipzig of 1873 to Antonin d'Indy

and Henry Cochin, and a corresponding entry in his diary where he expresses delight at

having been allowed to play the organ at the Thomasschule. 68 Nonetheless, in the years

prior to the Schola, d'Indy appears to conceive of Bach as belonging to the family of

grands précurseurs, and as a composer whose music is sometimes not weIl received and
occasionally also very difficult to perform. This canonic composer does occupy an

important place as a standard for d'Indy, even if his music faHed to penetrate the stupor

that followed his first, youthful hearing of Beethoven's ninth symphony.69 D'Indy's

ambivalence towards Bach may shed light on assertions made in 1907 that the Schola's

66
Ibid., 510; 593. On the 1895 concerts in Barcelona, see d'Indy's letter to Octave Maus dated 17
February 1895. On the project to stage three operas in the same city in 1898, see d'Indy's letter to
Antonin d'Indy dated 29 December 1898. Apparently, d'Indy had raised about one third of the
money required to stage the operas in a single day.
67
Ibid.,104-05. This entry in d'Indy's journal intime is dated 10 March 1870.
68
Ibid., 225; 240-45; 226. The letter to Antonin d'Indy is dated 2 July 1873, and the one to Henry
Cochin 26 July 1873. The entry in his journal intime is dated 2 July 1873.
69
Ibid., 189-91. This letter to Edmond de Pampelonne is dated 10 February 1873. Here d'Indy tells
his cousin that he was too overcome by the Société des Concerts's performance of Beethoven's
ninth symphony to applaud, and that he did not really register the Bach suite that was given
afterwards as a result. This was an important occasion for the twenty-two year old d'Indy, as he
was not a regular subscriber of the Société des Concerts, tickets to which were costly and difficult
to come by.
 102

championing of Bach was more theoretical than practical-for writers of La Grande revue,
Beethoven was actually the school's daily bread?O

Beginning in 1888 and after the swell of interest in Bach following the composer' s

bicentenary, d'Indy programmed works by Bach for concerts both in and outside Paris
with greater frequency, at the Société nationale de musique and other venues?1 He

appears to have been familiar with the Bach repertoire, at least to the extent that he was
able to rattle off several cantatas for solo soprano as suggestions to the conductor Gabriel

Marie in January of 1891. 72 At the Société nationale in particular, d'Indy programmed

three choral and one solo cantata over a four-year period beginning in 1889-one per

year, always in March, and always at least two weeks before Easter. The programme for

21 March 1890 should remind readers of the "Histoire de la cantate funèbre" concerts,

given after Bordes's departure from the Schola (see Figures 3 and 4). The funeral-

cantata-type concert was originally given in late December of 1906, more or less repeated

at the same time of year in 1907, and programmed again in 1913. It is impossible to

attribute the origin of the 1906 and 1907 Schola concerts entirely to one event given
sixteen years earlier in 1890. For the 1890 concert, d'Indy brought together works that

mainly speak of a sense of loss. But considering aIl the works on the programme, the

event shows a greater variety of themes and genres than later concerts. Perhaps the

significance lies more in the fact that neither the Beethoven elegy nor the Bach work

70
Unsigned article, "La Musique-Les Partis musicaux en France." La Grande revue (25 December
1907): 790-98. 1 am grateful to Michael Strasser for bringing this article to my attention and
groviding me with a copy.
One of the earliest concerts for which d'Indy may have had sorne control over the programme
was a concert given by the Société Philharmonique de Paris with Saint-Saëns conducting. The
programme induded the overture to Cantata No. 31, as weIl as works by Handel, Lassus and
Pergolesi. The first performance of early music at the Société Nationale de Musique took place on
12 May 1888 with a performance of the rondo from the C Minor Concerto, arranged for four
hands with Marie Bordes-Pène and d'Indy as performers. Subsequent performances of Bach and
other early music composers appears limited to one or exceptionally two concerts per season. For
the concert of 1872 see d'Indy's entry in his journal intime dated 26 April 1872, transcribed in Ma
vie, 165. The full programme for the concert at the Société Nationale de Musique is found in
Michel Duchesneau's L'Avant-garde musicale à Paris, 247.
72 See d'Indy's letter to Gabriel Marie dated 6 January 1891. (Bibliothèque nationale de France,
Département de la musique, file L.a. Vincent d'Indy, no. 327).
 103

were ever programmed in the 1890s, when Bordes had much more control over the

concerts. With Gluck, these two composers were part of that line of great artists that, in
d'Indy's mind, greatly affected music every fifty years. More important, d'Indy seems

less anxious to show this repertoire as proto-Franckiste, for the concert of 1906 inc1udes
no music after Beethoven.

Figure 3-Programme for the Société Nationale Concert (21 March 1890)

César Franck: Air de l'Archange

(excerpt from Rédemption)
Pierre de Bréville: o Salutaris
Pierre de Bréville: Méditation
Emmanuel Chabrier: Gwendoline
(Act l, Scenes 1-2)
J.S. Bach: Actus Tragicus
(C'est Dieu qui gouverne)
Ludwig Van Beethoven: Chant Élégiaque, Op. 118

Figure 4-Programme for the Schola Concert (28 December 1906)

Bach: Actus Tragicus

Josquin: Déploration sur le Mort d'Ockhegem
De Lalande: De Profundis
(reconstructed by Henri Quittard)
Rust: Ode Funèbre sur la Mort d'un Enfant
Beethoven: Chant Élégiaque
(Latin version by Camille Benoit)

If d'Indy shows at least respect for the music of Bach, the same cannot be said for

Palestrina, who is barely mentioned in the correspondence. D'Indy did spend two years

as a church organist. But we know nothing of the repertoire he performed there.

Beyond this, d'Indy's first involvement with strictly sacred early music that had possible

liturgical function appears to have come with the organization of a concert spirituel of

early and contemporary sacred works, through the Société nationale de musique at

Saint-Gervais in January of 1892. An event in the previous year at this same venue
 104

featured no early music at all?3 In March of 1892, he also took part in a concert for

Wagnerian Sâr Péladan's Salon de la Rose-Croix that involved performances of

Palestrina's Missa Papae marcelli and Bach's Saint Matthew Passion. Still, d'Indy is only

identified in Le Menéstrel as the conductor for the Bach?4 His comments on other early

music composers are actually scarce: Monteverdi is not even mentioned until1898, the

first reference to Rameau dates from 1895, and both are often only referred to in

passing?5 Indeed, d'Indy only completed the edition of Rameau's opera Dardanus

because Bordes could not meet his deadline?6

In the end, it is possible that d'Indy's greatest effect on the Schola's early music

revival came from steering performances of this repertoire towards more mainstream

works (Bach and Gluck). In fact, he actually reduced the number of early music

performances at the Schola's major public events. If we agree with Jann Pasler's

argument that d'Indy worked far more closely with Republican institutions than he has

previously been given credit for, the shift after 1904 to the kinds of "great works" that

were less inherently politicized makes much more sense?7 There is something very

personal about Schola programming after 1904, but it is not really rooted in concerns for

early music. If we look at concerts in general, it appears as though d'Indy was trying to

73
See d'Indy's letter to Pierre de Bréville dated 14 March [1890], in which he asks Bréville to
organize a concert spirituel at Saint-Gervais. (Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de
musique, L.a. Vincent d'Indy). It appears not to have taken place until22 January 1891, and
included works by Samuel Rousseau, J. S. Bach, Fauré, Chausson, Bordes, François Couperin,
Franck, Alexis de Castillon, Léon Husson, and Pierre de Bréville. AlI the works were sacred
except two organ works by Couperin (performed by Marie Prestat), which may have been given
as a symbol or reminder that the venue was the church of the Couperins. The complete
~rogramme is provided in Michel Duchesneau's L'Avant-garde musicale à Paris, 250.

Le Ménestrel (13 March 1892),87.

75
Katharine Ellis has pointed out that d'Indy was indebted to Bordes for introducing a vast
number of early music works to audiences that were later identified as "Schola" works. See her
Interpreting the Musical Past, 107.
76
See Bordes's letter to Paul Dukas dated 17 May 1907. Here we learn that Bordes was supposed
to have done the edition of Dardanus for Durand, but that he later had to pass the work on to
d'Indy for lack of time. Bordes tells Dukas that Durand pays 200 francs per act. This letter is
transcribed in Bernard Molla, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 154-55.
77
For an examination of d'Indy's relationship to the state and state agencies such as composition
contests and the conservatoire, see Jann Pasler, "Déconstruire d'Indy," 369-400.
 105

work out his own history of opera, to live through music, in sorne sort of logical
progression from Monteverdi, to Gluck and Weber. But where to go from there? To
Franck's Les Béatitudes (performed in 1912) and d'Indy's own Le Chant de la Cloche

(performed in 1913). Here the cycle seems to curve towards a different genre, yet
perhaps that was actually the way forward for l'auteur de Fervaal and l'auteur de
l'Étranger.

Le Petit Bordes, l'Enfant du Choeur

Of the Schola Cantorum' s three founders, Charles Bordes came into the world last in
1863, the son of a small-town mayor and a composer of romances?8 He was the youngest

of three boys, and he maintained the aura of being the Benjamin through most of his

adult life?9 The image childishness, of being le petit, may have clung to Bordes as the

result of a fierce bout with hepatitis at the age of twenty-one (1884). The disease appears

to have had a lasting effect on his health. 80 Although as an adult Bordes collected

folksongs from the extreme Southern French province of Basque and integrated them in
his own original compositions, he actually grew up in his family's ancestral family home

78
A letter of condolence sent to Paul Poujaud after Bordes's death from the Mairie de Vouvray
indicates that Bordes's father was the town mayor for an extended period of time. See the letter
dated 8 December 1909 (Les Faugs/ d'Indy, file Bordes-Poujaud).
79
In letters to Isabelle, d'Indy dubs Charles Bordes "le petit Bordes," probably to distinguish him
from his oider brother Lucien. There may be other significance in this nickname (perhaps
Bordes's physical stature), since d'Indy uses it in place of more conventional French formulations
using the word "cadet" (youngest).
80
Bordes reports on this illness to Jules Chappé, in a letter dated 30 August 1884 (Bibliothèque
Nationale de France, Département de Musique, La Charles Bordes, no. 12), transcribed in Bernard
Molla's "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 30. Other letters testify to various subsequent instances of serious
illness, such as those to André Pirro and Dom Mocquereau, both dated 31 July 1897, in which he
reveals that he is recovering from a crise hepatic in one and coliques hépatiques in another. See
"Charles Bordes" vo. 3, 137; 222. Subsequent correspondence on 18 August 1897 and 30 August
1897 reveals that Bordes was confined to bed as a result. See "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 226-27.
Andrew Thomson daims that Charles Bordes suffered from seasonal affective disorder. But the
kinds of depression associated with this recently identified syndrome may have also resulted
from other conditions, indu ding the liver damage following hepatitis that his letters reveal him to
have suffered from. Sinee 1 am not a medical doetor and Andrew Thomson is neither a
psyehiatrist nor a psychologist (to my knowledge), further investigation by qualified researchers
is certainly warranted.
 106

in Vouvray-sur-Loire near Tours. As a teenager he accompanied his mother on tours of

various French regions, often visiting historieally signifieant churches, monasteries and

sites of holy pilgrimage. Aside from giving him first-hand contact with a burgeoning

female interest in Catholicism during the period, this kind of activity appears ta have

reinforced an early fascination for things Medieval: in early letters ta Jules Chappée,

Bordes expressed a pronounced preference for churches in the Gothie style. Writing ta

his friend from Karlsruhe in 1881, Bordes also reported reading the medieval poet

Charles d'Orléans, in Charles d'Hérieault's edition. He remarked that d'Héricault was,

"like us; he prefers the Middle Ages ta the eighteenth century."81

Alongside this rejection of things from the age of reason, Bordes also seems ta
have nurtured a highly affective attachment ta the former Imperial family. After visiting

the grave of a young Roman prince in 1881, Bordes wrote ta Chappée that he was

forcefully reminded of the premature death of Napoléon Eugène, or "our prince" as he

described him. He was greatly disturbed, and professed a desire ta visit Napoléon

Eugène's grave, ta pray and ta weep. Bordes dreamed of being visited at night by the

Imperial prince, of being draped in the softness of his angelic wings.82

81
Letter to Jules Chappée dated April 1881 (Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de
musique, 1.a. Charles Bordes, no. 80) transcribed in Molla, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 127. "Hier soir
j'ai lu du Charles d'Orléans et la preface d'Héricaut (sic). Elle est charmante et très bien faite. Il est
comme nous, il préfère le moyen-âge au 18e siècle .... " D'Héricault edited many volumes of
medieval poetry in the 1850s and in his books on the French revolution, he considered the
revolution still in progress.
82
Letter to Jules Chappée dated April 1881 (Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de
musique, La. Charles Bordes, no. 80) transcribed in Molla, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 128-29."Ce
soir je n'aurai pas le temps de voir Baden. Ce n'est pas d'abord la saison, la vegetation n'est pas
encore assez avancée, mais j'irai voir l'église catholique romane pure, je crois et l'église grecque
où reposent les cendres d'un prince romain mort poitrinaire à 17 ans à Baden. Je ne sais mais vois-
tu quand je vois la mort faucher des êtres si jeunes comme elle a fauché notre bien aimé prince,
mon coeur se serre et il me semble de mon devoir d'aller visiter la tombe d'un jeune homme ou
de jeunes vierges. Tu connais quel serait mon bonheur. Ce serait d'aller prier et pleurer sur la
tombe du prince à (... ) eh bien en allant visiter cette tombe cela me fera penser à celle que je
voudrais tant couvrir de baisers et je ressentirais j'en suis sûr un bonheur inconnu. / / Pardonne
moi, je suis fou, je ne sais pas ce que je dis, je divague mais je ne sais ce que cela veut dire, un
attraction invisible attire mon Coeur vers le Prince, il m'a écouté, il me semble la nuit le voir
derrière moi me veiller et me couvrir de ses longues ailes blanches, il me semble qu'il veut
m'emmener avec lui. Aussi je le prie avec amour, il me semble que Dieu est si grand que je n'ose
lui addresser directement mes prières, je les adresses au prince .... "
 107

Bordes appears religious in these early letters. His convention al bourgeois

education, first at the hands of the Jesuit brothers at Tours and later with the Dominican
monks at Arceuil, probably reinforced his youthful devotion. We know little of his early

musical training. Since his mother was a composer (pseudonym Marie de Vouvray), and
the family financially comfortable until Bordes's late teens, he probably had at least an
informalone. 83 After his father's death left him in straightened financial circumstances,

Bordes took a low-ranking civil service job. Letters from this period of his life reveal

increasing wistfulness over an inability to travel, but otherwise he seems to have borne it

weIl. Indeed, as Joël-Marie Fauquet and Myriam Chimènes have pointed out, in the

early 1880s Bordes and his brother Lucien regularly turned their semi-basement
apartment in Paris into a musician' s salon. There they received members of the Franck
circle and talented performers such as Eugène Ysaye for evenings of music making that

went on past midnight, usually involving a pause to eat at a local restaurant. 84 It is

worth noting that despite better living conditions, Vincent d'Indy never hosted musical

events of this kind at his home. In this respect, Bordes's private performance ventures

better approximate those of Duparc, though a number of musicians' closed hearings of

music may have served as the model for his own. 85

Bordes's Cirele
Bordes is often described as the young est student of Franck, which likely suited him.

Strictly speaking Guillaume Lekeu was five years younger, but his period of study with

Franck was quickly cut short by the older composer's death. Bordes's connection to the

Franckistes was probably solidified through his sister-in-law, pianist Marie Bordes-Pène,

83
Maurice Berber, "Charles Bordes," Les Tablettes de la Schola (1922): 5.
84
See Joël-Marie Fauquet's César Franck, 637-38. Myriam Chimènes refers ta these same events in
Mécènes et musiciens, 293-94.
85
Myriam Chimènes describes several musicians's salons that preceded Bordes's improvised
gatherings, including those hosted by Saint-Saëns and Duparc. See her Mécènes et musiciens, 289-
94.
 108

whose talent made her a frequent performer at concerts of the Société nationale. She

premiered d'Indy's Symphonie Cévenole at the Concerts Lamoureux in 1887 as well as

sever al works by Franck, ineluding the celebrated violin sonata (both considered

extremely challenging works in the pianistic repertoire).

Aside from Marie Bordes-Pène, it is likely that Paul Poujaud provided Bordes

with one of his strongest connections to the Franck Cirele, as correspondence reveals

strong ties between the lawyer-amateur and Franckistes such as Ernest Chausson and

Vincent d'Indy.86 Letters that Bordes exchanged with Poujaud speak of an extremely

close relationship. A photograph of Bordes taken in 1880 and inscribed À mon ami 1/

Paul, ma cordiale affection, Charles" suggests that the relationship began very early in

the decade, but in any case, it was firmly in place by 1884. Bordes's letters to Poujaud

from this same year further indicate contact with Chausson, Duparc, and Ysaye. 87

Through d'Indy's correspondence, we also know that Bordes traveled to Bayreuth in the

summer of 1886. But he went with Poujaud, and the two made their trip sever al days in

advance of d'Indy, Bellaigue, and the Comtesse de Chambrun. 88

Poujaud may have also introduced Bordes to the writer and poet Maurice

Bouchor, whose poems Bordes set with sorne consistency during the 1880s. Indeed, a

number of Franckistes collaborated with Bouchor in the 1880s and 1890s: Chausson's

setting of Bouchor' s Poème de l'amour et de la mer is perhaps the most well-known, but he

also set over a dozen other texts by this writer, ineluding two puppet plays. Bouchor

86
See Chausson's letters to Poujaud in La Revue musicale (December 1925): 143ff. Although they
are, rather strangely, not indexe d, there are dozens of letters from d'Indy to Poujaud dating from
1885 to 1922 in Vincent d'Indy: Ma vie. See pp. 384-85; 398-99; 415-17; 421; 424-7; 440; 446-47; 456;
495; 501-03; 554; 564; 569; 573; 591; 608; 670; 685; 689; 702; 715-16; 728-29; 736; 738; 742-43; 751-53;
757; 759; 799.
87
See an inscribed photo of Charles Bordes dated 1880. See also the telegram dated 12 May 1884
in which Bordes arranges to meet Poujaud at his home on the boulevard du Palais along with
Eugène Ysaye. In a post card dated 13 April 1884, Bordes reports a lunch with Duparc and a
concert that he and Poujaud will attend later, as weIl as a programme for a recital given at
Chausson's dated 28 February 1884. AlI of these documents are housed at Les Faugsl d'Indy (file
Bordes-Poujaud).
88 See d'Indy's letter to Isabelle dated 15 August 1886 from Bayreuth '
in Vmcent dd . 404-
'In y, Ma Vie,
05. "Cet ignoble Poujaud nous a lâchés, nous avons appris par les registres d'hôtels qu'il est venu
en catimini avec Bordes il y a 10 jours et reparti sans tambour ni trompette."
 109

was also known as a translator of works by Shakespeare, Handel oratorios, and works
by J. S. Bach. Guilmant used Bouchor's translations of Bach cantatas for his recitals at
the Chambruns in the 1880s.89 D'Indy also programmed works using Bouchor's
translations for concerts at the Société nationale, and so it was perhaps inevitable that
Bordes would tum to the playwright' s translations of Handel' s Saul and Bach' s Cantata

"Ich hatte viel Bekümmemis" [J'avais de l'ombre plein le coeur] (BWV 21) for Chanteurs

and Schola performances (the Bach was given four times in 1894).90 Bouchor also

worked closely with Julien Tiersot on projects related to folk song, which was also an

interest of Bordes' s.

As a composer, Bordes's talent was sufficiently developed by 1886 to enter the

Concours de la société des auteurs and win a prize for the Rhapsodie basque, which
subsequently became part of the virtuoso pianist, Francis Planté's repertory.91 Planté

would later serve on a jury in Bilbao with Bordes and d'Indy, undertake a tour of the

South West with Bordes in 1897, and participate in the Schola's 1899 summer excursion

to Solesmes. Bordes' s involvement with the Société nationale de musique also dates

from at least the same year as his win in the 1886 competition, for he supported d'Indy's

coup that same year, as l mentioned earlier. Sorne of the people that Bordes would have

encountered at meetings and concerts of the Société nationale also had sorne prior

experience with the performance of early music, including the well-known future editor-

in-chief of the Rameau Oeuvres complètes, Camille Saint-Saëns. Saint··Saëns' s experience

with early music dated back to the early 1860s, with Georges Schmitt and Charles

89
Lueders mentions Guilmant's performances of Bach and Handel using Bouchor's translations in
1884, see his "Alexandre Guilmant" vol. 1,258. See also Bouchor's invitations to Poujaud dating
from 1889, "avec Bordes s'il est dans votre poche." (Les Faugs/ d'Indy, file Bordes-Poujaud)
90
Bouchor's translations figure in concerts in Appendix 2 as weIl, in 1885 for Concordia, 1898 and
1902 for Euterpe, 1899 for the Concerts Colonne, 1903 for the Société des concerts du
Conservatoire, and 1909 for the Société G. F. Haendel.
91
See the undated biographical sketch preserved in manuscript in Bordes's hand. (Les
Faugs/ d'Indy, file Bordes-Poujaud) This document contradicts the date of the work as 1889 in the
works list prepared by Pierre Guillot in the New Grave Dictionary of Music and Musicians.
 110

Vervoitte's Société académique de musique sacrée. 92 He later figured among the

honorary members of Henrietta Fuch's Concordia society, along with Louis Diémer and

Bourgault-Ducoudray.93 For concerts of early music with Bourgault-Ducoudray's own

society, Saint-Saëns often served as organist or pianist for performances of works by

Bach and Handel. His experience with this repertoire was likely reinforced by the time

he spent at the École Niedermeyer, where early music was central to the learning

experience. The school performed early music for its annual concerts, which persisted

into the 1890s even though they attracted little attention from the press.94

Bordes and Early Music

Bordes maintained his ties to the Franck circle after his appointment as music director at

Saint-Gervais in 1890. His first initiative was a performance of Franck's mass for three

voices, with the composer at the organ. It was not until the year after he was hired at

Saint-Gervais that Bordes gave his first performance of sixteenth-century music, and he

did this with the help of Tiersot. Bordes did not return to the Renaissance repertoire

until January of 1892, opting rather for a performance of the Schubert mass in E-flat in

May of 1891, and premiering excerpts from Franck' s Béatitudes in December of the same

year. It is probably safe to say that when Bordes first decided to undertake his

performances of sixteenth-century music, he had backing from a strong section of the

Société nationale and its president Vincent d'Indy (elected in 1890). As 1 mentioned
earlier, historians and writers had interpreted Palestrina as the source for J. S. Bach,

whose music had begun to figure on Société nationale programmes.

Prior to Bordes' s first performance of the Missa Papae marcelli, in an unusual twist

of programming, the Société nationale organized two concerts of religious music at

92
Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 63.
93
Ibid., 98.
94
Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 109.
 111

Saint-Gervais, one each in 1891 and 1892 as 1 mentioned earlier. By the second concert in

January of 1892, works by Vittoria, Josquin, and Palestrina had made their way unto the

programme. This event was most likely directed by Bordes and sung by what was to

become the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and was probably a means of preparing a sma11
but elite audience for Bordes's Holy Week music of 1892, in the same way that
performances at salons often served as a preview to larger, more public events.95
Religious music by Robert Schumann and J.S. Bach as we11 as contemporary French
composers also figured on the programme (Fauré, Franck, Pierre de Bréville and Ernest

Chausson). This kind of multi-item programme was not at a11 unusual for private

concerts of the Société nationale: it is important to bear in mind here that Société
nationale programmes involved committee decisions.96

Aside from Bordes's involvement with the contemporary composers of his circle,

the breadth of his activities with the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais prior to the founding of

the Schola suggests that he may have had no intention of confining himself to sacred
and/ or early music when he met with organizers to found the society for sacred music

in 1894. Programmes for the Concerts d'Harcourt, which began prior to the founding of
the Schola, appear modeled on the secular events organized by Guilmant: the Chanteurs
performed alongside singers formerly associated with the Opéra (Anna Gramaccini-

Sourbe and Numa Auguez), as weIl as Éléonore Blanc, a singer at the Théâtre Lyrique de

la Renaissance, who had obtained a premier prix in voice from the Conservatoire and who

also performed at concerts of the Société nationale. Louis Diémer, a regular figure on the

Parisian concert scene and professor at the Conservatoire (appointed in 1887) appeared

on the programme of 27 December 1893, along with Guilmant's first Trocadéro concert
co-organizer Eugène Gigout. The latter also participated in another concert one month

later. Alexandre Guilmant not only hosted the Chanteurs at his own series, he also took

95
On the salon as a venue for trying out works, see Myriam Chimènes, Mécènes et musicians.
96
The complete programming is supplied in an appendix to Michel Duchesneau's L'Avant-garde
musicale à Paris, 225-304.
 112

part in their performance of the "Wach' au fil cantata at the d'Harcourt concert of 8

February 1894.

Such activities are difficult to reconcile with the Schola's mandate to promote

liturgical music within a faith that, at least officially, did not condone performances by
women, frowned on works for solo voice, and forbade aIl instruments in the church

except the organ. These activities give us pause when it cornes to Bordes's commitment

to church music reform. And his own personal faith is highly questionable. Though the

evidence antedates the Schola founding in 1894, Belgian religious music composer

Joseph Reylandt reveals in his 1904letter to Dom Pothier that while Bordes had been

religious in his youth, he was at the time linon praticant."97 Given what may have been

a physically intimate relationship with Paul Poujaud, it is not surprising that Bordes may

have been a non-practicing Catholic: he could not partake of the Eucharist without first

making a confession of this relationship to a member of the clergy. While Bernard Molla

included over fifty items of correspond en ce between the monks of Solesmes and Charles

Bordes in his dissertation, the earliest dates from 1894, when the relationship appears

alreadyestablished. 98 Further research, including a survey of letters housed at Saint-

Wandrille, is required to determine the exact starting point of the relationship and

whether or not Bordes portrayed himself as a practicing Ultramontane Catholic to the

monks or not.

Bordes and the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais

Bordes' s greatest contribution to the founding of the Schola was the precedent he set

with the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais after 1892. lndeed, there is a tradition of attributing

97 Letter
from Joseph Reylandt to Joseph Pothier dated 4 December 1903 (Archives de l'Abbaye
Saint-Wandrille). 1 am grateful to Jean-Pierre Noiseux for generously sharing a copy of this letter
withme.
98
Bordes's connection to Solesmes is discussed in detail in Chapter 4 of this dissertation.
 113

the birth of the institution to the performances given by this group.99 While a lot of
emphasis in the literature is placed on the Chanteurs' revival of Palestrina and other
sixteenth-century composers whose music might be used in the chur ch, l hope to have
shown in Chapter 1 that the group's repertoire was actually quite diverse. The Chanteurs
were launched into the public eye as much by performances of Bach cantatas and other
works of the Baroque that could not be used within the French Catholic liturgy, as they

were by renditions of Renaissance motets and masses that were more appropriate (if
rarely used) for this purpose. While we have few writings of Bordes's from the pre-

Schola era that indieate specifie preferences for early musie that may have affected the

institution's programming-or none that have surfaced-we do have the evidence of his

performance and publishing activities connected to the Chanteurs.

These publications included a small collection of French chansons, largely

composed by Lassus, and mainly introduced into the Chanteurs' repertoire by the time
the volume was published in 1896.100 Bordes had a great fondness for Lassus, and

performed a steady stream of his works at both sacred and secular events throughout

the 1890s. The complete absence of works by this composer a few months after Bordes's

stroke (November of 1903) indieates that this may not have been a taste he shared with

d'Indy. The enduring appeal of the Lassus chansons should not really surprise us: this

repertoire was received by the French public as music for the people, as an emblem of
Frenchness on par with monodie works su ch as Adam de la Halle's Le Jeu de Robin et de
Marion,101

Bordes's interest in French folklore can be traced back to as early as 1886 and the

Rhapsodie basque. His very first collaborator for Holy Week at Saint-Gervais was Julien

99
Martin Cooper, French Music, 59; Paul Landormy, La Musique française, 114-15; Francine and
Jean Maillard, Vincent d'Indy, 202; Yvonne de Blaunac, Vincent d'Indy, 85; Romain Rolland,
Musicians of Today, 286.
100
Charles Bordes, Chansonnier du XVIe siècle à l'usage des sociétés chorales (Paris: n.p., 1896).
101
It should be noted here that Lassus chansons were not as well-received as Janequin's "Le
Bataille de Marignan," for example. For more on French chansons and de la Halle's Jeu, see
Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past 147-77. On the Gallicizing of Lassus see in particular
pp. 160-63.
 114

Tiersot, a well-known French folksong authority and member of the historical society Le
Cercle Saint-Simon (founded in 1883). Indeed Tiersot had more than just a hand in the
early music revival, and sorne of his own efforts in this area are documented in

Appendix 2. Three years before the Countess Greffulhe' s performance of Bach' s

Christmas Oratorio in 1892, Tiersot conducted a group through the work at the Cercle
Saint-Simon. He also organized a concert of eighteenth-century French music with

Arthur Pougin for the annual supper of the "Philosophes du XVIIIe siècle" featuring the
works of Rousseau and Rameau several years before Durand began its edition of the

Rameau Oeuvres complètes. Tiersot also collaborated with the future members of the
Société des instruments anciens (Diémer and van Waefelghem) sorne time in advance of

Bordes's concerts with these same artists-at another concert of the Cercle Saint-Simon
which featured his own arrangement of André Campra's Daphne. With Tiersot we find a

connection between the study of the indigenous or folk and an interest in early art music
that might seem unlikely. It is something he shared with Maurice Bouchor (as I pointed
out earlier), d'Indy (who later collected folk songs), Bourgault-Ducoudray, and of course

Bordes.

An interest in folklore might be understood as a Republican pursuit. It was

under the more radical Republican government of the 1880s that the education ministry

began its campaign of missions officielles to gather folk songs from various French

provinces. Indeed, Tiersot has been described as a Republican-which makes him a bit
of an unlikely bedfellow for the more right-wing inclined d'Indy and Bordes. The case is

more complex for Schola founder, Louis-Albert Bourgault-Ducoudray, who se paired

interests in early music and folk song dated back to the 1860s and his years as a Prix de

Rome resident in Rome where he developed a fascination for Palestrina and the music of
Greece and Italy. Closer to Bordes's time, Bourgault-Ducoudray published a set of thirty

chansons populaires from the province of Brittany in 1885. A model for the younger
generation of Bordes and Tiersot for combining activities in both early and indigenous

music, Bourgault-Ducoudray's many activities seem eminently Republican. He worked

 115

to bring Handel to the masses and mounted performances of this musie using singers

from orphéon choirs. 102 Still, Bourgault-Ducoudray was born into a wealthy family
(much like Bordes and Tiersot!) and Massenet remembers him as a reserved young man
with the means to host costume parties (with hired musicians) while he was still a Prix de

Rome resident at the Villa Medici.1°3 And Bourgault-Ducoudray's translator for the
Trente melodies populaires de la Basse-Breton (1885) was François Coppée, future founder of
the anti-Dreyfusard Ligue de la patrie française. People change: at least Coppée was not

the same pers on in 1885 that he became after 1898. But what matters here is not really so

mu ch pers on al political orientation as the personal background that formed the point of
perspective through which individuals such as Bourgault-Ducoudray observed and
recorded folk culture.

Michel Faure has argued that the French aristocracy consistently took great

interest in traditional culture during the Third Republic: what they had a problem with

was the actual peuple.1 04 lndeed, in a 1905 article for Le Mercure musical, Jaques-Dalcroze

claimed that: "prior to the creation of folk song societies, the bourgeois had very little
interest in music."105 This interpretation of involvement in folksong as a detached

aristocratie pursuit seems more appropriate to Bordes' s possible Bonapartist

leanings-performances of indigenous French folk songs (in arrangement) are rare,

though tellingly programmed for benefit and worker events.1 06 Bordes's folk needed

polyphony, and although he was frequently taken to task for his performances of Lassus
chansons, he continued to present these works, even when overly large halls
compromised the effect of his small ensemble. A list of documented titles for the Lassus
chansons that Bordes performed between 1893 and 1904 is provided in Figure 5.

102
Ibid., 226-30.
103
Jules Massenet, My Recollections, 48.
104
Michel Faure, Musique et société, 251-52.
105 E. Jaques-Dalcroze, "Les Étonnements de M. Quelconque," Le Mercure musical (15 August
1905): 275.
106 .
See the concerts dated November 1896 and 11 February 1897 in Appendlx 1.
 116

Because Lassus chansons were not specified in at least twenty documented cases, it is
difficult to make any generalizations about Bordes's choices and reliance on earlier

editions or performances. Only two of the known titles were published earlier in Joseph
Napoléon Ney, Prince de la Moskowa's Receuil des morceaux de musique ancienne. At the
same time, it does appear as though the works introduced after 1894 received more
subsequent performances. This may stem from the publication of Henry Expert' s Les
Maîtres musiciens de la renaissance française. Begun in 1894, it rivaled Bordes's own edition
and may also account for his introduction of chansons by Claude le Jeune and Guillaume

de Costeley in programmes for the second half of the 1890s.

Figure 5-Lassus Chansons Performed by the Chanteurs and the Schola (1893-1904)

Title Moskowa? Date Documented

Introduced Performances
Mon coeur se recommande à vous [attr.] 18930107 4
Fuyons tous d'amour le jeu Yes 18930107 1
Si vous n'estes en bon point, bien à point Yes 18930512 3
Quelque jour engraisserés [attr.] 18930512 1
Las! voulez-vous qu'une personne 18940111 5
chante?
Sauter, danser, faire des tours 18940111 4
Orsus filles que l'on me donne 18940208 1
L'heureux amour, plaisir qui eslève et 18950529 1
honore
Quand mon mary vient de dehors 18950529 6
La nuiet froide et sombre 18950529 4
Soyons joyeux sur la plaisante verdure 18950529 2
Un jour vis un foulon qui fouloit 18950529 2
"La Chanson de Clément Marot" 18980200 1

Unspecified 1893 06 00 20

Bordes's interest in things French, or more specifically, Latinité (at its clearest in

the historical concerts of French music given between 1900 and 1903) has its roots in the

Chanteurs' very first programmes. Well over half of the works given at the first annual

concert are either French or ltalian (see Figure 6). Programming for the 1895 annual
 117

concert is extremely similar to the one for 1893.107 Iwo surviving programmes from the

d'Harcourt éclectique series also betray a tendency to favour French works or pieces from

Latin countries,108 and this pattern was replicated for a short series at the Galérie des

Champs Élysées in the spring of 1896. 109 Bordes also put together programmes
consisting of early music from mainly Latin countries, and nineteenth-century French

works or folksong arrangements: one included a lecture by d'Indy's longtime friend,

Henry Cochin,1l0 During the summer before the Schola moved to rue Saint-Jacques, the

model for Bordes's French music concerts at the school were clearly established in the

concert given as part of the music history conference at the private hall of Prince Roland

Bonaparte (see Figure 7). If concerts at the new Schola reinforced perceptions of the

institution as a haven for nationalists, this trend was probably set in place much earlier,

and as mu ch by Bordes as d'Indy.

107
Insufficient information for the 1894 event precludes any generalization ab out th e Latznlté
" 0f
annual concerts in general.
108
See the programmes for 13 and 27 December 1893 in Appendix 1.
109 See the programmes for 10 and 17 March 1896 in Appendix 1. A third programme remains
undocumented. D'Indy mentioned these concerts in a letter to Octave Maus dated 20 March
[1896] (Ma vie, 532-33). Apparently he and Bordes realized a grand total of 25 francs profit.
110 See the entry for a concert given at the Salle des Ouvriers Catholiques in November of 1896
(date unspecified) in Appendix 1.
 118

Figure 6-Chanteurs' First Annual Concert (12 May 1893, Salle Erard)

Josquin: La Déploration de Jean Ockeghem

Lassus: Si vous n'estes en bon point, bien à point
Quelque jour engraisserés
Mon coeur se recommande à vous
Fuyons tous d'amour le jeu comme le feu

J.S. Bach: 7th motet for 2 choirs Ich lasse dich nicht
Prelude and Fugue in 0 for [pno 1
Cantata for the feast of Pentecost
(excerpt-soprano aria)
Palestrina: Alla riva deI Tebro
Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan
B. Marcello: Sonata for Cello and Cymballum
D. Scarlatti Pastorale et Gigue
F. Couperin: Unspecified harpsichord pieces
Gluck: Unspecified aria from Armide

Figure 7-Congrès d'Histoire de la Musique (28 July 1900)

Gevaert (arr.): 3 Greek hymns including the Hymn to Apollo

Anon.: 2 Gregorian chants
Adam de la Halle: Le jeu de Robin et de Marion (excerpts--Bergeronnette
and others)
Palestrina: Ave Maria ... Virgo Serena
Jannequin La Bataille de Marignan
Carissimi: Jepthe (excerpts)
Schütz: Saint Matthew Passion (final choral number)
Attilio Ariosti: Sonata for Viola d'Amore

PLUS

Tiersot (arr.): Voici la Saint-Jean

C'est le vent frivolant
Gluck: Paris et Hélène (excerpt)
Méhul: Chant National du 14 juillet 1800

The programme for the Chanteurs' first annual concert is also significant in that it
includes only early music; the single aria from Gluck's Armide may weIl have been a
concession to one of the singers. A survey of early music performances mentioned in Le
Ménestrel prior to this concert, as weIl as events documented in other sources reveals this
format as somewhat unusual (see Appendix 2). Performances of early music on period
instruments organized in 1889 by the viola d'amore player Louis Van Waefelghem,
harpsichordist Louis Diémer, and others were given in concerts that were divided neatly
 119

in half between modern and early music. ll1 Likewise, as 1 noted earlier, Guilmant's
concerts at the Trocadéro always inc1uded works from his own century. lndeed in the
dozens of concerts mentioned by Le Ménestrel between 1888 and 1892, only two were

made up entirely of early music. The first was Tiersot's lecture recital for the historical
society Le Cercle Saint-Simon that 1 mentioned earlier, with performances by Diémer,
Van Waefelghem, cellist Jules Delsart, and flautist Paul Taffanel (see Figure 8). The

second was given on 12 December 1892 by Louis Bourgault-Ducoudray as part of his bi-

weekly Après-midi Littéraires et Artistiques" at the Salle des Capucines, and consisted
1/

entirely of troubadour and trouvère songs as well as portions of Le Jeu de Robin et de

Marion.

Figure 8-Lecture-Recital by Julien Tiersot at the Cercle Saint-Simon (9 December 1891)

Campra: Daphné
- transcribed by Tiersot
Rameau: Pièces en concert pour clavecin, flûte et basse de viole
La Timide and Tambourins (trio)
Musette, Le Rappel des oiseaux, Gavotte Variée
Marais: Sarabande pour viole d'amour
Sarabande Grave
Fantaisie en echo
Gavotte en rondeau
De Boismortier: Gavotte pour viole d'amour
Couperin: Le Carillon de Cythère
Les Papillons
Le Reveil-matin
Loeillet: Andante et Gigue de la 6ième sonate pour tlute
J. J. Rousseau: Le rosier (song)
Que le jour me dure (song)
Romance d'Alexis (song)

Is it a coincidence that this format was limited to folk/ early music scholars?

Only further investigation can tell. There is one inconsistency between these two events
and Bordes's: his was held at a different time of year. Bordes's concert took place in the
spring, in the midst of the off-season, at a time when music teachers and virtuosos gave

111 .
These concerts took place at Salle Érard on 24 and 27 January 1889 (listed in Appendlx 2), and
were reprised in part for the 1889 Exhibition on 25 and 31 May 1889. See the programmes listed in
Annegret Fauser, Musical Encounters, 317-19.
 120

short recital series, and when churches aH over Paris were bustling with Mois de Marie
performances. It was not a model that Bordes was able to sustain past 1895: for the 1896
annual concert, he tumed to the ancien-moderne type of event, combining works by
Goudimel, Palestrina and Carissimi with pieces by d'Indy, Polignac, and Berlioz. By
1897, if the annual springtime event was given at aH, it had probably fallen below the
press radar. It is possible that Bordes's event could not compete with the springtime

concerts given by van Waefelghem's Société des instruments anciens. This group had

given Hs first short season in April of 1895, but moved its performances to the month of
May in 1896.
What a musical programme that is strictly limited to early works means is
currently open to question. It seems to have had associations with leamedness, or at

least a type of history telling. Without delving into the political affiliations of the Société

des instruments anciens, it is difficult to ascribe any potential political overtones that

these events may have had. Still, the audience was somewhat circumscribed: Bourgault-

Ducoudray's lectures took place in the aftemoon; Tiersot's at private societies. Both took

place against the backdrop of the main season, and thus should be viewed as providing

"altemate" musical experiences. Were Bordes's events intended to feed the same
aesthetic hunger that this type of event could satisfy? Yes and no.

Sources and Associations-Bordes's Early Music Repertoire

Documented performances by the Chanteurs in the years between 1892 and 1895

indicate that Bordes very often tumed to works that were already in print, in Carl

Proske's Musica Divina (published 1853-62) and other nineteenth-century editions. He

also chose works from Proske and others for the volumes of his Anthologie des maîtres

religieux primitifs (see the concordance provided in Appendix 3), though this collection
should in no way be taken as a fuHy accurate representation of the Chanteurs' early

repertoire. A significant reliance on works published in the Moskowa edition

 121

characterized Bordes's programme for Holy Week performances in 1892.112 In the table
of contents for the Moskowa edition, readers are advised of works traditionally

performed at the Vatican during Holy Week: Palestrina's "Stabat mater," several
responsory settings by the same composer, and Allegri' s "Miserere" were aIl published
and identified as such. Lassus's "Regina coeli" appeared in the Moskowa edition but
was not tagged as Holy Week fare.1 13

While audiences may not have associated these works with Moskowa's exclusive
society, the y would surely have grasped the Vatican connection after reading Charles
Darcours's promotional article in Le Figaro, who made the connection explicit: "Le Figaro,

in recently expressing the desire to see those admirable works that created the glorious
reputation of the Sistine chapel choir performed in Paris during Holy Week could not
have believed that its wish would be fulfilled so quickly." He further stressed the

historical interest of the performances and qualified the Gregorian chant selections (in

Joseph Pothier's edition and sung using the Solesmes method) as "so very oriental,
mystical, and musical at the same time."114 These short performances provided pro-

Vatican, Ultramontane Parisian Catholics with the opportunity for vicarious experience,
in this case, a musical trip to the Holy City-something "different" that they might

112
Joseph Napoléon Ney, Prince de la Moskowa's Receuil des morceaux de musique ancienne exécutés
aux concerts de la Société de musique vocale religieuse et classique, fondée à Paris en 1843 (Paris: n.p.,
n.d.) Leeman L. Perkins has provided a list of contents for this edition in "Published Editions and
Anthologies of the 19 th Century," 91-128.
113
Palestrina's responsory settings for Good Friday or improperia were also previously published
in Friedrich Rochlitz's Collection de morceaux de chant, tirés des maîtres qui on le plus contribué aux
progrès de la musique et qui occupent un rang distingué dans l'histoire de cet art, choisis et arrangés
chronologiquement (Mainz: Schott, 1838-40). This collection further includes Lassus's "Regina
coeli" and Lotti's "Crucifixus," which were also programmed for the 1892 Holy Week
performances.
114
Charles Darcours, "La Musique Sacrée à Saint-Gervais," Le Figaro (24 March 1892), reproduced
in René de Castéra's Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 11. "Les pièces de plain-chant des
offices, telles que graduels, antiennes, etc., seront executées au choeur, en chant grégorien,
d'après la méthode du savant Bénédictin Dom Pothier, qui a reconstitué miraculeusement les
mélopées liturgiques mutilées et leur a rendu leur caractère primitif si oriental, si mystique et si
musical à la fois"; "Le Figaro, en exprimant récemment le voeu de voir exécuter à Paris, pendant
la Semaine sainte, les oeuvres admirables qui on fait la glorieuse réputation des choeurs de la
Sixtine, n'en croyait pas la realisation si proche."
 122

encounter in various forms during the spring and summer months, at sacred festivals
and sites of pilgrimage in the provinces. IlS

Bordes described the Holy Week performances to Paul Dukas as "six offices coup
sur coup dans leur monotonie à des heures imbéciles," which is somewhat shocking
considering the important place that these events are accorded in Schola histories,116

But if Bordes was not terribly religious, as his comments to Dukas suggest, he

nonetheless seems to have understood the drawing power of Vatican-style Holy Week

offices. For these "monotonous" performances offered listeners a quiet, contemplative

haven from the hustle and bustle of urban life. They were given dul'ing the day and in

the early evening, at heures imbéciles surely if one compared them to large mainstream
concerts, but infinitely suited to society women and retired military men-the same

audience that attended fashionable lectures at the Odéon,117 But they may have been

equally as convenient for the working classes: the venue was large and the prices modest

for non-subscribers. The repertoire could be performed without an impressive organ,

the usual drawing card for high society chur ch events, which Saint-Gervais was sadly

lacking (its instrument dated from the seventeenth century). These Holy Week events
were clearly mirrored in the petites heures that Bordes programmed at the small

115
The differences between Ultramontane and Gallican Catholics are more fully outlined in
Chapter 4.
116
See Bordes's undated letter to Paul Dukas, transcribed in Bernard Molla, "Charles Bordes" vol.
3, 158-59. This letter may date from late 1893 or early 1894, as one of the soloists mentioned in the
letter is recorded in only one Schola-related concert (11 January 1894).
117
Antoine Compagnon tells readers that the public lectures at the Odéon were a continuation of
the cours publics given by Sorbonne professors prior to reforms in higher education in 1885 and
1886. On the audience for these cours publics, Compagnon writes, "Il n'y a pas d'enseignement
supérieur, pas de recherché dansl es facultés d'avant 70, mais seulement des' cours publics' qui
sont des conferences où, afain de se désennuyer, les professeurs pérorent devant les femmes du
monde et les officiers en retraite." He later tells readers that by the late 1880s, literary approaches
to scholarship had lost out to positivism: "Les littéraires on perdu la bataille, sur tous les fronts,
semble-t-il, dans le supérieur et dans le secondaire, sinon peut-être dans les écoles libres, où la
rhétorique poursuivra une belle carrière. La bourgeoisie lit encore la Revue des Deux Mondes et
fréquente les conférences de l'Odéon, mais c'est surtout le dilettantisme d'Anatole France ou
l'impressionnisme de Jules Lemaitre qui séduisent le grand public." See his La Troisième
république, 28; 42.
 123

reconstructed church of Saint-]ulien-des-Menestriers during the 1900 exhibition: brief

moments of respite, a chance to sit down and escape the crowds. 118

The years between 1892 and 1895 involved a fair amount of experimentation for
Bordes. Despite the tremendous variety that characterized his repertoire in these early
years, Bordes appears to have taken a strong interest in the music of Vittoria. In 1892 he

introduced three new masses by this composer: Missa Ave Maris Stella, Missa Pro

Defunctis, and Missa Quarti Toni. The Ave Maris Stella mass is not listed in pre-Schola
nineteenth-century editions recently indexed by Leeman Perkins, and further research

has thus far revealed no earlier published source for this work. The other two were

published earlier in Proske's Musica Divina series, but it may be that Bordes's interest
came directly from Felipe Pedrell, the Spanish composer, folklorist and musicologist

who published the complete works of Victoria. Pedrell had been active in Paris during

the late 1870s and early 1880s, and so even though he only began the eight-volume

Hispaniae Schola Musica Sacra in 1894, Bordes and d'Indy may have known him earlier

through virtuoso pianists Francis Planté and Isaac Albéniz. The relationship was

definitely established by the summer of 1896, when Bordes, d'Indy, and Planté joined

Pedrell for a sacred music festival in Bilbao. 119

In Chapter 1, l pointed to the more frequent programming of Palestrina masses

compared to performances of works in the same genre by Vittoria. Still, this trend was

not immediate. There is something to suggest that Bordes had greater interest in

promoting Vittoria masses during the first two years of his career with the Chanteurs,

and that he may have tried to implant the Missa Ave Maris Stella for springtime events

118
Katharine Ellis's description of the events at Saint-Julien-des-Ménestriers suggests this as weIl.
She writes that vi si tors to the 1900 Exposition Universelle's Vieux Paris, "wou Id have been
accosted by flower-sellers and orange girls in period costume watched craftsmen at work in their
studios; covered their ears as the town crier started up close by; perhaps stepped into the oasis of
calm of the minstrels' church, peopled by Charles Bordes and his Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais,
who gave their single mini-concert several times each day." See her Interpreting the Musical Past,
xiii.
119
Vallas mentions the Bilbao festival in Vincent d'Indy: La maturité, la vieillesse, 35. The trip is also
documented in d'Indy's letters, reproduced in Vincent d'Indy: Ma vie, 545-48.
 124

and Assumption (15 August). He programmed it for Pentecost in both 1892 and 1893 as

weIl as Assumption in 1892, but by Assumption of 1893, this particular mass had been

set aside. It was not given again in Paris in Bordes's lifetime, except on two occasions in

December of 1898, though it may well have been given in the provinces for Marian
celebrations. Bordes also appears interested in creating a tradition for Vittoria's Missa
Pro Defunctis, which was performed for AIl Souls Day in both 1892 and 1893. In the
absence of surviving records for AIl Souls Day events at Saint-Gervais for the years after

1893, it is difficult to determine whether or not this mass was more or less abandoned

like the Missa Ave Maris Stella. A pattern of continually changing mass settings for All
Saints Day (see Chapter 1) suggests that variety may have been the order of that
particular time of the liturgical year.

If Palestrina dominated statistically in terms of performances of masses, Bordes

inevitably returns to the same three works: Missa Brevis, Missa Ascendo ad Patrem, and the

Missa Papae Marcelli. A lack of interest in exploring new masses was probably not the
result of any attempt to canonize particular works, but rather a true lack of initiative.

Two of the three masses already had a performance history in the secular world (at least
in excerpted form), and l have already pointed out that the only one to become

associated with a particular feast was the Missa Papae Marcelli, for Christmas. This is not

really surprising if we consider that many of the religious events that Bordes and the

Chanteurs performed for were offices, not masses. In an age when very few Parisians
actuaIly practiced the Catholic faith, that is, confessed and partook of the Eucharist, it is

more likely that vespers services and other offices were more attractive events for those
who lived in the capital,120

A doser look at the repertoire for Holy Week in the 1890s reveals very few

masses. Even for the springtime feast of Pentecost, Bordes gave performances for both

120
Ralph Gibson has reproduced surveys of religious practice in France that show that Paris and
the are a around it had much lower levels of practice than many other provinces. See his A Social
History of Ca tholicis m, 172.
 125

mass and the vespers services. As I explore much more deeply in Chapter 4, there were

strict rules about when music could be performed during religious services, and many
radical Ultramontane Catholics had a pronounced preference for simple, monophonic

chant settings of the mass. Thus the highlights of most performances at religious events
would have been the motets that would not have interfered with chant renditions of the
mass ordinary. Bordes realized this rather quickly. In 1892, the only works by Vittoria
that he gave outside of Holy Week were the three masses I mentioned earlier, over a

total of four events. By 1893 that weighting had shifted drastically, with up to eight

different motets given at eight different events (exc1uding Holy Week).

Bordes had a strong sense of propriety despite his irreverent attitude towards the

Holy Week services, and he rarely performed religious works used for services at events

outside the church. A strong case in point is the programme for the Chanteurs' first

annual concert at Salle Erard that I discussed earlier (see Figure 6). The double motet

and cantata aria by J. S. Bach are the only religious works slated for performances, and

these had no place in the Catholic liturgy. The exceptions to this rule included a concert

at the Trocadéro in June of 1893, and two concerts for the 1893-94 d'Harcourt season
specifically identified as "musique d'église, musique de théâtre, et musique de cour."121

Performances of easily identifiable sacred works, such as a capella works with Latin texts

were given with increasing rarity at secular events.

The years between 1892 and 1895 might be described as Bordes' s and the
Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais's "glory days" or a golden era that has allowed

musicologists to sideline the negative criticism that frequently plagued Bordes's public
performances at the end of the decade and into the early 19005 (see Chapter 3). In the

beginning, a strong network of support built up from the Société nationale and private

individuals ensured press support from Julien Tiersot and Le Ménestrel, Camille

Bellaigue at the right-wing Revue des deux mondes, Henry Eymieu, G. de Boisjoslin and E.

121
See the programmes for 13 December 1893 and 27 December 1893 in Appendix 1.
 126

Mangeot at Le Monde musical, and two individuals not yet introduced, former Franck

student Paul Dukas at La Revue des deux mondes and Adolphe Jullien at Le Journal des
débats (see the list of reviews provided in Figure 9),122 Recalling here that Paul Dukas
helped to organize the first Wednesday night series of "concerts éclectiques et
populaires" (not the same as the Bach cantata series) at the Concerts d'Harcourt in 1893-

94, it should also be noted that Adolphe Jullien was a longtime supporter of d'Indy.

Because Bordes was connected to these critics either personally or through d'Indy, their

articles might be considered overly biased, "puff" reviews (to borrow Katharine Ellis's

formulation). But not everyone who read them was privy to the relationships, and those

in the know likely read the reviews for what they were, demonstrations of support,123

Still, it is unlikely that Bordes would have had this kind of press coverage for religious

events alone: in the months leading up to the founding of the Schola, the Chanteurs de
Saint-Gervais were certainly as visible in the secular wOrld of the Concerts d'Harcourt,

Guilmant's Trocadéro recitals, and their annual concerts at the Salle Erard as they were

to the audience that made its way to the Église Saint-Gervais for special occasions.

Without these secular events, the performances by the Chanteurs at religious events may

well have suffered from the same neglect as concerts and recitals of this same repertoire

given by the École Niedermeyer. 124

While the number of reviews presented in Figure 9 is perhaps not overwhelming,

the fact that the Chanteurs were covered at all by these periodicals is particularly

revealing. For instance, in the case of the Journal des débats the attention is somewhat

odd, because this daily rarely reviewed concerts aside from those presented by large

organizations, and certainly not for music performed at masses (which is the case for

122
1 have already mentioned the publicity articles written by Charles Darcours for Le Figaro at the
request of its managing editor and director Francis Magnard.
123
Katharine Ellis has addressed the problems associated with "puff" reviews and has concluded
that it is still important to consider them. See her Interpreting the Musical Past, xvii.
124 Ibid., 109. Here Ellis describes the poor visibility of Niedermeyer School events.
 127

two of the reviews on the list). The singling out of the Chanteurs in this particular

newspaper would have sent a strong message of support.

Figure 9-Pre-Schola Press References to the Chanteurs (Feb.1891-0ct. 1894)

Le Figaro (Charles Darcours)

Il February 1891; 24 March 1892

Le Journal des Débats (Adolphe Jullien)

25 January 1892; 25 March 1892; 26 March 1893; 15 April 1893*;
29 April 1893*; 19 August 1893*; 20 January 1894*; 31 March 1894*;
26 May 1894*

Le Ménestrel (Julien Tiersot and [Léon Schlessinger])

24 April 1892*; 9 April 1893*; 7 January 1894*; 14 January 1894*;
28 January 1894*; 4 February 1894*; 10 February 1894; 1 April 1894*;
15 April 1894; 29 April 1894*; 13 May 1894

Le Monde Musical (various critics)

30 May 1893*; 15 June 1893*; 15 December 1893; 30 December 1893*;
15 January 1894*; 30 January 1894*; 15 February 1894*

La Revue des Deux Mondes (Camille Bellaigue)

15 October 1894*

La Revue Hebdomadaire (Paul Dukas)

8 April 1893*; 1 July 1893*; 21 January 1894*; 3 February 1894

* denotes a review

What cornes through the reviews is not praise for discovering sixteenth-century

polyphony, but rather for performing it so flawlessly, and in a vigorous, highly

expressive manner-for bringing it back to life, or, reviving it.125 Adolphe Jullien and

Julien Tiersot both referred very c1early to Wagner in the context of their reviews. Jullien

praised the singers and commented that the effect was reinforced by the fact that they

125
Anya Suschitzky has also emphasized this idea of revival as literally bringing composers back
to life. See her "The Nation on Stage," 151. "By remaking Rameau as a crucible from which
modern positions on textual criticism, national style, and historicism emerged, the Oeuvres
complètes cast Rameau as the distilled essence of an idealized national spirit: a national hero and a
personal ally in the fight against foreign music, Rameau was their illustrious ancestor and their
living contemporary." She discusses the strong identification that Debussy made with Rameau in
greater detail on pp. 152-65.
 128

were not visible to the audience (they sang in the loft). He reminded readers that this

was also the case for Wagner's music, and that this composer had displayed an interest

in Palestrina during his years in Dresden. Jullien's rapture with the music stemmed

from the fact that it provoked "real emotions," and produced sonic waves that filled the
church. This kind of discourse spoke to the organic and kinetic qualities of Wagner's

music that were so admired during the late nineteenth century, and reflected a value for
Wagnerized performances of Palestrina from earlier in the century.126 Accessibilityor

immediacy for early music in general was also very important to Tiersot. He claimed

that Bordes was trying to make the works "live," and for Tiersot, part of living and

surviving as a work of art meant not being dependent on recreating performance styles

of the past. Dukas resorted to the same kinds of metaphors as Tiersot and Jullien for his

descriptions of Bach's music, as he experienced it at one the Chanteurs concerts of Bach

cantatas.

Together these critics imply that there was something "different" about Bordes's

Palestrina, even though-at least for Holy Week-he probably performed it in much the

same style as other groups had (see Chapter 4). And so would this occasion have fed an

elite hunger for quasi-erudite, "alternative," musical events? Again, yes and no. The

difference between Bordes's Holy Week music and other performances was setting and

context: these "services" were, strictly speaking, all-early-music events. They were also

much shorter than the average secular concert. Finally, they were accompanied by
action-like a theatre piece. In that sense, yes, they were different.

126
For a detailed look at Palestrina reception and Wagnerian-like performances in particular, see
Katharine Ellis's "Palestrina et la musique dite 'palestrinienne,'" 155-90; and Interpreting the
Musical Past, 179-207. 1 also provide further discussion of Palestrina reception in Chapter 5 of this
dissertation.
 129

Bordes and the 5acred Cantatas of J.5. Bach

In the months that surrounded the founding of the Schola, the Chanteurs appeared most

consistently at the newly founded Concerts d'Harcourt where Bordes had been

appointed choirmaster. Bordes did not go to d'Harcourt alone: d'Indy also moved sorne
of the Société nationale events to this venue as wel1. 127 Aside from the twelve "eclectic"

concerts that Bordes undertook with Dukas and Doret, he also gave two series of Bach

cantata concerts in the winters of 1894 and 1895 that were underwritten by Winnaretta

Singer, the Princesse de Polignac. These two series are important to any study of the

Schola's early music revival: the school's historians remembered them long after many

of Bordes's other concerts were forgotten. They provide a starting point in histories of

the Schola for the Chanteurs's secular activities, even though the group had already

appeared outside the church prior to this date. The Bach cantata concerts further

spawned a legacy that provided the Schola's similar events of 1900 ta 1903 with a raison

d'être. l suspect that memory was often an issue for commentators and audiences alike.

It is possible that sorne confused the "concerts éclectiques," which sometimes included

cantatas programmed alongside instrumental works, with the aU-vocal events

underwritten by the Princesse de Polignac. The reasons why the series ended after its

second year have never been fully examined, but the ultimate curtaHment of Bordes's

association with d'Harcourt seems to have been neither a lack of funding, nor a failure to

appeal to a large audience. In the end, these mythical events seem to have come to an

end because the performances were not that good-and perhaps were not different" Il

127
It was a decision that d'Indy did not take lightly, and in letters to Pierre de Bréville he
expressed concern over the cost, a possible loss in autonomy (or what he caUs "absorption") for
the Société Nationale, and the quality of the orchestra. See d'Indy's letter dated 25 October 1893 to
Pierre de Bréville regarding an alliance with d'Harcourt in which he expresses concern over
possible "absorption" and the quality of the orchestra. In his letter of [30] October 1893 to
conductor Gabriel Marie, d'Indy asks Marie to reassure him that he will be conducting at
d'Harcourt. D'Indy later reported to Bréville on 30 October 1893 that Marie had left d'Harcourt.
Still hesitating over an affiliation with d'Harcourt because of the cost and possible loss of
autonomy for the Société Nationale, d'Indy agrees to try the paying concerts at this new venue.
See also his letter to Bréville dated 6 November 1893 to Bréville. AIl of these letters are located at
the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Département de la Musique (La Vincent d'Indy, nos. 130,
333, BI, and 133.)
 130

enough-and Bordes and d'Harcourt fell out over a petty, and completely unrelated

matter.
Parisians took a strong interest in Bordes' s Bach cantata series at the Concerts
d'Harcourt. Winnaretta Singer's biographer Sylvia Kahan has reasonably suggested that
strong attendance for this series resulted from Singer's own increased visibility and

publicityefforts, particularly for the 1895 series, in the form of a barrage of

advertisements in the press from the right-wing Libre parole to the moderate République
française and many others,128 Still, the success of the 1894 series appears to have born
little fruit in the following year. Following the 1895 series of Bach Cantatas at the

Concerts d'Harcourt, the Princesse de Polignac withdrew support from the Chanteurs in

the public sphere. René de Castéra tells us that receipts for second series were

considerably diminished as a result of poor weather conditions that affected

attendance. 129 Yet this story collapses under scrutiny-reviewers report full houses for

the series. Guignes Talavernay informed readers that the public had completely sunk its

teeth into the music, and Gustave Robert declared the 1894-95 season marked by a

furious generalized craze for the music of J. S. Bach.1 30 These observations aside, Robert

and Talavernay bestowed only lukewarm praise on the actual events. Robert deemed

the music, "very interesting" and the soloists excellent; Talavernay singled out Bordes

for wresting, "accurate intonations, unified attacks, clear pronunciation, and expressive

finesse" from the choir but found that despite a "beautiful sincerity of expression," the
Schütz pieces were "sometimes lacking in intelligence and over long, awkward like a

gracious child in a dress that is too long, too unified and too tight ..., in other words, it
was no Frei-Schütz."131

128
Sylvia Kahan, Music's Modern Muse, 83; 90.
129
René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 24.
130 Gustave Robert, La Musique à Paris 1894-95 vol. 1, 125; See also Guignes Talavernay's review
for Le Monde musical (30 March 1895), 428.
131
Ibid., 136 "Peut-être s'est-il trouvé quelques hésitations dans l'orchestre ou les choeurs, mais
les trois pièces étaient si intéressantes! Puis les solistes ont été excellents. En première ligne, Mlle
Marcella Pregi, qui chante décidément Bach avec beaucoup d'âme et de goût. A citer aussi MM.
 131

Association with curiosity events that were long on public enthusiasm but short
on critical valuation might not have been something the Princesse de Polignac

particularly desired-indeed that gracious child in the ill-fitting dress might have been
an indirect, insulting allusion to the person who underwrote the series. Correspondence
between Bordes and Eugène d'Harcourt provides more information on the actual quality
of the performances. It also reveals a complete breakdown in the working relationship

between the two men at the end of April 1895 that may have also alienated the Princesse

de Polignac. In a fit of outrage at finding a singer he was not weIl disposed to

performing at the Polignac' s salon, d'Harcourt fired off a venomous letter of complaint
to Bordes, who had organized and conducted the event)32 D'Harcourt' s wrote:

My Dear Bordes,

If memory serves, 1 am the one who secured the subsidy you received for your
cantatas two years ago. Personally, 1 gave you my hall free of charge for six
concerts as weIl as aU the rehearsals you asked me for.

Moreover, 1 believe that 1 handsomely compensated you as choirmaster, even

though (between you and me) you almost always performed this service half-
heartedly.

Up to this point, 1 think we agree.

Auguez, Vergnet et Cheyrat."; "Le talent et le zèle du jeune maître de chapelle sont également
admirables; justesse des intonations, ensemble des attaques, netteté de la prononciation, finesse
des nuances, tout est à louer dans les résultats .... "
132
See Appendix 1 for the details of this concert given 23 April 1895. Undated letter from Eugène
d'Harcourt to Charles Bordes, rostal stamp 25 April 1895 (Les Faugs/ d'Indy, file Bordes-
Poujaud). "Mon Cher Bordes, / Si j'ai bonne souvenance, c'est moi qui vous ai fait obtenir il y a
deux ans la subvention qui vous était allouée pour vos cantates. Personnellement je vous ai donné
ma salle gratis pour six concerts ainsi que pour toutes les répétitions que vous m'avez
demandées. / / De plus je vous ai, je crois, largement rétribué comme chef des choeurs, quoique
(entre nous) vous avez presque toujours fait le service par dessous [della jambe. / / Jusqu'ici,
nous sommes d'accord je pense. / / Je ne vous demande aucune gratitude, mais je me permets de
vous dire que j'ai été stupéfait de constater hier qu'ayant l'embarras du choix vous employiez
précisément le polisson que vous savez. / / Je regrette de ne pouvoir vous dire autre chose. / /
Eugène d'Harcourt"
 132

1 do not ask you to thank me, but 1 shall allow myself to tell you that 1 was struck
dumb yesterday to see that, given a vast array of choice, you had decided to hire
precisely the malicious little troublemaker that you know 1 am speaking of.

1 regret that 1 am unable to say otherwise.

Eugène d'Harcourt

This letter suggests that even though Guilmant was close to the Princesse de

Polignac as her organ teacher, it was Eugène d'Harcourt who had intervened on

Bordes' s behalf to secure funding for the Bach cantata series. It also seems plausible that

d'Harcourt may have shared rus dissatisfaction over Bordes's performances with the

Princesse de Polignac. Though d'Harcourt does not ask for a resignation outright,

Bordes supplies one in his reply. The draft version of this letter is particularly

interesting since it includes attempts at conciliation that were eventually abandoned.

The translation given 1 have provided here (see page over) indicates the text that was

crossed out as it appears in the draft. 133

133
Undated letter draft from Charles Bordes ta Eugène d'Harcourt [27 April 1895] (Les
Faugsl d'Indy, file Bordes-Poujaud). "Vendredi Il Mon cher d'Harcourt Il Je ne peux vraiment
pas accepter les reproches que vous avez cru devoir m'adresser. Je n'ai pas à prendre
l'engagement de ne jamais Je n'ai aucune raison pour ne pas employer hors de chez vous tous les
gens avec qui vous avez eu des difficultés. Il J'ai conscience de n'avoir pas rempli mon rôle de
chef de chœur« par dessous la jambe» comme vous voulez bien me l'écrire. [ce?] D'autres vous
diront comme moi que depuis deux ans je vous ai de mon côté rendu quelques services. Si vous
réfléchisse'ti à ee que j'ai fait dans la [saison?] 189 Vous savez d'ailleurs depuis longtemps que les
questions d'argent sont pour moi tout à fait secondaires [et] je ne croyais pas je vous l'avoue avoir
été payé au dela mes peines ... Il Quand à moi je continuerai à vous être reconnaisant des
facilités que vous m'avez accordées pour les cantates de Bach-non sans conditions il est
vrai!-Libre à vous d'oublier le dévouement tJ:UC je vous ai prouvé en vous consacrant tout mon
temps et tout mon zèle et en vous donnant peut-être quelques idées pendant la période la plus
difficile de votre compagnie. Il Quoiqu'il en soit je saisi l'occasion de reprendre ma liberté.
J'avais été bien souvent tenté de le faire au cours de cette année! En le faisant j'oublie les heures
difficiles pénibles je ne me souviens que des bonnes Je ne vew( conserver que les bons souvenirs
et je reste malgré tout et oublie les Il Croyez mon cher d'Harcourt à mes sentiments les meilleurs
dévoués. Il Charles Bordes." 1 am grateful ta François de Médicis for his assistance in
transcribing this letter for me.
 133

Friday

My Dear d'Harcourt,

l am truly unable to accept the accusations you have leveled at me. l am not
obliged to commit myself to never Outside your establishment, there is no reason
not to employ people who have given you difficulties.

l do not believe that l fulfilled my role as choirmaster "half-heartedly" as you

wrote to me. Others will tell you as l '/lOuld that for the past two years l also
helped you out in a few instances. If you think back to ',',hat l did during the
189[4 season] On the other hand you have known for a long time that monetary
considerations are a completely secondary consideration for me [and] l did not
think, l swear, that l was paid more than l deserved ....

For my part l will continue to be grateful for the facilities you lent me for the
Bach cantatas-not without certain conditions it is true!-You are welcome to
forget the devotion that l showed you in allocating aIl my time and energy and in
giving you perhaps a few ideas during your company's most difficult period.

In any case, l will use this occasion to regain my freedom. l was very often
tempted to do 50 this year! In so doing 1 shaH forget the difficult painful hours 1
remeJ;nber only good l want to preserve only good memories and 1 remain in
spïte of e... erything and forget the

Trust in my best devoted wishes my dear d'Harcourt.

Charles Bordes

Bordes suffered a serious setback wh en he severed ties with d'Harcourt. Even

though he continued to organize concerts for the Princesse de Polignac's private salon,

the only further collaborative effort between the two in terms of public events was an

aborted project to perform the Saint John Passion in 1896.1 34 The disagreement between
the Bordes and d'Harcourt appears to have dissolved in later years, as Bordes returned
to d'Harcourt's fold for a performance of Handel's Messiah at the Église Saint-Eustache
in 1900. The tepid reviews and other contemporary accounts of slack performances

during this series appear to have gone underground ... or perhaps the memory of them

134
On the abandoned project to perform the Saint John Passion, see Sylvia Kahan, Music's Modern
Muse, 95. Kahan also reports that Bordes organized concerts for the Princesse de Polignac's salon
until his retreat from Paris in 1905 (idem., 139).
 134

was the motivation for some of the negative criticism handed out to Bordes after 1900
(see Chapter 3).

In some ways, Bordes was very similar to d'Harcourt: he was a composer who
lacked either the direction or the drive to make a career of it; a musician of some ability
but not a virtuoso. What he gave to the Schola in the earliest years of his career was

short-lived fame that the post-1900 Schola could reach back to for the sake of legitimacy,

minus the warts of course. Even though Bordes made a name early on with the 1892
Holy Week performances, he let this repertoire die a natural death in his Parisian career

with the move to rue Saint-Jacques, reserving it more or less for ceremonial events. He
also laid much of the groundwork for one of the more unfortunate aspects of the
Schola's reputation, its right-wing leanings, most of aIl through French music concerts

and other events stressing Latinité. To the end of his Schola career, Bordes held firmly to

his early practice of performing a lot of different music, in multi-item events. Combined
with great devotion to the "history lecture" model of Tiersot and Bourgault-Ducoudray,
Bordes insured that many of those early events remained exclusively devoted to early

music. For whereas d'Indy's early music programming after 1904 reveals an artist who

wanted to live and progress from the music of the past to his own artistic experience,

Bordes seems more eager to create moments of suspended experience, crystallized in an

idealized past.

Conclusion

The people who came together in the spring and faH of 1894 to found the Schola

Cantorum were bound together not just by a co mm on desire to promote sacred music
reform, but by a tightly-woven web of social connections and pers on al histories. 1 have
mentioned a lot of details in this chapter: d'Indy's Wagnerian friends, the Chambruns,
who organized Bach performances with Guilmant; the pers on who translated their

editions, Maurice Bouchor, whose poems were set to original music by Bordes; Paul
 135

Poujaud, who frequented the same salons as d'Indy and other Franckistes, and was
Bordes' s intimate friend; the Société nationale de musique, with which aIl three Schola

founders were involved; Edmond, Prince de Polignac, who was d'Indy' s friend;
Polignac' s wife, Winaretta Singer, who was a former student of Guilmant' sand
underwrote Bordes's Bach cantata series. The list couId go on much longer, but suffi ce it
to say here that Guilmant, d'Indy, and Bordes might have come together for any number

of causes in 1894, because they shared the same social circ1e and its accompanying
artistic values.

The surge of interest in the music of J.5. Bach that was supported by individuals

within the circIe of aIl three founders, such as the Comte de Chambrun, intensified after
1885. Schola or no Schola, Guilmant, Bordes and d'Indy would have become more
involved with this repertoire simply to feed interest: d'Indy had begun to integrate

works by Bach on Société nationale programmes and Guilmant was already well-known

for his performances of this same composer's music by the time the society for sacred

music was founded. Ironically Bordes is perhaps the only question mark here-he made

no attempt to perform Bach's or any other early music composer's works at Saint-
Gervais until after events featuring nineteenth-century composers proved too risky. The
youngest Schola founder did luck upon music that probably led him to Bach with his

1891 Maundy Thursday performances of Palestrina and Allegri at Saint-Gervais. This

event showed him how to successfully programme music in a poor church that lacked

the drawing power of a powerful, symphonic organ. But then again, Palestrina' s music

was highly prized by Wagnerians like the Sâr Péladan and other members of the Salon

de la Rose-Croix as the ancestor to Bach.

Something 1 have not discussed in any great detai! here is the issue of Rameau,
and how the personal backgrounds of each Schola founder might have affected the
institution's programming of this celebrated eighteenth-century French composer. But 1

have stressed the importance of looking to the generation of composers that preceded
Rameau (Lully and Charpentier), because it is in this group of servants to the court,
 136

chapel and other institutions of Louis XIV that Bordes's (and to a lesser extent d'Indy's)

personal experiences might be located. Understanding this requires a wider social view

than may be given here, and so readers will have to wait for that discussion until my

contextual circ1e widens to that point in the final chapter of this study.
 Chapter 3

Institutional Change and RepertoriaI Trends at the Schola Cantorum

Introduction

This chapter provides the institutional context for the changes in early music

programming outlined in Chapter 1. The first section deals with the period between the

founding of the Schola as a religious music society in June of 1894 and the opening of the

larger, école supérieure in November of 1900. The second section co vers the time between
late 1900 and 1914. The goal is to expose relationships between the Schola's early music
revival, and its mandate and relationship to the Conservatoire and sorne other societies.

As such, the break at 1900 should not really be viewed as arbitrary, since the Schola's

mission changed profoundly after November of that year, and its relationship to the

state-run school and other societies evolved considerably over the next three years. I

have identified few causal relationships in this chapter: for Schola events in Paris, and

particularly performances by the Chanteurs at secular venues, did not always represent
the institution's mission. lndeed, by the early 1900s, some observers had come to the
conclusion that Schola concerts of early music were mere commercial ventures.

The Schola Cantorum, Society for Sacred Music 1894-96

Writing shortly before his death, Vincent d'Indy noted that the Schola Cantorum grew
out of the work of Charles Bordes with the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais. l There is some

logic in this assertion: of the more than one hundred and fifty documente.d events that
took place in the 1890s (see Appendix 1), about two thirds are strictly identified with the

Chanteurs. In 1892 and 1893, the overwhelming majority of documented events that

1 Vincent d'Indy, "La Schola Cantorum" in Encyclopédie de la musique et dictionnaire du Conservatoire part 2
edited by Albert Lavignac and Lionel de la Laurencie (Paris: Librairie de la Grave, 1931),3622.
 138

Bordes organized were religious in nature, and so his career may well appear as an

important precursor for a society dedicated to the promotion and dissemination of

sacred masterworks.z Yet by 1894, only about half of events recorded for the year were
actually religious, and a similar pattern followed for 1895.
It is also important to recall Bordes's widely followed performances for vespers and

other offices during Holy Week at Saint-Gervais, where he consistently programmed

polyphonic responsory settings by Palestrina and Vittoria. As we also saw in Chapter 1,

Bordes appears to have been set on constructing a musical tradition of polyphonie works

for Holy Week at Saint-Gervais-something that was more or less in conflict with the

very first article of the Schola Cantorum' s mission to promote the chant revision project
of the Benedictine monks of Solesmes. As 1 explain in greater detail in Chapter 4, those

who supported the adoption of chant in the French Catholic church were often violently

opposed to the use of sacred Renaissance polyphony for liturgical use. This

inconsistency may explain why Schola founders disagreed over the title of the society's

mouthpiece. They eventually settled on La Tribune de Saint-Gervais, which created a

strong tie between the Chanteurs, with their reputation for performances of both

Baroque and Renaissance music, and the new Schola. But there is sorne question as to

whether or not the decision was unanimous?

The actual articles of the Schola's mission give only a small place to the repertoire

that had brought so mu ch attention to Bordes and the Chanteurs, that is, Renaissance

sacred music composed by Palestrina (or composers with a similar style) and Bach

cantatas. Published in the first issue of La Tribune de Saint-Gervais, the chief articles of the

society's mission were originally inscribed as:

2 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 26. De Castéra lists those present as the Chanoine
de Bussy (meeting chair), Abbé Noyer, Abbé Chappuy, Abbé Perruchot, Alexandre Guilmant, Vincent
d'Indy, and Charles Bordes.
3 Ibid. Here René de Castéra indicates that the decision was not unanimous.
 139

1. The performance of Gregorian chant according to the principles of the

Reverend Benedictine Fathers after the edition in greatest conformance to the
manuscripts. 4
2. The restoring of so-called Palestrinian music as a model of polyphony that may
be used in association with Gregorian chant for solemn feasts.
3. The creation of modern religious music, respectful of texts and liturgical
regulations, inspired by Gregorian and Palestrinian traditions.
4. The improvement of organ repertoire, in terms of its union with Gregorian
melodies and its appropriateness for the various offices.5

The immediate risk of controversy that might arise from the very first of these articles

was both considerable and appreciable at the time. The chant performance principles
and editions developed by Solesmes had been ignored in a new sacred music regulation

endorsed by the pope and signed on 7 July 1894, one month after the Schola's first

meeting. Nonetheless, this same regulation had given French bishops the freedom to
choose editions of chant for use within their particular dioceses, and Palestrina's music
had been recommended as ideal sacred polyphony.6 Bordes could make the chant issue

work in his favour by amending the wording of the first article of the Schola' s mission

statement. It later appeared in the inaugural issue of La Tribune de Saint-Gervais as, "the

return to the Gregorian tradition for chant performance, and its application in the various

diocesan editions. f17

In singling out Palestrina with its sacred music regulation of 1894, the Sacred

Congregation of Rites had allowed certain churches with a longstanding tradition of

performing this music to continue with their usual habits. In Paris, for instance, we
know that this was already an established practice at Notre-Dame-des-Blancs-Manteaux.

4 Ibid., 27. "1. L'exécution du chant grégorien selon les principes des RR. Pères Bénédictins d'après l'édition
la plus conforme aux manuscripts."
5 René de Castéra, "La Fondation de la Schola," in La Schola Cantorum en 1925 (Paris: Bloud et Gay, [1925]),
7. "2. La remise en honneur de la musique dite palestrinienne comme modèle de musique figurée, pouvant
être associée au chant grégorien pour les fêtes solennelles; 3. La création d'une musique religieuse moderne,
respectueuse des textes et des lois de la liturgie, s'inspirant des traditions grégoriennes et palestriniennes; 4.
L'amélioration du répertoire des organistes, au point de vue de son union avec les mélodies grégoriennes
et de son appropriation aux différents offices."
6 The regulation that issued from the 1894 deliberations of the Sacred Congregation of Rites is dated 7 July
1894 and begins "Quod S. Augustinus." It was quickly printed and translated into French in Musica sacra
(July 1894): 101-08.
7 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 27. "Le retour à la tradition grégorienne pour
l'exécution du plain-chant, et son application aux diverses éditions diocésaines."
 140

In the provinces, sever al churches had a long history of performing Palestrina, including
the cathedral at Langres. 8 We know from a later interpretation of this regulation that
sorne thinkers considered imitative counterpoint and flexible rhythms to be definitive

markers of sacred music, characteristics that can also be applied to a lot of Renaissance
music. 9 From another point of view, Katharine Ellis has attributed the attraction of
Palestrina for sorne sacred music thinkers to a widespread tendency to perform only the

most homorhythmic of his works, which made the composer's music seem more like
chant harmonizations than learned compositions. She further argues that nineteenth-

century French observers perceived Palestrina' s music as non-sensual, as possessed of a

non-corporeal "golden coolness."lo

Bordes was able to take advantage of the 1894 regulation (discussed in more
detail in Chapter 4), because he had already developed a reputation for performances of

Palestrina's music. The works he had become most associated with were the responsory

settings for Holy Week by Vittoria and Ingegneri (then attributed to Palestrina), which

were mainly homorhythmic in texture. Performed in the choir loft at Saint-Gervais

during di ml y-lit Holy Week services, the effect must have been at least partially one of
musical disembodiment in much the same way that Ellis describes. Moreover, the

Schola's earliest mission accommodated performance habits that the Chanteurs had

already acquired. The second article is carefuUy worded: Palestrinian music will serve as

a model of sacred polyphony, used in association with Gregorian chantfor solemn feasts

only. As we saw in Chapter 1, the consistent return of a specifie polyphonie setting for
the mass ordinary occurs only for Christmas celebrations (in this case, the Missa Papae

Marcelli). Otherwise, Bordes appears to be building his musieal traditions on the fringes
of the liturgy, with these responsory settings and motets, and only between AU Saints

Day and Easter.

8 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 108-09.

9 Eugène Chaminade, La Musique sacrée telle que la veut l'Église (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1897), 19.
10 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 199.
 141

The stipulation that the polyphony be Palestrinian in nature is at odds with

Bordes' s previous programming of choral works by Bach for celebrations of Pentecost,

Corpus Christi and other springtime feasts between 1893 and 1894, as weIl as Holy Week

in 1892. Still, prior to the founding of the Schola, there were already significantly fewer
performances of Baroque music by composers su ch as J.S. Bach at religious ceremonies

by comparison with executions of Renaissance music. One possible exception might be

an interpretation of the fourth article as an invitation to include organ works by Bach

that could be considered an "improvement" over existing repertoires.u Indeed, the only

works by Bach programmed for religious ceremonies after the founding of the Schola

were organ fugues.

Despite the disparity between the Schola's mission and Bordes's and the

Chanteurs's practices, like d'Indy, de Castéra asserted that the Schola grew out of

Bordes' s prior career and, in particular, his desire to spread the word throughout the

provinces is indicative of the institution's activities in a general sense. 12 This is because

provincial tours and conferences were central to the work of the early Schola. Bordes's

regional performances with the Chanteurs began in early 1895, alongside regional

activities that the Schola undertook soon after its founding. Moreover, during these

early years a trend towards regional reporting in La Tribune de Saint-Gervais was

established and maintained unti11900. To the outside observer, the early Schola

probably appeared highly concerned with sacred music reform not only in Paris, but

throughout the nation. This attention to the provinces is important, because it was not

something that characterized every phase of the Schola's history.

The Schola' s mouthpiece paints a clear picture of the society' s mission in the

years between 1894 and 1896: from the inaugural issue of August 1894 to late 1896, chant

and sacred Renaissance polyphony are the most consistently treated subjects in the

11 Bach organ fugues were included in programmes for AlI Saints Day in 1895 and Pentecost services the
following year. The only other recorded instance of Bach' s music at a religious event after the founding is a
Eerformance of "Tantum ergo" on Il August 1895.
2 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 25.
 142

review. Contributions range from articles and lecture texts (including two by the

Benedictine monks Joseph Pothier and André Mocquereau), to reports of sacred music
congres ses, and pastoralletters on chant from two cardinals. The effort to improve
organ repertoire was sidelined in the Tribune, with a single article devoted to the subject

over the entire two-year periodP Organ music was also less frequently included as a

musical supplement or encartage in the Schola' s mouthpiece with pieces for this

instrument included in only seven issues of the Tribune, compared to the fourteen issues
featuring works of sacred Renaissance vocal music. 14 Despite this neglect, the

improvement of the organ repertoire does seem to be an important part of the Schola's

monthly composition concours, instituted as a regular feature of the Tribune in an effort to

promote the composition of new sacred music in the Palestrinian style. Abbé Perruchot

managed this contest, and may have been assigned the task as a result of his extensive

experience performing early music at Notre-Dame-des-Blancs-Manteaux.15 He

prescribed a different type of music in each issue of the Tribune, generally alternating
between organ pieces and vocal polyphony.

The Schola's composition contest provided the society with the means to engage
in popular Catholic music. As l noted in the previous chapter, sorne of the same people

who were involved with reviving early music also had interests in popular culture,

including one of the Schola's original founders, Louis-Albert Bourgault-Ducoudray.

Popular Catholic music for celebrations su ch as Corpus Christi (Fête-Dieu) could likewise

be identified with folk culture because the clergy had little control over the processionals

and other activities that sprung up around these feasts until the late nineteenth century.16

13 André Pirro, "Les Anciens Maîtres de l'Orgue," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (December 1896): 181-83.
14 Newly-composed vocal music for the church was even less weIl represented, with only 4 pieces
Erovided as encarton during the same time period.
5 Amédée Gastoué, "Charles Bordes," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais special issue (November 1909): 5.
16 For a brief description of the increase in clerical control over popular religious events and pilgrimages,
see Ralph Gibson, A Social History ofCatholicism, 138-45. A more detailed discussion of the
institutionalization of these Catholic activities is found in Thomas A. Kselman, Miracles and Prophecies in
Nineteenth-Century France (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1983), 141-188. On the outcry
that surrounded the irreligious nature of Corpus Christi celebrations see Jean-Yves Hameline, "Musique
 143

The early Schola might have promoted a link between sacred Renaissance polyphony

and the French "folk" through the performance of works based on secular French

chansons. lndeed, in 1895, Julien Tiersot argued that chanson masses were appropriate

for liturgieal use because the original secular melodies on which they were based could

not be perceived in polyphonie settings. l7 But this argument yielded few performances

of Renaissance chanson masses: not only was the repertoire completely unsuited to the

context of feasts like Corpus Christi, it was considered hybrid, irreligious music.

Appealing to those with an interest in folklore through its revival-reform effort was

important to the early Schola: Bordes told the Solesmes monk André Mocquereau that it

was important to undertake projects that were truly populaire in nature. lB Yet links

between the Schola and "popular" audiences were to be forged through the composition

of new works, not the revival of old ones. The invitation to write pieces that were

mainly for devotional or para-liturgigal services su ch as the blessing of the sacred

sacrament is important, for these events could be attended by persons of varying degrees

of Catholicism and atheists alike. The prescription of works on Marian subjects, just in

time for the Month of Mary (May) and Assumption (15 August), may also indieate a

more popular bent in the Schola' s Catholic outlook.

d'église en France à l'époque de la fondation et de l'essor de la Schola: Utopie et réalités" in Vincent d'Indy et
son temps, 249-50.
17 Julien Tiersot, "Le Chant populaire dans la musique religieuse aux XV e et XVIe siècles," La Tribune de
Saint-Geroais (May 1895): 1-3; (June 1895): 4-6.
18 See Bordes's letlers to Solesmes transcribed in Bernard MoHa, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 189-257.
 144

Table 1-Prescribed Sacred Compositions, 1894-96

Tribune de Saint- Prescribed Sacred Music Composition

Gervais
Issue
January 1895 A motet setting of 0 quam suavis
February 1895 Versets on Ave Maris stella
March 1895 A motet on Beata es virgo Maria, Dei genitrix
May 1895 A vocal work setting any French poem on the Eucharist or the
Virgin Mary or "Tantum ergo sacramentum"
June 1895 A work for three equal-range voices for the Blessing of the
Sacred Sacrament [salut], free choice of text
August 1895 A work for the Blessing of the Sacred Sacra ment [salut], for two
equal-range voices with organ obbligato, free choice of text
April 1896 Versets on Ave Maris stella
May 1896 An Ave Maria for any number of voices
July 1896 A hymn to the Holy Spirit, popular Latin cantic1e form, for
before catechism and by confraternities, an absolutely folk-like
char acter
August 1896 Three popular cantic1es with melodies, frankly folk-like,
suitable for a capella performance, highly serious and religious
sentiment.

Alongside this short-lived outward sign of engagement in popular religious

practice, the Schola's mandate was firmly rooted in the efforts of Solesmes for the
revision and unification of chant. The monks had already spent years gathering support
for their work through tours and performances. 19 Bordes made his earliest visit to
Solesmes in 1880, corresponded regularly with Dom André Mocquereau by at least
August of 1894, and discussed Gregorian projects in the South West region of France
with him as early as September of the same year?O The choice of diocese for the Schola's

first provincial outreach conference (assise de musique religieuse), at Rodez in 1895, was

either extremely fortuitous or highly informed. The Schola might have made an
appearance at a similar conference in Bordeaux that was held at around the same time.
But Rodez was situated in the heart of the largest area of fervent Catholic practice, as

19 For more information on tours undertaken by the monks of Solesmes as part of their chant revision
project, see Dom Pierre Combe, The Restoration ofGregorian Chant: Solesmes and the Vatican Edition
(Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 2003), 109-10.
20 Letter from Charles Bordes to Dom André Mocquereau dated 4 September 1894, written atSaint-Jean-
de-Luz. Reproduœd in Bernard Molla, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 190.
 145

identified by French clerics in 1877, and was home to one of the few remaining
subsidized children's choirs [maîtrise] in France. De Castéra's skittishness on the subject

of Bordeaux and his further account of the fallout from the Schola' s first conference in
Rodez strongly suggests that favourable receptivity towards the institution depended
largely on the individual preferences of highly placed officials.21 It is likely that Bordes's

knowledge of these personal preferences came through his dialogue with Solesmes.
The centrality of chant in the Schola's mission resulted not only from the close
collaboration between Bordes and the monks of Solesmes, but aiso from Julien Tiersot's

interpretations of chant as derived from a variety of regional secular folk traditions in

the previous decade,z2 Bordes invested himself far more in the Schola's appearances at a
conference organized by the Société d'ethnographie nationale et d'art populaire in Niort

in 1896 than in lectures for the religious music conference and national celebrations held

at Reims in July the same year. In two letters to André Pirro, Bordes reveals the
potential for opposition to Schola ideas at Reims, counseling him to "bring sorne heavy

clubs to fight off any wolves" and to be prepared to "bare his teeth for any nasty rogues

that might present themselves.,,23 Organizers apparently declined performances by the

Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant, pleading poverty over the fee of

600 francs. In the end, Bordes was not prepared to sacrifice a trip to Bayreuth to hear
Gotterdammerung with Poujaud, and so was only present for the final day of the
conference. 24

21 De Castéra is dismissive about the conference at Bordeaux, held during the same time period. See Dix
années d'action musicale religieuse, 46. "C'est à dessein que nous ne parlerons pas de celui de Bordeaux, qui
eut lieu à la même époque, la Schola n'ayant pu y assister, tandis qu'à Rodez, où elle était représentée par
M. A. Guilmant, M. Ch. Bordes et M.l' abbé Perruchot, on lui demanda plus que l'assistance, mais une
direction, efficace à ce point, que les fêtes de Rodez peuvent être considérées presque comme siennes, tant
sa parole y fut écoutée et, en partie, son exemple suivi."
22 Julien Tiersot claimed that folksong and Gallican (Ambrosian) chant developed simultaneously as a
reflection of the French génie. He believed that chant became modelled on French folksongs, but only in the
provinces. Overall, Tiersot tends to view the popular impulse as primordial. See his La Olanson populaire en
France (Paris: Librarie Plon, 1889),379-84.
23 Letters from Charles Bordes to André Pirro, both undated. Reproduced in Bernard Molla, "Charles
Bordes" vol. 3, 140; 145. "... rapportez de forts gourdins pour combattres les loups s'il s'en trouvait";" ...
montrez les dents aux mauvais drôles s'il s'en trouve."
24 Ibid., 145.
 146

Bordes gave far more effort to setting up a religious music conference in Bilbao
(Spain) in the following month, an event that grew, significantly, out of his work as a
jury member for a popular, male chorus or orphéon festival. As in the case of Niort, the
context for this public contemplation of questions related to religious music was
concomitantly cultural in the "popular" sense. Together with Tiersot's article defending
the chanson mass and Perruchot' s prescriptions for the Tribune' s monthly composition

contest, Schola activities in the provinces contributed significantly to binding the cause
of chant revision to celebrations of "popular" or folk culture. Yet this pronounced, one

might be tempted to say "nationalist," aspect of the Schola's mission, this flurry of
regional activity and the vision of the Schola's work that it promoted were almost
entirely unreflected in Bordes's concerts with the Chanteurs in Paris.

Chanteurs Performances 1894-96

The articles of the Schola's earliest mission statement make no explidt provision for
performances of sacred music at secular events. This meant that Bordes was free to
continue with performances of sacred Baroque repertoire at concerts and

recitals-specifically, the Bach cantatas that had brought him so much attention and

support from the private sector discussed in Chapter 2. The Schola' s mission also had no
direct effect on Bordes' s programming of secular vocal and instrumental music from
either the Renaissance or the Baroque. The Chanteurs could not be the exclusive voice
for the Schola, because the group's work constituted only part of the society's self-
imposed mandate.
It is difficult to interpret the Chanteurs's activities in the secular world after the
founding of the Schola as a visible manifestation of the society' s goals and objectives.
Aside from two secular concerts of Renaissance masters during this period, the group
continued through most of 1895 and 1896 with the same sort of Bach cantata concerts
that had underpinned its activities in the previous year. The Chanteurs also performed a
 147

great deal of French Baroque music at multi-item events. Perhaps the only reallink

between the Chanteurs and the Schola' s popular music and chant interests lay in
Bordes' s consistent programming of the secular polyphonic chansons of Lassus. As I
pointed out in Chapter l, Bordes even included select Lassus chansons for the first of his
Bach cantata series venture with the Princesse de Polignac in 1894. While the second

Polignac series in 1895 included no works of this kind, perhaps precisely because they
were too popular, Bordes continued to programme polyphonic French chansons

alongside Bach cantatas at the Trocadéro and other venues.

What may have solidified the Chanteurs' s connection to the Schola, if not a

musical echo of its mission, was the group's collaboration with Schola supporters:

appearances with the Société Nationale de Musique and at Bourgault-Ducoudray's

history class, and as Guilmant's final guest to round out his Trocadéro series in both

1895 and 1896. Nonetheless, as we saw in Chapter 2, the very visible support of Schola
founder Édmond de Polignac's spouse, the Princesse de Polignac, was withdrawn from
the Chanteurs in the public sphere after the second, 1895 series of Bach cantatas at the

Concerts d'Harcourt. 25
In these very first years of the Schola, Bordes also severed ties with Eugène

d'Harcourt. Yet further ventures bore sorne similarity to the d'Harcourt events,

particularly a series of three historical concerts at the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées in

1896, officially under the patronage of the royal Duchess of Aleçon. One of the events
resembled the Polignac Bach cantata concerts, in that a cantata was paired with Schütz,

but the programme also included French chansons and a Bach keyboard concerto given

by Isaac Albéniz on the piano. This and another concert in the same series actually

closely resembled the multi-item events at d'Harcourt's Concerts Historiques et Éclectique

series. The model for the se events was not lost on Adolphe Jullien who described them

as more ambitious versions of the d'Harcourt series, and offered mild praise.26 The

25 Regarding the Princesse de Polignac's underwriting of the Bach Cantata series, see Chapter 2.
26 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats (29 March 1896).
 148

Monde Musical stressed the inherent "interest" of the series and expressed hope that it
would be repeated. 27

An apparent absence from the record of Bach cantata series or similar concerts for

1897 and 1898 suggests that in combination with similar events at the Trocadéro, the
Champs-Élysées concert may have over saturated the enthusiastic public of 1896. And
in the face of tepid critical reception, Bordes and d'Indy may have found it difficult to

secure private funding for further events at the Champs-Élysées or other venues. The

second hypothesis may have merit: a draft contra ct for the Champs-Élysées series

indicates that the theatre director assumed an costs for the musicians and singers.2s Still

as a result of d'Harcourt's bankruptcy in 1897, management at the Champs-Élysées may

have had more performers to choose from, and less pressure to invest its own funds in

music events. In the end, even with the support of Aleçon, the series was more or less a

financial failure-d'Indy reports in a letter to Isabelle that the events profited only 25
francs. 29

Looking into the Paris concerts that were arguably amongst the most followed of

the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais has taken us sorne way from the Schola' s mission. But it
was as part of the everyday workings of Pari sian musicallife in a more general sense

that Bordes, the Chanteurs, and even d'Indy, were positioned for most of the first two

years that followed the society' s founding, not as sacred music reformers. Aside from

their involvement with the Schola, these individuals had other ties in society, and other

mechanisms for making music in Paris that operated entirely apart from the Schola, as

we saw in Chapter 2. The type of concerts in which Chanteurs participated were part of

an artistic economy of exchange: because the group had control over events and could

invite guest artists, it could also be invited to share the wealth with other entrepreneurial

27 Le Monde musical (30 March 1896): 443.

28 Undated draft contract between M. Fabre of the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées, Charles Bordes and
Vincent d'Indy to perform three historical concerts of music from the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries.
(Les Faugs/Marie d'Indy; file Bordes-Poujaud).
29 See d'Indy's letter to Octave Maus dated 20 March [1896] transcribed in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 532-33.
 149

musicians at other short series. The Schola could not participate in these secular events

except through the Chanteurs, and the Chanteurs had to function within an arrangement
that was already in place. If the Schola was born out of the Chanteurs's performances as
d'Indy and others have c1aimed, it came into being as the result of only sorne of the
group' s performances at the Église Saint-Gervais.

The Schola Cantorum, École de Musique Liturgique, 1896-98

The idea to establish a school ta promote the Schola' s views was part of the institution' s
original mandate. But prior to settling on a Parisian location, Bordes toyed with the idea
of creating a school near Solesmes. The new school would provide training in the

performance and composition of sacred music for future priests, organists and church

singers}O and in March of 1896, Bordes found and rented a building on rue Stanislas that

could be used to house a modest music schoo1. 31 When the Schola opened its doors as

the École de chant liturgique et de musique religieuse, Guilmant' s inaugural speech

communicated an educational philosophy that was to see the school and the Schola
through more than one incarnation.

Guilmant's speech opens in a highly adversarial tone, invoking military

metaphors and painting a dark picture of the current state of religious music:

At the moment, before we seek to conquer the majority of the c1ergy and the
faithful, and to overcome the prejudices of routine, we must create lieutenants for
our mission, men of courage, able to battle face to face with the deadly routine
that currently paralyses US.32

30 Letter date 30 November 1894 from Alexandre Guilmant and the Schola Committee to Cardinal Richard
of Paris (Archives de l'Archvêché de Paris, file 2G2). "Une école spéciale la 'Schola Cantorum' serait fondée
en vue de former des maîtres de chapelle, des organistes, et des chantres capables, et dignes d'excercer leur
~ieuses fonctions."
1 De Castéra tells readers that Bordes found the building at rue Stanislas in March of 1896. He does not,
however, dwell on the poor reception of the Champs-Élysées series. See Dix années d'action musicale
religieuse, 36.
32 Guilmant's speech is reproduced in "Compte rendu de la séance d'inauguration de l'École de chant
liturgique et de musique religieuse," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (October 1896): 146-47.
 150

He tells future students that victory requires two things, faith in art and
disinterestedness in the craft or business of music. The latter is essential to building a

non-competitive sense of family at the Schola, for older students are to teach the younger
learners, and aIl are to receive a well-rounded education instead of training to enter
concours. Guilmant stresses that this type of artistic family life willlead to the formation
of good "workers," who may be deployed in the Schola's cause. He conc1udes by
underscoring the institution's aim, which is to restore the Church's true musical voice
(Gregorian chant) and create a new, rejuvenated one that is animated by these voices of

the pasto The majority of these ideas figure prominently in this passage from Guilmant's
speech:

In order to achieve this fertile mission, that must someday assure us victory, two
things are necessary: faith in art and disinterestedness in the business. Our artistic
youth has been too greatly educated to consider the [financial] gains that the
exploitation of their respective studies might someday afford them. To battle
against these disturbing tendencies, it is important to create a family spirit
amongst our young people that will allow them to be enriched by the doctrine of
masters, which they might subsequently share with those who are younger than
them, teaching them without regard to compensation for the expenditure of their
time . . .. Instead of making our students into workshop dabblers, through this
kind of family life we will assure that they become very simple, good workers,
devoted to a great cause that we are committed to making them love, as though it
were a holy mission. 33 .

The anti-competitive theme returns in Guilmant' s speech of 1897: the c1ass was a

family and should not be subject to public competitions.34 Guilmant also raised two

inter-related points that deserve mention. The first was his view that training the

intellect was fundamental to the education of any artist, and that it might be

accompli shed through the study of early music. In his words, "young artists of our time

33 Ibid., 146. "Pour arriver à cette action féconde, qui doit nous assurer un jour la victoire, il faut deux choses
: la foi dans l'art et le désintéressement dans le métier. On a trop élevé la jeunesse artistique dans le souci du gain
que doit lui fournir un jour l'exploitation de ses études scolaires. Pour lutter contre ces fâcheuses tendances,
il faut créer chez la jeunesse un esprit de fomille qui lui permette, tout en s'enrichissant des doctrines des
maîtres, de les faire partager aux plus petits, en les initiant, sans chercher pour cette dépense d'action
aucune rémunération.... Au lieu de faire de nos élèves des rapins d'atelier, nous veillerons par cette vie de
fomille à ce qu'ils soient de bons ouvriers, bien simples, d'une grande cause que nous tâcherons de leur faire
aimer comme une sainte mission."
34 Reproduced in "La Schola: La rentrée de l'école," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (October 1897): 146-47.
 151

are often reproached for their lack of 'curiosity,' a serious and unfortunately well-
founded reproach. At the Schola, we work to awaken the student' s interest in
masterworks of the past, even those that have been forgotten." 35 The second point was
that this interest in long-neglected works could be awakened through performance and

comparative analysis, in a class led by Charles Bordes. Together with Guilmant's speech

of 1896, it is possible to identify some of the key elements of the Schola's educational and
artistic ideologies that would survive the school's transition into the secular world along

with its move to rue Saint-Jacques in 1900. Key similarities discussed later in this

chapter include the disdain for material motivation and competition, the valuation for
the bon ouvrier, and the emphasis on liberal education coupled with the arousal of
intellectual enthusiasm through exposure to great works of the past.

Considered together, Guilmant speeches of 1896 and 1897 do however send

conflicting messages. On one had, he advocates a full-scale battle with an unidentified
enemy and a desire to recruit young artists to the Schola's cause. On the other hand,

combativeness or competitiveness within the fraternal bonds created by the Schola's

family spirit is strictly forbidden. To sorne involved in the world of religious music, the

Schola was perceived as an aggressive interloper. The degree to which the institution,

now transformed as a school, proved contentious is revealed in an incident that grew out

of its intensified work in the provinces.

In early January 1897, the Chanteurs set out with virtuoso pianist Francis Planté

for a tour of the South West region. This particular tour resulted in a local press debate

over the virtues and legitimacy of the Schola's mission that erupted shortly after the final
concert in Bordeaux. Initially confined to articles in La Gironde, the debate soon migrated

to the Belgian Guide Musical. 36 Written by Paul Lavigne (pseudonym for Anatole

35 Ibid. "La culture intellectuelle est la base de tout l'enseignement artistique. On reproche trop souvent aux
jeunes artistes de nos jours de ne pas avoir de 'curiosité', reproche grave et malheureusement trop mérité.
À la Schola nous ferons en sorte d'éveiller l'intérêt de l'élève pour les chefs-d'oeuvre du passé, même les
Elus oubliés."
6 René de Castera, Dix année d'action musicale religieuse, 32.
 152

Loquin), the initial attack on the Schola's mission launched an openlly hostile series of
ex changes in the Guide that continued throughout the winter and spring of 1897.37 The
key issues underscoring the ex change were deeply rooted in debates over chant and
sacred music reform that dated back several decades, which are more amply discussed
in Chapter 4. Yet it is possible to summarize sorne of the key objections while providing
only minimal context.

Schola detractors perceived those involved with the institution as arrogant and

ignorant upstarts: among many other complaints, Lavigne criticized Bordes's failure to

formulate a the ory for the composition of new sacred music and frowns on utopie ideas
about chant that he perceives as a threat to local traditions. As 1 discuss in Chapter 4,
arguments over what sacred music should be like were complicated by a philosophical
shift from idealist to positivist thinking at the turn of the century. In asking for a clear

"theory" that could be used to compose new sacred works (instead of simple "models"

that could be emulated), Lavigne betrayed himself as a positivist. This same critic
further warned that the Schola's mission was overly divided, which, as we shall see
further on in this chapter, was certainly true by the end of the century.38 Lavigne further

expressed distaste for the high authorial tone of sorne of the Tribune' s articles and

reports. 39
Likewise John Cecil (pseudonym for Abbé Sursol) accused the Schola of having

an inflated sense of its own importance, and also of attempting to monopolize chant and
Palestrinian music. He pointed out that Bordes's work at Saint-Gervais with the

Chanteurs had not provided the model for the regulations issued by the 1894 Sacred

Congregation of Rites, and further intimated with no Uttle amount of discernment that

the Schola's activities in the provinces stemmed from the fa ct that Parisian audiences

37 Paul Lavigne, "La Schola Cantorum et son programme," Le Guide musical (7 February 1897): 103-04.
Originally published in Ù1 Gironde (10 January 1897).
38 Ibid., 104.
39 Anatole Loquin, "À Propos de musique religieuse, simple réponse à M. Ch. Bordes," Le Guide musical (21
March 1897): 226.
 153

were bored with Bordes's performances at Saint-Gervais. Cecil also called into question

the Schola's adoption of the Solesmes monk Joseph Pothier's ideas about chant, and
suggested that those involved with the institution had a poor understanding of the
repertoire. 40 A more emotionally tempered contribution to the debate, signed only with
the initiaIs L. H., takes both the Schola and its detractors to task for neglecting to

consider the audience for sacred music. From this writer's socially elitist point of view,

the greatness of any kind of new sacred works would be lost on the "ignorant and
instinctively inferior crowd."41

This series of articles could not have been more badly timed: it began shortly

before and continued for many weeks after the Brussels premiere of d'Indy's Fervaal (12
March 1897). It also distracted attention in the Guide away from Bordes's performances

for Holy Week at Saint-Gervais, which the review had covered the previous year.

D'Indy pointed out in his response to John Cecil that the controversy actually provided

exposure for the Schola, and claimed that students were pouring into the Schola to take

advantage of its artistic credo. 42 But while the number of students may have increased

from ten to twenty-one during the 1896-97 academic year, d'Indy's assertions should be
viewed with some scepticism: interest in the free courses actually trickled out

completely, which may indicate flagging public interest in genera1. 43 Beyond revealing

the Schola' s precarious position in debates over chant and sacred music composition, the

40 Letter signed John Cecil (pseudonym Abbé Sursol), published as "La Musique religieuse et la Schola
Cantorum," Le Guide musical (11 April 1897): 287-88. In a subsequent issue, this author reiterates arguments
concerning chant that he feels underscore Vincent d'Indy's ignorance of the repertoire. See "La Musique
religieuse et la Schola Cantorum," Le Guide musical (2 May 1897): 345-47.
41 L. H., "La Musique religieuse et la Schola Cantorum," Le Guide musical (4 April 1897): 265. "Mais qui les
accueillerait? Qui les écouterait? Qui apprécierait leur 'âme' dans le milieu si étendu, si compact, des foules
ignorantes et d'instinct inférieur, sur lesquelles la caricature d'un art portera toujours d'autant plus qu'il
sera plus maltraité, plus trîné, plus dévié de son but idéal?"
42 Letter from Vincent d'Indy published as "La Musique religieuse et la Schola Cantorum," Le Guide musical
(18 April 1897): 303.
43 D'Indy indicates the increase from ten to twenty-one students and the quick demise of the free classes in
his entry for Lavignac's encyclopedia. See "La Schola Cantorum," Encyclopédie de la musique et dictionnaire du
Conservatoire, 3622.
 154

Guide Musical incident also tells us that Bordes' s work in the provinces had sorne
potential to backfire.

The controversy stirred up by the Guide Musical articles in 1897 appears to have

had sorne effect on Guilmant's speech of 1897-gone were the military metaphors of his

1896 inaugural address. A year later, as the Schola undertook a partial merger with the

Institut Catholique, Guilmant not only backed away from open attack in his speech to

open the school year, he also asserted that the Schola was in no way aggressive:

Those disturbed by our songs have only to avoid the path we have taken and our
place of retreat. On the other han d, those who come to us will be welcomed with
joy, in the same way as the good Fathers welcomed those who came to medieval
abbeys, keys in hand. We will also give them the keys to the house as is the
custom in monasteries for guests, if they should arrive one day.44

The physical retreat that Guilmant suggests in this speech accompanies a form of

intellectual isolation as weIl. The Schola, as we learn later in the speech, is distinct from

other institutions. It specializes in sacred music even though the eventual goal is to

create a school with a national character. Guilmant reminds readers of his personal

artistic credo, expressed long before the founding of the Schola: "1 teach it equally to my

class at the Conservatoire as 1 do to my Schola students. This Credo is faith in truly

religious and artistic music, reinforced by the immortal works of great masters from all

eras." 45 Coupled with references to the Schola's family spirit, this emphasis on enduring
works persists in Guilmant's final speech as president in 1899.46

Looking back over an of Guilmant' s speeches, the manner in which the Schola

pursued its mission appears transformed by the beginning of its fourth academic year

from the active training of young champions of Gregorian chant and Palestrinian

44 Alexandre Guilmant, "La Rentrée," L7 Tribune de Saint-Geroais (November 1898): 257. "Encore une fois
nous chantons. Ceux que nos chants importunent n'ont qu'à se détourner de notre route et à éviter notre
retraite. Ceux au contraire qui viendront à nous, nous les acceuillerons avec joie, à la façon de ces bons
Pères hôteliers au seuil des abbayes du moyen âge, les clés à la main. Nous leur donnerons aussi les clés de
la maison comme dans les monastères, pour les hôtes, fussent-ils d'un jour."
45 Ibid. "Je l'enseigne aussi bien à ma classe du Conservatoire qu'à celle de la Schola. Ce Credo, é est la foi
dans l'art vraiment religieux et artistique, appuyé sur les oeuvres immortelles de grands maîtres de tous
temps."
46 Les secrétaires, "La Rentrée de la Schola," L7 Tribune de Saint-Geroais (November 1899): 302.
 155

polyphony, to the cultivation of an elite and closely-knit circle of sacred music artists.
The emphasis on composition at the expense of chant restoration is clearest in
Guilmant' s speech of 1899, in which he announced the school' s intention to train singers
specificaHy to perform new works composed by Schola students. Placing its composers'
needs above the Church' s entailed a concomitant shift in the Schola' s weight of attention
and foreshadowed the broader scope of activities that would characterize the institution

after 1900.

Performances and the Schola 1896-98

The most con crete step towards expanding the Schola's activities to include actual

training and education at a fixed location coincided with the Chanteurs's critical faH
from grace and the loss of its series at the Concerts d'Harcourt. In the immediate context

of this earliest incarnation of the Schola as a teaching institution, Bordes and the

Chanteurs almost completely disappeared from visible Parisian concert venues. Aside
from a handful of announcements and a few straightforward reports, the group' s
performances at secular events appear to have fallen on deaf ears, at least for the

mainstream press. The Chanteurs did make sketchily reported appearances with

Guilmant at the Trocadéro, van Waefelghem and others at the Salle Pleyel, pianist

Eugénie Dietz, and the Société des Concerts de Chants Classiques, but this should be

considered a relatively restricted level activity compared to previous years. Bordes also
organized a Christmas concert at the Théâtre de l'Ambigu in December of 1897. In the
absence of any substantial body of reviews for this period, it is impossible to fully gauge

the extent to which their performances might have reflected either this new,
disinterested and family spirit, or the impulse towards popular tradition that was more

evident in the Tribune's composition contests. A case might be made for the latter

option, since performances of folk music figured alongside early music on four of the
 156

seven known performances at secular events for 1897, but only one of seven
programmes for 1898 inc1udes this repertoire.

John Cecil' s remarks in the Guide Musical about Parisian ambivalence towards the
group may have been guided more by reality than maliciousness. At Saint-Gervais, a
tremendous lull crept over the spring and summer season after 1896. There are no

events documented for the period between Holy Week and All Saints in 1897, and only
one devotional service for Saint-Philomène during this same period the following year.

Bordes's touring schedule is helpful here, showing a shift in activity towards the

summer months after 1897 (up to that time, the greater number of tours were

undertaken during Lent). Whatever family Guilmant preached to in these very early
years of the école liturgique, it did not congregate at Saint-Gervais during the summer. It
is true that Bordes and several Schola students spent a short period at Solesmes in July of

1897, where they studied with André Mocquereau, but there was no summer jaunt to the

Benedictine abbey the following year. It is the greatest of contradictions that shortly

after the founding of its school for sacred music, the Schola's visibility at religious events
should have so greatly diminished.

The Schola Cantorum and the Institut Catholique de Paris

It may be that events at Saint-Gervais diminished as a result of the Schola' s partial

merger with the Institut Catholique de Paris, a post-secondary educational institution

that was accorded the right to grant degrees along with many other Catholic schools in
1875. Schola activities at the Institut Catholique actually began about eighteen months
before the partial merger of the two schools in the autumn of 1898 with lectures given
mainlyon chant but also including an important position paper read by Charles Bordes

on the place of polyphonic music in the church.47 Even earlier, Bordes had established

47 Originally given 21 March 1896, this lecture was later published as "La Musique figurée, De ses origines à
la décadence de l'école romaine," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (Apr-Sept. 1896): 49-52; 68-72; 84-86; 113-17;
129-31.
 157

ties with the Institut's rector, Father Péchenard at the sacred music conference in Reims

in 1896. The official merger appears principally motivated by the Schola's increased
need for lecture and performance space, and a secure connection to an institution of
higher learning. 48 The agreement that was drawn up for the merger also reveals that the
Institut Catholique had absolutely nothing to risk and everything to gain from the

association: it acquired two religious musicology chairs and a series of lectures and

recitals at absolutely no co st to itself. The wording of the original document reads

simply,

the Institut Catholique authorizes the Schola Cantorum to enter in common with
it as "Fine Arts Department: Music" with the goal of creating two chairs in
religious musicolo~y without any pecuniary engagement on the part of the Institut
(emphasis theirs).4

The terms of the agreement further include a clause indicating that the Schola must pay

the Institut 500 francs each year for building infrastructure such as lighting and

maintenance.

In the early stages, Bordes reported resistance to the merger from Parisian

bishops. In a letter to Solesmes, he reported overcoming this by emphasizing the

"secular" aspects of the Schola's work. 50 By this he may have meant that he distanced

the Schola from the work of Solesmes (which was part of the monastic or "regular"

clergy) and positioned the school as more closely associated with the "secular" church

48 The recommendations of the sacred music conference of 1882, as reported by Antoine Dessus, included
the creation of a central school for the instruction of chant and sacred music that would be connected to
Catholic universities in Paris and the provinces. Thus the Schola's attempt to ally itself with the Institut was
something that may weIl have been predictable, at least amongst Catholics concerned with sacred music
reform.1t is important to note that the Schola also attempted to merge with the Institut Catholique de
Toulouse, and was active in the historicallectures established at the Parisian École des Hautes Etudes
Sociales in 1904. For more information on the recommendations made in 1880, see Antoine Dessus,
"Restauration du Chant Liturgique," Le Ménestrel (27 August and 3 September 1882), 317.
49 Agreement between the Institut Catholique and the Schola Cantorum [Compromis entre l'Institut
Catholique et la Schola Cantorum] dated 15 July 1898, signed P.L. Péchenard, Recteur de l'Institut (Archives de
l'Institut Catholique de Paris).
50 See Bordes letter to Solesmes dated 12 July 1898, reproduced in MoIla, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3,254.
"Nous voilà rattachés à l'Institut Catholique .... Ce n'a pas été sans peine et certains de NN. SS. Se sont
rebiffés mais nous avons fort bien conduit la moeuvre et en faisant marcher notre état-major laïque nous
avons eu raison des résistances épiscopales."
 158

that ministered to the wider public. But Bordes may have also been referring to his

"secular" activities in providing historical-educational concerts with the Chanteurs de

Saint-Gervais. Perhaps it was this emphasis on the "secular," or even the absence of
financial support from the Institut Catholique that engendered Bordes's initiallack of
respect for a "moral" clause in the agreement, which obliged the Schola to uphold the
Insitut Catholique's religious character in its lectures and recitals.
An incident surrounding the singers who participated in the monthly concerts-

conférences, suggests that Bordes took little heed of this clause. On 9 February 1899, he
gave a lecture-recital with music critic André Hallays entitled "Racine Poète Lyrique,"
which included musical settings for the poet's Esther (Moreau), Athalie (Gossec, Boieldieu,

and Mendelssohn), and parts of the Cantiques (Gounod and Fauré). A number of factors

associated with this event might have aggravated the administrators of the Institut:

women were admitted to the audience; many had been given at public secular venues

even though they were written for private religious consumption (indeed, the

programme recalled Athalie performances of 1892); and the Jewish composer Felix
Mendelssohn's settings of Athalie had been programmed instead of music for this same
subject by French composers, such as Camille Saint-Saëns. But what in fact gave the

Institut cause for con cern was Bordes's choice of non-Catholic singers, brought to the

attention of the Rector by an angry, anonymous letter that was accompanied by a

programme in which the names of Jews and Protestants were underlined (see Figure 2,
page over).51

51 Anonymous letter to the Institut Catholique, post stamp Il February 1899, and undated programme for
a lecture-recital (Archives de l'Institut Catholique de Paris). The date for this lecture-recital was established
as February 9th, 1899, through an original announcement currently preserved at the Bibliothèque nationale
de France, Départment de musique (File, Schola Cantorum/École César Franck).
 159

Figure 2-Annotated Programme for 9 February 1899

PROGRAMME DES CHANTS EXÉCUTÉS

A L4- CONFÉR.ENC:E Dm M. ANDRÉ HALLAYS
(â: l'ordre des morceaux près)

ESTHER
SÊLECTION DES CHŒuRS ORIGINAUX DE J.-B. MOREAU
MAISTRE DE MUSIQUE DU ROY
M De LXXXIX

Premier acte : Ma sŒur, quelle voix nous appelle?

Soli: Mn,. Chcyrat, Mm' ViIlOCOurt, MIl. J. Edint.
Le Dieu q serVOllS est le Dieu des comhats.
Soli: MU' Mme. Miquard et Jumel, M. Beck,: ...
Deuxième acte: lleuréu n, 11:'!.RlJtlple floL'isSfll1t.
Soli; Mme et M.~r.
~
Troisième acte: Que le peup e est neureux. ,j
Soli: Mme Cheyrnt et Mme Villocourt.
Il apaise, il pardonne.

o rives du Jourdain! . ED. ilE POI.l(iNAC

ATHALIE
Combien de temps, Seigneur, chœur il 3 voix égales. GOSSEC
Soli: Mme' Cheyrnt ct Jurnel.
Il venait révéler aux enfants d'Israël, chœur {( il cap-
pella ». BOÏHLDIEU
Tout l'univers est plein de sa magnificence, chœur. MENDElSSOHN

LES CANTIQUES
D'un cœur qui t'aim~/. .'. . . . . . . . CH. GOUNOD
Mme Miquard d Mil' •.
Verhe égal au Très-Haut, notre unique espérance, chœur
il 4 voix GAIlI{JEL FlIl.lRl~
 160

The anonymous letter writer not only expressed outrage at the presence of Jewish and

Protestant singer s, this pers on also threatened to disrupt the next lecture-recital and take
other forceful measures to restore respect for the Catholic faith.

We are outraged with what you have allowed to occur inside the walls of the
Institut Catholique. You have allowed Jews and Protestants to sing for priests.
You have allowed the walls to be sullied by posters bearing these Jewish names. I
have underlined their names in the included programme. In this Society,
eighteen of the singers are Jews and Protestants. If you are too lazy to enforce
respect for our Catholic religion, I promise you there are individuals who se job it
is to insure its respect. Take warning for the recital of March 9th • (AU points of
emphasis his.)52

In his parting salvo, the anonymous letter writer moves to an almost hysterical height,

accusing one of the performers, or perhaps André HaUays, of overt sexuallicense.

Who is this excuse for an abbé [who was speaking]. It was pointed out to me that
he had no other preoccupation than women. I have already heard of him: he's a
black sheep inJour flock my dear sirs! He's a theatre rat!!! Beware!!! (AU points of
emphasis his.)

It is difficult to ascertain the exact identity of the unnamed Abbé. The two most visible

participants in the lecture-recital were Charles Bordes (conducting) and André Hallays

(lecturing), but there is no evidence that either had ever been ordainE~d. Still, as 1 discuss

in greater detail in Chapter 4, there were problems with the Schola's residence [maison de

famille] that surfaced later in the same year (1899) and which directly involved the
ecclesiastical students enrolled at the Schola. The unidentified abbé may well be one of

these individuals.

Péchenard' s reaction to the anonymous letter of complaint appears to have been

subdued. Notes taken by an Institut administrator with regard to the episode indicate

52 Anonymous letter to the Institut Catholique, post stamp Il February 1899, and undated programme for
a lecture-recital (Archives de l'Institut Catholique de Paris). "Nous sommes outrés de ce que vous laissez
faire dans nos murs de l'Institut Catholique, vous laissez chanter des juifs et protestants dans le milieu de nos
prêtres, vous laissez salir les murs de ces affiches portant ces noms de juifs, je vous envoie le programme
avec les noms soulignés. Dans cette Société, sur les chanteurs il y a 18 juifs et protestants. Si vous êtes trop
lâches pour faire respecter notre religion Catholique je vous promet qu'il y en a qui se chargent de la faire
respecter. Prenez garde pour la séance du 9 mars." (Ail points of emphasis ms.)
53 Ibid. "Quel est donc cet espèce d'Abbé qui [placart]; on ru.' a fait remarquer qu'il n'était empressé que
pour les dames; j'ai déjà entendu parler de lui; é est une brebis galeuse dans votre troupeau messieurs!
C'est un Coureur (sic) de Théatre !!! Prenez Garde !!!"
 161

that Bordes later confirmed Mlle Ediat as Protestant and M. Becker as Jewish. He further
acknowledged that the latter had been singing at a Catholic church for the past five
years. Péchenard allowed the lecture-recitals to continue, on the condition that Bordes
agreed to use only Catholic singers. The issue of the unnamed abbé with a penchant for
women and theatre going appears to have been set aside as so much uninformed
ranting. 54
Two other problematic incidents took place while the Schola was affiliated with
the Institut Catholique. The first took place in the summer and faH of 1899, and involved

students lodging at the Schola's residence. Apparently, a number of those in orders

stirred up resentment towards Charles Bordes, spread rumours in the provinces that the
school was in ruins and would have to close, and convinced the non·-ecclesiastical

students to join in their mutiny. The problems were serious enough to be brought to the

attention of the archdiocese of Paris, though they were eventually resolved.55

The second incident was far more public, and took place at around the same time.
During a sacred music conference held in Avignon in August of 1899, Bordes, d'Indy,
and de Castéra were pushed to violent acts by an angry, anti-clerical mob. Andrew
Thomson's description of the events is extremely colourful:

... the Concerts des assises de musique religieuses became the target of Dreyfusard
retaliation. On one occasion, Bordes was pursued by a 200-strong rabble, which
tore his cassock from top to bottom. To his rescue came d'Indy, laying about him
with his fists, and almost strangling two of the thugS!56

In d'Indy's account, a noisy crowd ofbetween three and four hundred had gathered in
front of the Avignon town hall to demonstrate its disapproval of the event. The crowd

did not chase Bordes through the streets, but individuals did tear his cassock to shreds.
D'Indy became incensed and began punching his way through the angry demonstrators
(or "laying about him with fists," if we must). De Castéra, who was apparently rather

54 Unsigned notes accompanying an anonymous letler of complaint, post stamp Il February 1899
(Archives de l'Institut Catholique de Paris).
55 A more ample discussion of this incident is found in Chapter 4.

56 Andrew Thomson, Vincent d'Indy and his World, 94.

 162

diminutive in stature, cleared a path for Bordes by delivering sorne ferocious kicks to the

individuals who were attacking Bordes and blocking the way. They eventuaUy arrived

on stage, where the director for the Revue des deux mondes, Ferdinand Brunetière, had
already begun his speech to a packed house. Within a few moments the crowd outside
had grown considerably and had begun to hiss and sing revolutionary songs. Sorne

women were escorted out of the lecture as demonstrators pitched rocks through the

hall' s windows. At the end of the lecture the remaining women and aU of the priests
were taken out a back way, but d'Indy, Bordes, and de Castéra joined the majority of the
audience, which left through the front door. Aside from a few catcalls ("Hou Hou!" and

"à bas les Jésuits"), their exit involved far less violence than their entrance.57

This incident reminds us in no un certain terms that what the Schola was doing

was controversial, and bound up in political issues-in August of 1899, the wrongly-

accused Alfred Dreyfus was still over a month away from his official pardon by the

French government. The miscarriage of justice in his case had led to over boiling

acrimony against anyone or any entity associated with the army that had convicted him,

including the Catholic church. But more than telling us that the Schola was
controversial, or at least involved in contentious activities at the turn of the century, this

incident also helps to explain its retreat to the ivory tower that came with the move to

rue Saint-Jacques in late 1900. Moreover, l would like to propose that the strident anti-

Semitism that marks sorne of d'Indy's speeches and writings from the early 1900s

(explored in Part II of this chapter) might be less informed by ideologies of race and

57 D'Indy describes the event in a letter to his wife Isabelle, in a letter dated 4 August 1899 transcribed in
Marie d'Indy's Ma vie, 599-600." Arrivés sur la place, un boucan épouvantable, la porte de la Mairie assiégée
par 300 ou 400 voyous et gardée seulement par 2 malheureux sergents de ville qui ne savaient quelle tête
faire. Nous, comme mous étions un peu en retard, nous tentons de fender la foule, mais, aussitôt qu'on voit
que nous voulons entrer et que nous sommes de grosses legumes puisque nous sommes en habit, aussitôt ils
se mettent à crier 'Hou! Hou! À bàs la Calotte! À bas les Jésuites!' etc. etc. et à faire pression pour nous
pousser contre le mur-Moi, (et tu sais combien, en temps ordinaire, je suis tout à fait incapable de fender
les foules, mais à ce moment, la moutarde m'est montée au nez, et, voyant en somme que ces gens avaient
l'air de varies chiffes, je ne sais ce qui m'a pris, mais je me suismis à gogner à coups de poing dans le tas, et,
en une demi-minute ayant fait le vide, je me trouvais avoir franchi la porte de la Mairie, mais il n'en était
pas de meme du malheureux Bordes qui (heureusement) avait avec lui de Castera, un petit basque très
agile qui donnait de féroces coups de pied, enfin, ils arrivent tous les deux, mais dans un état lamentable,
Bordes avec tous les boutons de son gilet arrachés et son habit en loques!"
 163

more a natural reaction to violence. Few scholars, musicians, music thinkers, or

composers have ever been confronted by an angry mob, even fewer pushed to violent
acts: if a crowd of nuns had stood in place of the anti-Dreyfusards at Avignon, d'Indy's
opinions might weIl have developed along different lines.

Surviving documents suggest that the Institut was prepared to continue its
relationship with Schola, ev en after the heat generated by the maison de famille problems,
the incident at Avignon, and Bordes's violation of the morality clause.58 A letter from

Bordes to Jean Marnold, discussed further on in this chapter, indicates that the severing
of the relationship was not so much to distance the Schola from the Catholic Church, but

rather to create clear sectors of activity in which the Schola's secular endeavours

(composition and performance) could operate independently of its religious activities

(religious composition, church music, and chant). This separation was also, in the end,

geographic, with the more secular activities centered in Paris and the more sacred

concentrated in the provinces. At d'Indy's request, Bordes wrote to the music critic Jean
Marnold in February of 1900 to summarize his plans for a new and more

compartmentalized Schola. Marnold, it seems, was in the running to take over its

administration. This new Schola would very shortly become the institution that is most

weIl known to scholars, inaugurated at 269, rue Saint-Jacques on 2 November 1900.

Performances 1898-1900

In the final two years of the century, lack of direction untillate 1899 characterized the

Chanteurs' s performances. Indeed many documented events indicate that the group

was often heard as a mere curiosity within larger, more mainstream events.59 In

58 See the letter from Bordes to Peche nard dated 13 April 1900 in which he informs the Institut Catholique
of the Schola's possible move to Saint-Jacques. He indicates that he would like to identify the Schola as
"Section des Beaux-Arts, Musique, Agrégée à l'Institut Catholique. (Archives de l'Institut Catholique de
Paris, File E26 "La Schola Cantorum et l'Institut Catholique").
59 See the programme for February 1898 with Eugénie Dietz at the Théâtre de l'Ambigu, where the
Chanteurs gave three French chansons from Expert's edition and an excerpt from Oardanus, probably
sandwiched between the Schumann and Grieg sonatas that Dietz performed with other guests. Other
 164

February of 1899, the Guide musical told readers outright that Bordes had failed to attract

a large audience for a Chanteurs performance at the Concerts Colonne's newly instituted

Thursday matinee series (26 January 1899). Apparently this new series had already

proven its ability to draw large crowds.60 But while the Guide de scribes the event as

being almost entirely devoted to the Chanteurs, in fa ct the programme induded piano

works by Chopin and Rust (performed by Mme Roger-Midos), a Boëllman cello sonata,

and two orchestral works. By comparison, the Chanteurs' s performances of two

sixteenth-century motets, two Gregorian Alleluias, two Franckiste motets (by Ropartz

and de La Tombelle), and three French chansons probably took up only one third of the

actual programme time, or less. In the absence of an original programme indicating

order for this event, it is impossible to know if the Chanteurs were positioned as an

intermission to Colonne's orchestral performances and Mme Roger-Miclos's chamber

works. The fact that aH of the Chanteurs' s pieces were a capella works suggests this, as

do similar programmes. 61

The reviewer for the Guide musical hypothesized over the Chanteurs' s weakened

drawing power, conduding that Bordes had exhausted curiosity in the repertoire and had

shifted to smaller-scale works:

Has M. Bordes's little troop become enfeebled? Definitely not. On the contrary,
they have never given a more perfect performance: there was absolutely nothing
to reproach in the works presented to the audience. The truth, in my opinion, is
that M. Bordes has more or less exhausted the interest with which his early,
commendable efforts were met. AU of the musicians went to Saint-Gervais on
major religious occasions to hear and re-hear the masterworks of early religious
music that M. Bordes had restored to their primitive form. Why should one take
the trouble now to go hear admirably performed works that are nonetheless
much smaller in scale?62

programmes include one for 1 January 1899, where the Chanteurs sang a capella works between works by
Beethoven and Wagner at the Concerts Lamoureux. See also their appearance at a Trocadero concert on 24
April 1899. Ali of the works for this event were instrumental, except for a choral number from the Saint-
John Passion, a Schütz piece, and a Palestrina" Ave Maria."
60 B.D., untitled review in Le Guide musical (5 February 1899): 190. "L'annonce d/ne séance presque
entièrement consacrée à l'audition des Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais n'avait pas amené au Nouveau-Théâtre
la foule pressée que nous sommes maintenant habitués a voir tous les jeudis."
61 See supra, footnote 59 for information about the concerts.
62 B.D., untitled review in Le Guide musical (5 February 1899): 190. "Serait-ce que la petite phalange de M.
Bordes aurait faibli? Mais non, bien au contraire i jamais ils n'ont donné de plus parfaite exécution: pas un
 165

In fact Bordes's repertoire for mainstream secular events was really not so much smaller
in scale than the music he gave at Holy Week: with the exception of works like the

Palestrina Stabat mater and the Allegri Miserere, works for this occasion were qui te

similar in terms of length and vocal scoring as the pieces given outside the church later

in the decade. What differed was the number of singers. Holy Week events were not

given by a "little troop," but by as many singers as Bordes was able to muster. 63
Mainstream events were also devoid of the ritualistic theatrics associated with many

Holy Week offices (e.g., the dim atmosphere, the use of in cense, the graduaI

extinguishing of candIes, the washing of feet, etc.). The experience of sorne of Bordes's
Holy Week performances must have been akin to sitting in the midst of a forty-five
minute operatic production, and being, at least nominally, an integral part of the

mystical ceremony. Hearing and seeing the Chanteurs perform without the ritualistic
trappings and in the glare of stage lights may have been a disappointment for sorne

listeners.

Sorne reviewers do indeed suggest that the quality of the Chanteurs's

performances sank late in the century. Aside from Barbedette's praise in Le Ménestrel for

a Bach cantata performance with Guilmant-which he qualified as a welcome break

from Wagnerian orgies-other reviews range from significantly understated, to mildly

and forthrightly critica1.64 The Chanteurs's efforts alongside the Schola to be a significant

iota à reprendre aux morceaux qu'ils nous ont fait entendre. La vérité, selon nous, é est que M. Bordes a un
peu épuisé la curiosité qui a acceuiIli au début l' œuvre méritoire à laquelle il s'est voué; tous les musiciens
ont été à Saint-Gervais entendre et réentendre, les jours de grande fête, les chefs-d'oeuvre de musique
religieuse ancienne que M. Bordes a reconstitués dans leur forme primitive. Pourquoi alors se déranger
Eour aller écouter des oeuvres de beaucoup plus petite envergure."
3 De Castéra reports twenty-five male trebles alone for Holy Week of 1891, and reproduces the
advertisement for Holy Week of 1892, boasting a maîtrise of 80. See his Dix années d'action musicale religieuse,
5-6;9.
64 For the Chanteurs's performance of Bach Cantata "Jesu der du meine Seele" with Guilmant at the
Trocadéro, Barbedette concluded, " . .. une matinée comme celle-là est bien faite pour reposer des orgies
wagnériennes dont nous sommes assourdis depuis tant d'années." See Le Ménestrel (30 April 1899): 140. See
also the review for a bene fit concert at Salle des Agriculteurs in Le Guide musical (8 April 1900): 319, signed J.
A. W. " .. . toujours l'impeccable justesse la parfaite fusion des voix et le fini des nuances obtenus par M.
Ch. Bordes, font de ces exécutions des modèles de perfection. / / Mais, dans l'intérêt bien compris de son
artistique entreprise, M. Bordes devrait peut-être s'abstenir de produire ses chanteurs en nombre trop
restreint ainsi qu'il l' a fait le 30 mars pour un concert donné au bénéfice d'une école, à la salle des
 166

part of the Racine bicentenary celebrations went almost entirely unnoticed, even when

the group presented large sections of the work outside the Institut Catholique with the

Société des Concerts de Chants Classique. 65 The group did make an impression on

Hugues Imbert when it abandoned Carissimi's more popular Jepthe in favour of La

Plainte des damnés or Judicium extremum (Aspiciebam in visione noctis), but it was not the
Chanteurs's performance that caught his attention. After summarily declaring the

execution of the new Carissimi work an improvement over the group's overly

heterogeneous delivery of French chansons, Imbert lavished praise on the Carissimi as a

work and indicated that it might be a precursor of modern music drama. 66 This

tendency to focus on the work itself as separate and distinct from the performance was a

sign of things to come. After the inauguration of the école supérieure in late 1900, a

number of poor performances at the Schola were smoothed over in this way.
The years between 1898 and 1900 should be considered a significant period of

transition in the Schola's institutional history: a gap developed between the work of the

école de musique liturgique and the society for religious music reform in Paris. As the

school veered in its mission towards the composition of new works, the society became

increasingly less active in promoting chant reform and Palestrinian music in the capital.

Performances by the Chanteurs at the Église Saint-Gervais decreased significantly, even

though the group' s work in the provinces appears to have escalated. As the fine arts

department for the Institute Catholique, the Schola became identified with lecture-

recitals on ancien-regime music-a body of works that had not been identified at aU in the

Schola' s original mandate to improve the sacred repertoire for organists, uphold

Agriculteurs de France. Dans ce local, dont l'acoustique est déjà de médiocre qualité, un cadre plus
nombreux de chanteurs peut certes faire un meilleur effet." Another comments on the group's appearance
with the Société des Concerts de Chants Oassiques and finds that the singers should have had a fuller and
more homogenous sound for the chansons. See H. 1., Le Guide musical (6 May 1900): 414.
65 Le Guide musical (14 and 21 May 1899): 438, notes only that the Chanteurs were heartily applauded.
"Enfin, les Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais ont recueilli une ample moisson d'applaudissements."
66 Le Guide musical (6 May 1900): 414, signed H.I. "Les Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, soutenus par l'orchestre,
dirent beaucoup mieux un oratorio célèbre de Giacomo Carissimi, La Plainte des damnés, page pathétique et
dramatique de superbe couleur et laissant déjà entrevoir la voie dans laquelle s'enagera la musique
moderne."
 167

Gregorian chant, and champion Palestrinian music new and old. Even if the Chanteurs's

reputation had skyrocketed in the final months of the century, there is little possibility
that this single group could have served as a public symbol for the tremendously
fragmented organization that the Schola had become. Moreover, if observers of the time
viewed the Chanteurs as emblematic of the Schola Cantorum, they may weIl have

concluded that the conglomerate as a whole had taken a sharp tum on a downhill

course.
 168

Part 11-1900-1914

Introduction

In Chapter One, 1 pointed to two distinct phases in early music programming at the
Schola for the period after 1900. The first began shortly after the move to rue Saint-

Jacques in November of 1900 and lasted until early 1904. It was characterized by a clear

sidelining of Renaissance sacred and secular music to make room for performances of
the music of J.S. Bach and a sm aller number of concerts devoted to French Baroque
masters. In the second phase, a sharp decrease in the overall number of events occurred,

but the works presented were much more monumental. If we understand the Schola in
the period between late 1900 and early 1904 as a haven for artistic idealism then it is

possible to view its concerts of early music during this same time frame as exclusive
events that were programmed for a smaller community of intellectuals and music loyers.

But sorne of these same events-particularly the Bach cantata concerts-could also be

considered forms of cultural production that the Schola engaged in as a means of

rivaling events given by other associations, especially the Republic's Conservatoire.

Finally, the Schola's concerts of Bach's music had a practical purpose, which was to raise

money for the school.

By asking readers to think of Schola concerts between late 1900 and early 1904 as

a somewhat insular and not necessarily adversarial organization, 1 in no way advocate a

reductive view of the school and its activities during this period. In its first three and a

half years of existence, the new Schola's reputation and relationship to other institutions

underwent great change, often shaped by factors not directly connected to it, such as the

premiere of Claude Debussy' s Pelléas et Mélisande and increasing controversy over the
Prix de Rome, as well as very public disagreements between Charles Bordes and the
Église Saint-Gervais, and Alexandre Guilmant and the Trinité. What 1 ask readers to do

in this chapter, is to follow me through a new reading of important texts associated with
 169

the Schola, to observe the changes to its mission and reputation that began to crystallize
only around June of 1902.
The views and politics associated with the Schola Cantorum after 1900 are most often

explored in the literature through examinations and discussions of Vincent d'Indy's

written opinions. Many scholars have provided analyses of d'Indy's inaugural address

(November 1900), his Cours de composition musical (Volume 1, 1902), and private

correspondence. Musicologists have also frequently discussed an important article on

the rivalry between the Schola and the Conservatoire published by Jean Marnold in
1902, which 1 will also deal with in this chapter.67 Yet a detailed reading in the context of

other documents and particularly against the background of significant events infin-de-

siècle musicallife and Schola history has yet to be undertaken. This sort of reading forces
us to think about the Schola's politics as something that was dynamic and changed over

time between 1900 and 1903, rather than something that was static and operated in the

same way during the entire period. Pairing this reading with the Schola's programming
trends for its Bach cantata concerts tells us that sorne of the school' s events may have

been viewed as attempts to compete with the Conservatoire. Yet this does not appear to
be the case for sorne of the Schola's other early music events.

Schola Cantorum, École Supérieure, 1900-04

A dramatic story of the Schola's move to rue Saint-Jacques in the faH of 1900 is often
featured in the literature. In de Castéra's version, Bordes and a group of Schola
supporters met over dinner at the end of June 1900 at Isaac Albeniz's home to discuss

renting a former Benedictine convent at 269 rue Saint-Jacques. This building would be

able to accommodate the Schola's many students and activities. Those present advised

67Vincent d'Indy, "Une École d'art répondant aux besoins modernes," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais
(November 1900): 303-14; Vincent d'Indy, Cours de composition musicale (Paris: Durand et Fils,
1912). [originally published in 1902]; Jean Marnold, "Le Conservatoire et la Schola," Le Mercure de
France (July 1902): 105-11.
 170

against proceeding with the project, arguing that the rent was too expensive. Bordes

promptly ignored the advice of his peers and leased the building in question on behalf of

the Schola.68 He later met his financial obligations with thirty-two individualloans of

one thousand francs each. 69 According to de Castéra, it was the Abbé Vigourel, a close

collaborator with La Tribune de Saint-Gervais, who suggested the building?O Surviving

documents reveal a somewhat less spectacular story. A letter dated 19 June 1900 from

Vincent d'Indy to Isabelle (his spouse) suggests that he was just as involved in securing

the building as Bordes: he planned to keep an apartment there. 71 In a letter to the critic

Jean Marnold from earlier that year, Bordes indicated that the Schola would likely move

to rue Saint-Jacques, but that the project was still in the air, in part because of

administrative delays in his accreditation as a music teacher. 72 Written at d'Indy's

request in February of 1900, this letter also provides evidence that both d'Indy and

Bordes were involved in drumming up support for the new Schola long before the

fabled meeting in June of the same year.

Bordes's letter to Mamold confirmed that the Schola had greatly expanded its

original mission. He informed the critic of this in no uncertain terms: "the education of

religious musical tendencies is not the only goal of our work but rather we wish to create

a larger, more purely artistic project."73 The new Schola would serve as an umbrella

68 René de Castéra, "La Fondation de la Schola Cantorum" in La Schola Cantorum en 1925 (paris:
Bloud et Gay, 1925), 17.
69 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 60-61. According to de Castéra, Bordes
issued thirty shares at a cost of one thousand francs each, payable over a period of three years.
Each shareholder would be reimbursed over a period of ten years and at an interest rate of three
percent. This arrangement produced a sum of ten thousand francs per year for operating
expenses.
70 René de Castéra, "La Fondation de la Schola Cantorum," 17.
71 See d'Indy's letter to Isabelle dated 19 June [1900] transcribed in Vincent d'Indy, Ma vie, 612.
"Bordes avec qui j'ai déjeuné tout à l'heure loue décidément la rue St-Jacques, il me réserve le petit
appartement du 1er étage que tu m'as dit de retenir. ? Je lui aid dit de ne pas réclamer l'argent à
La Laurencie et qu'il paierait à la fin de l'année, c'est entendu. Je lui verse mes 666 francs sur ma
caisse musicale, j'y mets un papier en attendant les comptes avec toi." (emphasis his)
72 Letter dated 13 April 1900 from Charles Bordes to the Institut Catholique (Archives de l'Institut
Catholique, file E26).
73 Letter dated 15 February 1900 from Charles Bordes to Jean Marnold (Bibliothèque nationale de
France, Département de la musique, La Bordes). "Quant à l'avenir voici: Enseignement des
 171

organization for three different teaching institutions: a children's choir, a school for

church musicians, and an école supérieure for general music education. The first two

would be located outside Paris, but the third and most important one would be in the

capital. This makes sense if we understand that the non-residential aspect of the école de

chant liturgique or its externat component was the most prosperous of all the Schola's
ventures, netting over 7,000 francs yearly by 1900. What this means is that students

who lived in Paris, not the children in the maîtrise or other ecc1esiastical internats, had

become the lifeblood of the school by the turn of the century. In his letter to Marnold,

Bordes emphasized that d'Indy alone had fort y of the Schola's students in his c1ass?4

Bordes may have also learned something from the public's cooling enthusiasm for his

Holy Week services and other religious events, which was that Paris was not a place to

preach sacred music reform.

Vincent d'Indy's School for Modern Needs

Administrative and geographical separation from its more "Catholic" affiliates aside, the

Schola, école supérieure, would still be identified as Catholic because the organization as

a whole was still committed to its original mandate. But the école supérieure in Paris

would not be so integrally connected to the chur ch, because musicians who wished to

train for careers as parish organists or music directors were to have their own school

(which never actually materialized). Still, whereas Bordes literally underscored the

distinctly or purely artistic character of the future Schola, d'Indy returned to the idea of

religion at several points in his speech to open the institution in November of 1900.

tendances musicales religieuses n,en peu faire uniquement le but de l'oeuvre et (sic) de créer une
action plus large plus purement artistic."
74 "Le seul cours de d'Indy compte plus de 40 élèves. Le rapport de l'école sera cette année
d'environ 7 à 8,000 frs." This letter is preserved at the Bibliothèque nationale de musique,
Département de la musique (La Charles Bordes, no. 2), and appears in transcription in Bernard
MoHa, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3,12-15. Note that MoHa has erroneously indicated the revenues as
7-800 instead of 7-8,000 francs.
 172

Along with several racist asides and vitriolic comments about vérisme (read: Dreyfusard

music), d'Indy's Catholic bias in this speech has invited interpretations from a number of

different angles. Sorne scholars have drawn comparisons between this speech and

politically charged articles and musical works written after the papal motu proprio, as

well as documents and events that preceded it. Jane Fulcher's discussion of d'Indy's

speech of 1900 appears in a chapter devoted to the congealing of political agendas

around music for the Univers al Exhibition of 1900. She reads the speech retrospectively,

as part of d'Indy's ideological war with the Dreyfusard Republic (and by extension the

Conservatoire).75 She attributes greater political influence to the Schola in the years

between 1898 and 1900 than it may have had, especially considering the flagging interest

in the public events given by the Chanteurs76

Gail Hilson Woldu's brief summary of d'Indy's speech is connected to an

argument about conflicts between the Schola and the Conservatoire, taking in a wide

variety of published sources dating from 1899 to 1909. In this case, the tendency is to

project the ideas in d'Indy's speech forward, with a view to more heated debates that

arose after 1905.77 Brian Hart's analysis of this text is much less generalized and

confined to a temporal period between 1900 and 1902.78 The same is true for d'Indy's

75 Jane Fulcher, French Cultural Politics and Music, 30-33.

76 Ibid., 39-41. "Much was to change in the Exposition's plans with the redefinition of the status of
music as it came under the aegis of the Ministère de l'instruction publique. By 1898 a
preponderant reason for these changes might weIl have been the growing status of the Schola and
the example that it set of propaganda through music. Now, committees multiplied and special
distinguished commissions were formed; supporting staff was enlarged and a larger budget was
both requested and obtained. In addition, and as a consequence, music was assigned an
ideological program, one that we may construe in a dialogic relation with that of the Schola." (pp.
39-40) "Certainly the existence of the new Scholiste or nationalist canon was a factor in the nature
of the Minister's charge to the predominantly loyalist Republican commission." (p. 40) "the
musical programs, mu ch to d'Indy's consternation, included Httle symphonic music and
consisted largely of operatic excerpts. Yet, as we may surmise, to do otherwise at this particular
point would have been to negate the principles of the Conservatoire in favor of the renegade
Schola Cantorum." (p. 41)
77 Gail Hilson Woldu, "Debussy, Fauré, and d'Indy and Conceptions of the Artist: The
Institutions, the Dialogues, the Conflicts" in Debussy and His World edited by Jane Fulcher,
(Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2001), 236-38.
78 Brian J. Hart, "The Symphony in Theory and Practice in France, 1900-1914," (Ph.D. Dissertation,
Indiana University, 1994),26-28.
 173

biographer Léon VaUas. 79 Ursula Eckart-Biicker limits her short description of the speech

to the period prior to 1903,8° while Andrew Thomson treats d'Indy's speech in
chronological isolation, with no references to d'Indy's writings from the surrounding

timeframe. 81 Other discussions include Jann Pasler's overview of the speech as part of an

exploration of the notion of progress that is not directed towards the institutional history

of the Schola. 82 My frame of reference differs, for 1 believe it is best ta consider d'Indy's
speech in the context of the Schola's mission as it was expressed in the 1890s in speeches

given by Guilmant-not as the seed of the Schola's politics after early 1904.

In what may be interpreted as a profound profession of faith, D'Indy asserted in

his celebrated inaugural speech that aU music was "religious in kind./I He could have

chosen other, more pointed formulations, like "Catholic in essence./I But in any case, one

would not expect anything less than a view of music as d'ordre religieux from a confirmed

Wagnerite, deeply committed to the music of the non-Catholic composer of Parsifal, with

a personal network of friends who shared his views. While d'Indy's compositional

commitment to music as " religious" is more than adequately represented in the spiritual

overtones of works from Fervaal to La Légende de Saint-Christophe, the main reason he

underscores it here is because Gregorian chant was a required subject for aU Schola

students. His assertion in this respect also has historical roots in Guilmant' s artistic

credo of faith in art. It was in the section of his speech justifying this aspect of the

pedagogy that d'Indy made this declaration. In his words,

No artist has the right to ignore the development of his art, and since it is an
established fact that the principle of any art form, be it painting, architecture or
music, is religious in nature [d'ordre religieux], students will have nothing to lose
and much to gain through exposure to beautiful works from these historical
periods of belief. The whole of this repertoire will provide the foundation for the

79 Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy: La maturité, la vieillesse, 45-48.

80 Ursula Eckart-Backer, "Die Pariser Schola Cantorum in den Jahren um 1900: Eine Skizze unter
besonderer Berücksichtigung historischer und ~adagogischer Aspekte," in Ars Musica, Musica
Scientia a Festschrift for Heinrich Hüschen's 65 Birthday (Cologne: Gitarre und Laute
Verlagsgesellschaft, 1980), 94-95.
81 Andrew Thomson, Vincent d'Indy and his Warld, 118-20.
th
82 Jann Pasler, "Paris: Conflicting Notions of Progress" in The Late Ramantic Era: Fram the Mid-19
Century ta World War l (Englewood CHffs: Prentice Hall, 1991),402-03.
 174

student's mind/ spirit [esprit] that williater permit a branching out ta modern
social art [art social].83

This passage established a link between art and religion that was not entirely direct (art

as "religious in kind," not "religious" tout court), and sacred music was cast as the
foundation for a new "social," not religious art.
Gad played a greater raIe d'Indy's parting salvo, where he urged students ta

adopt the three central virtues of Christianity: faith, hope, and love. Sin ce art for d'Indy
emanated from Gad, he insisted that students have faith in Him, as weIl as the
supremacy of beauty and art. Like Guilmant, d'Indy wanted his students ta love art as
though it were a mission, and ta submit their own personal egos ta a higher cause. Still,

the social and artistic battles that could only be won through love of art, and by
extension Gad, were not ta be fought outside the self or the Schola. In these final

paragraphs and throughout his speech, d'Indy's emphasis is concentrated on the

conquering of the self through a process of isolation, a retreat comparable to the one

Guilmant advocated in his speech of 1898. Hence the importance of hope, because

d'Indy' s students were ta be separated from their own time: "let us be supported by
Hope, for you know that the artist worthy of his name works not for the present, but in
view of the future.,,84 This historically self-conscious point of view implies the validation

of the self at sorne point in the future, through the act of revering (and reliving) the pasto

A number of politically offensive remarks in d'Indy's speech arose from this

central theme of aesthetic and temporal seclusion. Art was not a physical craft but rather

an eternally spiraling spiritual exercise that took place in its own "microcosm," or in

83 Vincent d'Indy's speech was titled "Une École de musique répondant aux besoins modernes"
and is reproduced in La Schola Cantorum en 1925 (Paris: Bould et Gay, 1925),60-71. "nul artiste n'a
le droit d'ignorer le mode de formation de son art, et comme il est absolument avéré que le
principe de tout art, aussi bien de la peinture et de l'architecture que de la musique, est d'ordre
religieux, les élèves n'auront rien à perdre et tout à gagner dans la fréquentation des belles
oeuvres de ces époques de croyance, dont l'ensemble sera pour leur esprit comme la souche
Etrimitive sur laquelle viendront plus tard se greffer les rameaux de l'art social moderne."
Ibid. "Faison notre soutien de l'Espérance, car vous le savez, l'artiste digne de ce nom ne
travaille point pour le présent, mais en vue de l'avenir."
 175

common parlance, in a little uni verse unto itself.85 The present had no place in d'Indy's
vision of true art, henee a ban on music for profit-the domain of "those aIl too
numerous Semites who have encumbered music sinee it developed the potential to
become a business.,,86 Likewise the persona!, and with it the empty search for

originality, were to yield to the model of "those admirable artistic labourers [ouvriers

d'art] of the Middle Ages" who strove to replicate the artistic forms of their
predecessors. 87 For in d'Indy's speech, the desire for originality for its own sake,

uninformed by the work of the past, had too great a potential to lead to sterile music

typified by the "modern style" (the final avatar of the Jewish School in d'Indy's mind).88

In constant motion with the past, along the spiral, and within the microcosm, d'Indy's
true artist was also obliged to forsake realism [vérisme]. From rus admittedly idealist
perspective, he had a point: "the repli cation of reality was never part of art.,,89 In

d'Indy's ideal artistic microcosm, nature was communicated through the artwork only as
an idealized impression apprehended by the artist's soul. Far from the coneerns and

material nature of the world, in the little universe that was to be the Schola, d'Indy's

85 Ibid., 63. "L'art dans sa march à travers les âges, peut être ramené à la théorie du microcosme.
Comme le monde, comme les peuples, comme les civilisations, comme l'homme lui-même, il
traverse de successives périodes de jeunesse, de maturité, de vieillesse, mais il ne meurt jamais et
se renouvelle perpétuellement. Ce n'est pas un cercle fermé, mais une spirale qui monte toujours
et toujours progresse."
86 Ibid. "Ne nous y trompons point, mes chers amis, ce que nous devons chercher dans nos
travaux d'art, ce n'est pas le profit, laissons ce négoce aux trop nombreux sémites qui encombrent
la musique depuis que celle-ci est susceptible de devenir une affaire .... "
87 Ibid., 66. "Je maintiens donc qu'il est non seulement favorable mais même indispensable au
développement des qualités personnelles chez l'artiste de connaître et d'étudier toutes les
productions antérieures à son époque, en prenant pour modèle les admirables ouviers d'art du
Moyen Age, qui ne songeaient qu'à imiter, dans leurs oeuvres, les types plastiques établis, pour
ainsi dire dogmatiquement, par leurs prédécesseurs. Ceux-là ne recherchaient point l'originalité à
tout prix, ils étaient simplement et sincèrement d'accord avec leur conscience d'artiste, c'est ce qui
les fit grands!"
88 Ibid., 67. "Cette tendance paraît être encore un dernier avatar de l'école judaïque, qui retarda la
marche de l'art pendant une partie du XIX· siècle; les oeuvres qui en émanent sont, en général,
superficielles comme cette école, et comme elle, destinées à périr."
89 Ibid. "le rendu du réel n'a jamais été de l'art; ce qui produit le beau, ce n,est point la copie
servile de la nature, mais bien l'impression ressentie se magnifiant, s'idéalisant (je ne répugne
point à employer ce terme), dans l'âme de l'artiste pour se réduire ensuite et se concrétiser en une
oeuvre." (emphasis his)
 176

quasi-Medievallabourers were to bond in artistic confraternity, for much like Guilmant,

he exhorted them to "be mutua11y-inspired in work, never rivals.,,90

D'Indy's coupling of anti-Semitism and anti-realism should not surprise readers

here: we should reca11 that in the year prior to d'Indy's speech, he had been forced to
club his way through an angry mob of anti-Dreyfusard demonstrators. By November of
1900, the Dreyfus Affair for d'Indy had become not simply a matter of ideas, anti-

Dreyfusards had forced him into a fistfight. Eight months earlier, the success of Gustave

Charpentier' s opera Louise had signaled in no uncertain terms the public' s great

fascination not only with free love, but also with lawlessness and anarchy-realism in

music, at least in early 1900, might also have been seen to glorify French anarchism of

the early 1890s. As a Frenchman who had fled the violence of the commune thirty years

earlier, and who on the occasion had declared that he was "no longer French" as a result,
the sort of retreat that d'Indy advocated in his speech of 1900 should appear to us today
as a reaction to violence (both real and potential) and a return to his escapist attitude of

1870. That d'Indy's remarks are anti-Semitic is not in question, that this is a

reprehensible conviction is beyond a11 doubt, but it does not appear to have materialized

as a reasoned conclusion based on tangled Darwinistic ideas of racial superiority for the

composer. Rather, it seems to have developed quickly, and to aIl appearances, as a

direct result of d'Indy's own violent experience.

While d'Indy devotes most of his speech to the portrayal of an ideal, timeless,
and secluded microcosm, he does refer to the outside world. As Fulcher has noted, sorne
of these references have militaristic connotations: Schola students will be "better armed

for combat;" the school's teachers are thanked for being "brave militants;" and love

dec1ared the ultimate weapon of the social and artistic battle.91 Still, students were not to

90 Ibid., 68. "Soyez des émules dans le travail, jamais des rivaux."
91 The first and second point are raised by Jane Fulcher in French Cultural Politics and Music, 34-5.
For the original text see Vincent d'Indy's "Une École de musique répondant aux besoins
modernes," 63-4;. "subissant en leur période d'étude les transformations subies par la musique à
travers les siècles, ils en sortiront d'autant mieux armés pour le combat moderne ... ."; "Il faut
cependant dire encore combien je suis fier et heureux de pouvoir offrir ici nos sincères
remerciements à tous nos professeurs, et non seulement aux courageux militants de la première
 177

become lieutenants as Guilmant would have had them, in order to join a campaign.

Instead they are to acquire a means of self-defense against the outside world.

Fulcher has also drawn attention to d'Indy's emphasis on the role of art to serve and

teach as a means of elevating the human spirit. 92 What she has not pointed out is that

teaching also had a practical implication in Schola life that extended back to Guilmant' s

1896 speech and the very beginning of the école de musique liturgique: part of the

educational process included teaching younger students, or becoming a non-

remunerated moniteur. The idea of teaching was also affected by the larger conception of

the Schola as an institution withdrawn from the world-teachers were to be begat from

students. In another reference to teaching, d'Indy advanced the idea that the true artist's

mission was to anticipate and guide the public. 93 Steven Huebner has examined this

second idea of music education or enseignement as an integral part of d'Indy's Istar

(1897), though he does so with reference to the Cours and not to this speech.94 But we

should not think of this high valuation for teaching as unique to d'Indy or French

Catholics (Gallican, Ultramontane, or otherwise). Philip Nord has pointed out that the

positivist sociologist Charles Létourneau also considered education the first of aU

sciences, "for not only did it illuminate the path of human progress but had the potential

to deliver humankind an evolutionary push forward.,,95

D'Indy's references to teaching concern the Schola's concerts, because the public

could and did come to the Schola to hear music, to be guided in the way that d'Indy

heure qui combattent avec nous depuis trois ans déjà, mais aussi à ceux qui n'ont point hésité à
venir se grouper autour de nous .... "; "la sublime Charité, la plus grande des trois: major caritas,
seul terme final de la lutte sociale comme de la lutte artistique, car l'égoïste qui ne travaille que
~our soi est toujours exposé à voir son oeuvre stérile .... "
2 Jane Fulcher, French Cultural Politics and Music, 33.

93 Vincent d'Indy "Une École de musique répondant aux besoins modernes," 68. "gardons-nous
bien de viser au succès, disposition des plus néfastes pour le créateur, qui l'amène fatalement soit
à devnir l'homme d'une seule oeuvre si son premier essai a trop bien réussi, soit à se faire
l'esclave de la mode ... soit enfin à faire sciemment de mauvaise musique pour capter les
suffrages d'une assistance, toutes conditions indignes de l'artiste véritable, dont la mission n,est
~as de suivre le public, mais de le précéder et de le guider."
4 Steven Huebner, "Striptease as Ideology," Nineteenth-Century Music Review 1/2 (2004): 6; 15; 19;
25.
95 Philip Nord, The Republican Moment (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995),43.
There are, of course, some very troubling racist associations with Létourneau's point of view.
 178

suggested in his speech, of their own volition and in sm aU numbers. Audience members

could be considered students of the same sm aU, elite, and insular institution, most of aU
because they made the pilgrimage through the city to reach the Schola. Audience
members were not recruited through overt or organized outside activity. Even though
the main performers that had been previously identified with the school (the Chanteurs),

continued to perform at other venues, "Schola" performances proper remained for the

most part fixed in the former convent. Indeed, one of the most important aspects of the

new Schola at rue Saint-Jacques was the creation of distinct sectors of activity. Bordes
had a monopoly over the Schola's outreach sector [section de propagande] and provincial

tours until his death in 1909. His activities, in theory, were separate and distinct from
the mission of the école supérieure. This partitioning of activities, a restriction in a sense

of its campaigning tactics, may have been behind the near disappearance of regional

reporting in the Tribune between 1900 and late 1903. A new emphasis on articles
devoted to seventeenth and early eighteenth-century French music gave the Schola the

appearance of a more contemplative, historicaUy oriented society centered in the capital,

than a zealous religious group with a mission to convert the nation to its type of sacred

music and chant. And aU of this came at a time when the music of Bach-with which the

Schola was highly identified-was enjoying immense popularity at other Parisian

venues.
D'Indy's speech truly offends on several points, and any attempt to excuse his

racist views would constitute an offense to scholarship. Yet if it is ta be viewed as a

reflection of the Schola' s mission, his speech should not be taken as a declaration to

make war on the outside. It should more appropriately be read as a plan to perpetuate

Guilmant' s family, or in this case, a smaU, elite community of inteUectuals and idealists.

The Schola was to be a safe haven from the enemy (very pointedly singled out in the

speech) who might conceivably, to paraphrase Guilmant, avoid the path taken by the

Schola and its place of retreat. The Schola's recent attempt to recruit and conquer in
Avignon (1899) had proven violently unsuccessful, and there is no reason to believe that
 179

d'Indy would wish to ignore the lessons of the institution's past. In fact, no one was

more surprised than d'Indy to find individuals committed to ideologies that he held in
contempt in attendance for the inauguration of the new Schola.96

The Schola as Adversary

Today we know that the Schola's curriculum and approach was held up to the detriment

of the Conservatoire within a year of its founding. But at the time of d'Indy's speech, the

institution had only recently emerged from fairly serious problems involving internaI

dissension noted earlier in this chapter. There is little possibility that d'Indy envisioned

a complete break with the Schola's mission and educational stance as it was expressed in

Guilmant' s speeches of the 1890s, or that he intended to make of the Schola a platform

for the broad dissemination of his anti-Semitic and other right-wing ideas.97 Points of

similarity between d'Indy's speech and Guilmant's four inaugural ad dresses suggest
something more in the way of a transposition of philosophies and attitudes governing

sacred music education onto music education in general, complete with Guilmant's later

idea of a retreat to an ivory tower. D'Indy, at least, viewed the speech as a simple

expression of his teaching philosophy, and wrote as much in a letter to Octave Maus:

Where may 1 send the inaugural speech (!) that 1 am going to read at the session
of 2 November, and which is nothing more than an exposé of music teaching
principles that 1 consider the only good ones? 1 in no way attack the
Conservatoire, those in the know may draw their own conclusions if they wish. 98

96 Letter dated 19 November 1900 to Pierre de Bréville. Bibliothèque nationale de France,

Département de la musique (La Vincent d'Indy No. 140). "Avez vous vu la réplique des
Dreyfusard à notre Schola, pour la création du Collège d'ésthetique moderne ou trouvent pèle-mêle
les Zolas, les [Frances?] et les Bruneaux." (emphasis his)
97 For a lengthy discussion of this theory, see Jane Fu1cher, French Cultural Politics and Music, 24-
73.
98 Letter from Vincent d'Indy to Octave Maus dated 10 October 1900, transcribed in Vincent
d'Indy: Ma vie, 618-19. "Où puis-je t'expédier mon discours (!) d'inauguration que je lirai à la
séance du 2 Novembre, et qui n'est autre chose que l'exposé des principes d'enseignement
musical que je crois être les seuls bons? Je n'y attaque en aucune façon le Conservatoire, ceux qui
sont au courant des choses pourront en tirer les conclusions qu'ils voudront."
 180

When it was first read in November of 1900, 1 believe that d'Indy's speech may have

been interpreted partly as an expression of his own frustrations dating back to his

recommendations for the Conservatoire in 1892, and partly as a sermon on the merits of

liberal education. This last point seems particularly relevant, considering d'Indy's

frequent returns to his hopes for the individual in this and another speech to open the

1901-02 academic year. 99 He often underscores the artistic necessity of finding the self

and giving sincere expression to its voice. To make a smallleap in chronology, 1 would

point out that in 1901 d'Indy also told students to find themselves. He c1aimed that only

true artists building on ancient, ancestral foundations knew "how to find within

themselves the materials that would consolidate" the erection of the artistic monument

or spiral. lOO Reading between the lines, this seems rather exclusionary. One might

interpret this statement as an assertion that only français de souche or French by birth and

centuries-old breeding could become true artists. D'Indy admitted to Octave Maus that

his speech of 1901 was both "anti-Conservatory" and "anti-Dreyfusard," and that a

young Jewish woman had stormed out of the hall before he had finished.lOl At the same

time, one might also consider this statement an invitation to students to discover

timeless musical (not racial) ancestors in order to take their place along the artistic spiral.

For d'Indy also predicted that the student who became deeply engaged with works of

the past would "begin a new cycle on the magnificent spiral, through the loyal

expression, as he feels them, of immutable human sentiments."!02 In the end, it may be

99 Steven Huebner has noted parenthetically that despite his efficient and authoritarian
administrative style, d'Indy encouraged students to seek out their own artistic style. See French
Opera at the Fin-de-Siècle: Wagnerism, Nationalism, and Style (Oxford and New York: Oxford
University Press, 1999), 303.
100 Vincent d'Indy, "L'Artiste moderne," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (December 1901): 344. "Seuls,
restent et contribuent à l'édification du monument les artistes, les vrais artistes, qui appuyés
solidement sur les vieilles bases ancestrales, savent trouver en eux-mêmes les matériaux propres à
consolider, toujours plus haut la ligne verticale des toujours mêmes sentiments humains. Et voilà
précise ment ce qui fait du nom d'artiste un titre sublime, c'est que, en dépit de l'ancienneté des
fondations sur lesquelles il bâtit son oeuvre nouvelle, l'artiste reste libre, complètement libre."
(emphasis mine)
101 See Vincent d'Indy's letter to his wife Isabelle dated, 6 November 1901 and another to Octave
Maus dated 13 November 1901. Both are transcribed in Vincent d'Indy: Ma vie, 628-30.
102 Vincent d'Indy, "L'Artiste Moderne," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (December 1901): 345. "Il
s'efforcera, après avoir non pas seulement effleuré, mais approfondi la connaissance des grandes
 181

that readings of the 1900 speech have been affected by knowledge of the more politically
offensive one given in 1901.

D'Indy' s insistence on expressing the self in music should not be considered an

anti-Dreyfusard reaction. His privileging of self-discovery had roots in the 1890s, in his
critiques for the Tribune de Saint-Gervais' composition contests. Writing in July of 1897,
he asserted that:

The artist must never write what he has not suffered in his work, what does not
contain a parcel of his soul, and in sum, regardless of his talent and harmonie
ability, the composer who produces for the sake of production and not in order to
express what he has in his heart will never be a musician. 103

In his third installment of "L'Art en place et à sa place" (March 1898), d'Indy argued this
point more directl y:

Composer, my friend, art is not in the means employed; art is in you .... Creating
a work of art is to draw something from the self, it is giving a bit of one's own
material being. If you are not a common copy-cat, it will be your he art, it will be
your thought, it will be your being that you put in your work, and this work,
regardless of the means you employ, will truly be the art of your time. 104

Negative reaction to the opening of the new Schola prompted the Franckiste

Pierre de Bréville to remind the Mercure de France's readership of d'Indy's previous

commitment to historically-informed music education dating back to 1892. He
concluded his report on the new Schola with a position statement that was frankly
pacifist:

manifestsations d'art antérieures, d'édifier sur ces fondations immuables un nouveau cycle de la
magnifique spirale, en exprimant loyalement, tels qu'il les sent, tels qu'il les souffre, les toujours
mêmes sentiments humains."
103 Vincent d'Indy, "Nos concours," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (July 1897): 107. "L'artiste ne doit
jamais écrire, qui n'a pas lui-même souffert son oeuvre, qui n'a pas laissé en elle une parcelle de
son âme, et, en somme, uels que soient son talent et sa science harmonique, le compositeur qui
produit pour produire et non pour exprimer ce qu'il a dans le coeur, celui-là ne sera jamais un
musicien."
104 Vincent d'Indy, "L'Art en place et à sa place," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (March 1898): 65.
"Compositeur, mon ami, l'art n'est pas dans les moyens que vous employez, l'art est en vous-
même . .. , Faire oeuvre artistique, c'est tirer quelque chose de soi-même, c'est donner un peu de
sa propre substance; si vous n,êtes point un vulgaire copiste, ce sera donc votre coeur, ce sera
votre pensée, ce sera votre être que vous mettrez en votre oeuvre, et cette oeuvre, quels que soient
les moyens dont vous serviez, sera bien de l'art de votre temps," (Emphasis his)
 182

It is said that official music worried over this unexpected rival. It should be
reassured. The Schola, pacifist that it is, has no wish to antagonize anyone. It
works resolutely but it is not mobilizing, and does not practice the defensive
offensive recently attributed to it by a hallucinating individual. There is no doubt
that its teaching differs essentially from that given at the Faubourg Poissonnière,
but it is not competing with the Conservatoire-which is not to say that it is a
branch of the Conservatoire eitherl 105

The journalist Arthur Mangeot reacted very critically to d'Indy's inaugural speech.106

But his complaints reveal that he understood the Schola' s mission partl y as the creation

of a universe unto itself. He wrote that d'Indy's plan was over idealized, and that it did

not leave students enough time for their practical education. More important, he

expressed concern for the fact that the Schola had no plan to help students establish

professional careers, and he suggested that while sorne Jews may write for profit, most

poor Christians do as weIl. Mangeot felt that this last circumstance must be completely

lost on d'Indy, for he told readers that the composer had had a huge income from the

day he was born. The implication was that the Schola was divorced from reality, its

educational director impervious to material necessity. Though I have demonstrated that

this sort of perception of d'Indy's wealth is exaggerated (see Chapter 2), the illusion of

financial self-sufficiency may have helped to create the aura of a music school that more

greatly resembled a privileged family. Indeed, reading the reception of Schola events as

I do further on in this chapter, the idea of the Schola as a family (or perhaps a guild) and

its concerts as non-commercial exercises returns with remarkable consistency in this

period.

105 Pierre de Bréville, "Revue du mois-musique," Le Mercure de France 12/132 (December 1900):
833-36. "On a dit que la musique officielle s'inquiétait de cette rivale inattendue. Qu'elle se rassure.
La Schola, pacifique, ne se pose en antagoniste de personne. Elle fait son oeuvre d'une conscience
résolue, mais elle n'est pas dans le mouvement et ne pratique pas l'offensive défensive prônée par
un récent halluciné. Sans doute son enseignement différera essentiellement de celui qui se donne
Faubourg Poissonière, mais elle ne fait pas concurrence au Conservatoire. Ce qui ne veut pas dire
qu'elle en est la succursale!" Here the mention of musique officielle would have resonated strongly
with readers as jargon associated with the Univers al Exhibition of 1900, with its concerts officielle
that were much debated.
106 A. M. [Auguste Mangeotl, "Une École d'art répondant aux besoins modernes," Le Monde
musical (30 November 1900): 323. "Il n'y a pas que les sémites qui soient obliges de chercher dans
la musique 'le profit.' Il y a la presque totalité des pauvres chrétiens qui n'on pas eu, comme M.
V. d'Indy, de grosses rentes en naissant et qui sont obligés de vivre."
 183

D'Indy sensed opposition to the Schola, and expressed this in a letter to Guy

Ropartz that has been commented on in the literature. This letter reflects d'Indy's

distress at the possible opening of the Dreyfusard College of Modern Aesthetics, and in

it he declares, "they want war, they shall have it.,,107 It should be noted that d'Indy also

used this phrase in a letter penned three months earlier (prior to the opening of the new

Schola), in which he expressed frustration at a failed project to have Ropartz entered into

the Légion d'Honneur. lOB Despite his bravado, d'Indy resolved to accept the refusaI of

Ropartz, and to exact revenge by producing better composers than the Conservatoire.

This is a fairly passive form of combat compared to other options, su ch as launching a

press campaign (which he certainly had the connections to do). The context for d'Indy's

reiteration of "they want war, they shall have it," should make scholars leery of reading

too much into his private resolution to engage in battle with his enemies. Likewise, his

assertion in a letter to Maus from around the same time that the Schola and

Conservatoire were engaged in "open war" is related to the Ropartz incident. The

sentence that follows the mention of "open war" should also be kept in mind, because

d'Indy told Maus: "this war amuses me enormously and 1 support it with energy and

humour."l09 Yet what seems to have rankled d'Indy more than any comparisons to the

Conservatoire or official dom was the propagation of a rumour by the virtuoso organist

Charles-Marie Widor that the Schola was a commercial business. This assumption has

great relevance for understanding how the Schola's concerts of early music were related

107 Letter from d'Indy to Guy Ropartz dated 20 November 1900, Bibliothèque nationale de France,
Département de la musique (La Vincent d'Indy). Cited in Jane Fulcher, French Cultural Poli tics, 35;
and Andrew Thomson, Vincent d'Indy and his World, 120-21.
108 Letter from d'Indy to an unspecified recipient dated 21 August 1900. Cited in Léon Vallas,
Vincent d'Indy: La maturité, La vieillesse, 49 and in Brian Hart, "The Symphony in Theory and
Practice in France, 1900-1914," 28. "Je suis très surpris que cela n'ait pas réussi .... Il doit y avoir
du Théodore là-dessous .... Ils veulent la guerre, ils l'auront. Aussi, quant à moi, je suis résolu à
l'accepter franchement, et, dussé-je en être le Boër, je ferai tous mes efforts pour que notre école
rcroduise de meilleurs fruits que l'actuel Conservatoire."
09 Letter from Vincent d'Indy to Octave Maus dated 16 September 1900, transcribed in Ma vie,
617-18. "Quand au Conservatoire, la Schola est maintenant en guerre ouverte. Dubois a écrit à
Ropartz une lettre vraiment à faire encadrer! Cette guerre ouverte m'amuse énormément et je la
soutiens avec énergie et rigolade."
 184

to Schola' s mission and how they might have been interpreted given the school' s relationship
to other institutions, as we shall see. 110

Following the example of Léon Vallas, Andrew Thomson asserts in his 1996
biography of d'Indy that "controversy was not the official voice of the Schola."111
Unwilling to part with her conviction that the Schola maintained hostile relations with

the Republican state from 1898 onward, Jane Fulcher nonetheless concedes that the state

was slow to respond to the Schola's challenge. ll2 At the other end of the spectrum, Jann

Pasler has argued that the Schola's curriculum was really not that far removed from the

Conservatoire's.113 With these observations in mind, 1 would like to continue with my

examination of published documents that provide a reflection on the Schola' s mission

and the emergence of its adversarial position against the Conservatoire. It is important

to keep the state-run institution in mind, not simply because of the intensification in

acrimony (in the Press) between it and the Schola after 1905, but also because the Schola

of 1900 represented the first serious alternative ever to the state-run institution in terms

of size and course offerings, aside from perhaps the École Niedermeyer. Like the

Conservatoire, the new Schola also admitted women, which was not the case for the

Niedermeyer school.

110 Letter from Vincent d'Indy to Octave Maus dated 16 September 1900, transcribed in Ma vie,
617-18. "Voilà Widor qui s'en met aussi en traitant la Schola d'affaire commerciale (0 Oh! la la! Et
disant que Guilmant n'est là dedans que parce que ça lui rapporte de gros appointements!!! Or
Guilmant pas plus que moi, n'avons touché 5 centimes depuis 3 ans que nous enseignons là ... et
c'est comme ça que les bons camarades écrivent l'histoire!" This letter is also quoted in Andrew
Thomson's Vincent d'Indy and his World, 121.
111 Andrew Thomson, Vincent d'Indy and his World, 121. "Despite d'Indy's relish for it, controversy
was not the official voice of the Schola."; Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy: La maturité, La vieillesse, 49.
"Les hostilités semblaient ouvertes entre le Conservatoire national, officiel, et le Conservatoire
privé, établi sur des bases qui auraient pu être celles de l'autre; ce ne fut qu'une lutte sourde et
obscure, parfois excitée par les événements, notamment à la fin de 1901, lorsque le rapporteur du
budget des Beaux-Arts à la Chambre des députés, le chansonnier Maurice Boukay, fit dans son
rapport officiel l' éloge de la Schola en l'opposant au Conservatoire; elle allait prendre peu à peu
une nouvelle allure imprévue et même imprévisible à la suite ou en conséquence indirecte de
l'étonnante révélation d'un nouveau chef-d'oeuvre lyrique. Ce drame en musique n'était pas
l'Étranger de Vincent d'Indy ... c'était Pelléas et Mélisande."
112 Jane Fulcher, French Cultural Politics and Music, 35.
113 Jann Pasler, "Déconstruire d'Indy," La Revue de musicologie 91/2 (2005): 389-99.
 185

The new Schola of 1900 had a mandate to educate corn po sers of an kinds of

music, orchestral musicians, and concert and opera singers. With sorne one hundred

and fi ft Ystudents registered for the beginning of its second year, the only other music

school that was larger than the Schola was the Conservatoire. Still, when the new school
opened in 1900, it truly posed no physical or material threat to the Conservatoire: the
latter was a state-funded institution that turned away far more students than it ever

accepted, and had a regulated system designed to catapult the best of its students

directly into music careers. The Schola was a private school, with minimal funding for

underprivileged students, and no regulated way of placing its students in careers. It

emerged as a rival to the Conservatoire on pedagogical grounds only after its first

academic year. ll4 Even then, it is important to remember that French educational

institutions in general were under fire at the turn of the century: the Conservatoire was

compared to the Schola negatively, but it would have probably come under close

scrutiny in any case. Timed as it was, the Schola's founding provided an "other" for

debates over musie education and training that were part of a larger questioning over

French education in general.

Until a small dig at the Conservatoire was published in the Tribune of December

of 1901, the Schola often appears more defensive than offensive towards the

Conservatoire. The little dig in question was a short article buried at the end of the

Tribune in the variétés section that drew the readership' s attention to a report that had
been published earlier by a M. Cou yb a (secretary for the finance department of the fine

arts ministry). In this report, Couyba had criticized the Conservatoire using arguments

borrowed from d'Indy's speech of 1900. 115 This was the sort of comparison that could

indeed spark a rivalry between the two institutions. Yet the context for Couyba's

criticism should give any historian pause: the report covered a number of topies,

114 See Camille Mauclair, "La Schola Cantorum et l'éducation morale des musiciens," La Revue
(August 1901).
115 Ed. Ceria, "La 'Scola' contre l'art officiel," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (December 1901): 347-48.
 186

inc1uding censorship, visual art education, and the administration of subsidized theatres.

A single chapter in a document of over five hundred pages was devoted to the

Conservatoire and its failings, and, again, it would have been written even if there had

never been a Schola Cantorum, école supérieure or otherwise, against which to compare
the state-run institution.

In the months prior to Couyba's report, Pierre Lalo, Camille Mauclair, and Louis

Laloy published articles defending the Schola. D'Indy was certainly not loathe to use the

press to champion the school: in the weeks prior to the official inauguration at rue Saint-

Jacques, he told Octave Maus that André Hallays, Pierre Lalo, and Adolphe Jullien

would surely protect the Schola against charges of commercialism. 116 Yet in the case of

these later articles, at least in the instance of Laloy, d'Indy appears to have been

completely oblivious to the effort expended on his behalf. ll7 D'Indy also found

unnecessary acrimony in the press distasteful. In the previous year, he discovered that

there was tension between Jules Combarieu's Revue d'histoire et de critique musicales and

the Tribune and he wrote immediately to his former student Louis Laloy (who

contributed to the same periodical) to let him know that he would put a stop to it:

1 assure you that 1 never dreamed-any more than Bordes-of setting up the
Tribune as a rival to yOuf Revue. This summer (for 1 have no other time), 1 read the
1901 collection of both, and took equal pleasure in them without noticing if one
or the other of the publications referred to the other or not, something to which 1
was profoundly indifferent.

But when such very small things are a cause for concern for a man like
Combarieu, who fights the same good battle as we do, it is important to take
action to insure that it cornes to an end. 1 have written to Bordes so that he
knows about it, and have asked him to rectify the situation in the future. 118

116 See d'Indy's letter to Octave Maus dated 16 September 1900, transcribed in Vincent d'Indy: Ma
vie, 617-18.
117 See d'Indy's letter to Louis Laloy dated 28 August 1902, in which he apologizes to Laloy for
not having read the critic's article on his composition class, published ten months earlier. This
letter is transcribed in Vincent d'Indy: Ma vie, 636-637.
118 Letter from d'Indy to Louis Laloy dated 5 October 1901, transcribed in Vincent d'Indy: Ma vie,
627-28. "Je vous assure que je n'ai jamais songé-pas plus que Bordes-à ériger La Tribune en
rivale de votre Revue, j'ai lu cet été (car je n'ai qu'à ce moment le temps de lire) la collection 1901
de l'un et de l'autre et y ai pris un égal plaisir sans remarquer si l'une des 2 publications citait
l'autre ou si l'autre ne citait pas l'une, ce qui m'était profondément indifferent. Mais du moment
que ces très petites choses peuvent faire de la peine à un homme comme Combarieu, qui combat
 187

These circumstances should make any scholar wary of drawing a straight line between
the Schola and press reports about it that were published by third parties. First, d'Indy

appears not to have had mu ch control over the Tribune, so the Schola' s own mouthpiece

may only represent the ideologies of Charles Bordes. Second, journalists need subjects to
write about, and they need particularly eye-catching stories to publish wh en the

periodical is new. As we read through sorne of the articles that contributed to mounting
tensions between the Schola and the Conservatoire, we should bear this in mind,

especially since two of the periodicals were newly founded concerns.

Someone that d'Indy knew he could depend on for support, the critic Pierre Lalo
asserted in July of 1901 that hostilities had been directed towards the Schola by the

Conservatoire. He insisted that the Schola's mission was more to act as the state

institution's conscience than to dominate it:

The Conservatoire, or at least sorne of its official representatives, errs greatly in

refusing to wish the Schola well, in pursuing it with relentless aversion, and in
treating it as an enemy. The Schola is useful and beneficial to the Conservatoire;
it bothers it, stirs it up, keeps it on its toes, and if it has any chance of someday
rejoicing, it is to the fortunate rivalry of the Schola Cantorum that it will owe its
rebirth. 119

As Lalo pointed out in the same article, the Conservatoire appeared to be following the

Schola' s example in assigning Rameau arias as test pieces for voice students. Still, Lalo

also noted that this composer had become increasingly fashionable-by 1901 the

Conservatoire's "progress" may have been only the reflection of this trend. Indeed, calls

for curricular reform at the Conservatoire dated back to a period well before the Schola,

and even prior to d'Indy's suggested reforms of 1892-though it was a future Scholist, G.

en somme le bon combat avec nous, il faut s'en occuper pour que cela cesse et j'ai écrit à Bordes
Eour lui signaler la chose et le prier d'y mettre ordre à l'avenir."
19 Pierre Lalo, "La Musique," Le Temps (23 July 1901). "Le Conservatoire, ou du moins une partie
de ses représentants officiels, a grand tort de ne point vouloir de bien à la Schola, de la poursuivre
d'une aversion assidue et de la traiter en ennemie. Elle lui est utile et bienfaisante; elle l'inquiète,
elle le ranime, elle le tient en éveil, et, s'il a quelque chance de se réjoir un jour, c'est à l'heureuse
rivalité de la Schola cantorum qu'il devra sa renaissance."
 188

de Boisjolin, who had weighed in on the subject of vocal training at ihe Conservatoire in

December of 1891.120

Camille Mauclair' s championing of the Schola in August of 1901 for contributing

to the moral (not necessarily Christian) uplifting of music and for challenging the

sterility of officialdom (the Conservatoire's curriculum) may not adequately reflect the

relationship between aIl of the individuals associated with the Schola and the

Conservatoire. l21 Two months before Mauclair's article appeared in the press, d'Indy

wrote a letter to the Conservatoire's director, Théodore Dubois, unequivocally praising

the latter's textbook. In Dubois's work, d'Indy professed to have "found precisely those

French qualities absent in the Italian and German predecessors. I speak here of clarity
and precision that make of this trinity a highly remarkable didactic work.,,122

Louis Laloy's promotion of d'Indy's composition class in an article for the newly-

created Revue d'histoire et de critique musicales published in November of 1901 seems more

an attempt to position the Schola as a liberal arts institution than an attack on the

Conservatoire. 123 In this article, Laloy compared d'Indy's composition class to courses in

literature at the École Normale, where students read authors from every historical

period. He went on to describe why he felt the Schola more greatly resembled a

university than a conservatory, pointing out that the education offered there was liberal

as opposed to practical. Laloy also made a pointed pitch for d'Indy's course, writing

that the student would leam about early masters without developing a style rooted in

120 See de Boisjolin in Le Monde musical (15 December 1891).

121 See Camille Maudair, "La Schola Cantorum et l'éducation morale des musiciens," La Revue
(August 1901).
122 Letter dated 1 June 1901 to Théodore Dubois, signed Vincent d'Indy. Bibliothèque nationale de
France, Département de la musique (L.a. Vincent d'Indy No. 177). "j'y trouve précisément les
qualités françaises que manques à les prédécesseurs italiens et allemands, je veux parler de la
clarté et la précision qui [font] de ce trinité un ouvrage didactique des plus remarquables .... "
(both points of emphasis his) Jann Pasler has also referred to this letter, commenting more
extensively on the cordial relationship that d'Indy maintained with Dubois in her "Déconstruire
d'Indy," 391-93.
123 Louis Laloy, "Promenades et visites musicales-Une nouvelle école de musique: Le cours de
M. Vincent d'Indy" La Revue d'histoire et de critique musicales (November 1901): 393-98.Léon Vallas
daims that d'Indy described Louis Laloy as a bad student in spite of his great intelligence and
delicate sensibility. See Vincent d'Indy: La maturité, la vieillesse, 47.
 189

"imitation, citation, mosaie, or pastiehe.,,124 It is signifieant that he also endowed d'Indy

with a remarkable intuitive ability to root out the true individual, or, to help the student

find himself:

Everything in the work that was not considered by the author, and profoundly
so, that which is but a borrowed ornament, a fragment of another person' s
though more or less ably employed, is quiekly marked, and excised by a sure
hand; the first lesson learned in composition class is the lesson of honesty.125

Veiled to sorne extent in his discussion of form, Laloy's criticism of the

Conservatoire in this article is truly mild compared to the antagonism that runs through

his review of counterpoint and fugue treatises by Dubois and particularly Gedalge,

published in the same periodical in January of 1902. This review appeared very shortly

after the Tribune de Saint-Gervais had drawn its readership's attention to Couyba's report

of the Conservatoire's failings. Knowledge of this report may have given Laloy, who

was very likely not privy to d'Indy's correspondence with Dubois, a sense of license to

criticize the Conservatoire director's counterpoint manual. Still, Laloy actually took

Gedalge much more sharply to task than Dubois, arguing that the former had imposed

such stringent restrictions on the fugue that examples conforming to his rules could not

be found in the historie repertoire. 126 Laloy's con cern arose from Gedalge's claim in the

preface that his work was rooted in the mastery of Bach-whose music appeared only in

the section devoted to fugue libre or divertissement, and not in the chapters given over to

the fugue d'école, a required exercise for entry in the Prix de Rome competition.

124 Louis Laloy, "Promenades et visites musicales," 396. "Il Y apprendra d'abord à connaître les
auteurs anciens, et sans doute les mots 'd'imitation,' de 'citations,' de 'mosaïque,' de 'pastiche'
vont venir aux lèvres de quelques sceptiques. Il n'est pas, cependant, en l'espèce, de reproche
~lus immérité, car, dans cet enseignement si large, seule la formule est proscrite sans rémission."
25 Ibid. "Tout ce qui, dans une oeuvre, n'a pas été pensé, et profondément pensé par l'auteur, ce
qui n,est qu'un ornement emprunté, un fragment de la pensée d'autrui plus ou moins habilement
serti, est aussitôt marqué, et retranché d'une main sûre; la première leçon que l'on prenne à la
classe de composition est une leçon d'honnêteté."
126 Louis Laloy, "Fugue d'école et fugue libre," La Revue d'histoire et de critique musicales (January
1902): 41. "Pouquoi donc cette méthode si féconde, et qui réussit si bien à l'auteur, n'a-t-elle pas
été suivie aussi dans le chapitre de l'Exposition? La raison est bien simple: on pourrait feuilleter
l'oeuvre entier de Bach et de haendel, en y joignant même Froberger, Bouxtehude [sic] et
Pachelbel, sans y trouver une seule exposition qui fût admise aux concours du
Conservatoire.... "
 190

Challenged to sorne extent on the very ground that the Schola had claimed for itself

(education rooted in historical works and an avalanche of Bach concerts), Laloy's

response to Gedalge was predictably adversarial. He was more careful with Dubois,

whose treatise had no such pretensions. 127

The Schola's claim to pedagogical superiority by virtue of its connection to the

past was challenged more directly in the Revue d'histoire et de critique musicales five

months later. 128 At the same time, this article appears to be more of a response to

criticism of the Prix de Rome than any of the Schola's barbs that we know offended

Combarieu. The anonymous author began with a short historical summary of the

Conservatoire, describing two contemporary streams of criticism that had been directed

at it: "one is inspired by a desire for progress, the other by a will to systematically

denigrate.,,129 Considering the close chronological proximity of the premieres of Maurice

Ravel's Jeux d'eau (5 April 1902) and Claude Debussy's Pelléas et Mélisande (30 April

1902), alongside Ravel's third attempt to win the Prix de Rome, it is possible to interpret

the first type of criticism-arising from a desire for progress-as emanating from the

Schola, and the second-resulting from a systematic will to denigrate-from Ravel and

Debussy supporters. 130 A defense of Prix de Rome judges Théodore Dubois and Charles

Lenepveu as keepers of the French tradition appeared near the end of the article in an

attempt to uphold their authority. In an age of musical fashion and "dangerous" forms,

127 Ibid., 43. "si aucuns viennent lui reprocher le style un peu sec de ses exemples, il pourra
répondre qu'il!' a voulu ainsi, que c,est l'écriture qu'il enseigne, et qu'il ne tient pas école de
génie. D'ailleurs, il serait, j'en suis sur, le premier à reconnaître que l'écriture n'est pas tout, et
qu'un prix de fugue ne vous sacre pas, du coup, grand compositeur. Il ne nous fait pas pénétrer
dans le sanctuaire du grand art, mais jusqu'à son entrée seulement; et, avec un pareil guide, on a
du moins cet avantage qu'on sait où on va, et que l'on y parvient."
128 Unsigned [X*** Ancien Professeur au Conservatoire], "Le Conservatoire National de Musique
et de Déclamation," La revue d'histoire et de critique musicales (June 1902): 241-44.
129 Ibid., 241. fIOn adresse périodiquement au Conservatoire deux sortes de critiques: les unes
sont inspirées par le désir du progrès, les autres par un esprit de dénigrement systématique. Nous
ne nous associons jamais qu'aux premières, toute coterie répugnant, par définition au programme
de cette Revue."
130 Arbie Orenstein discusses Ravel's various attempts at the Prix de Rome, and posits that the
unfavourable reception of Jeux d'eau following its publication in 1901 by Saint-Saëns and other
members of the jury was a prejudicial factor in judgements for the 1902 competition. See Ravel:
Man and Musician (New York: Dover Publications, 1991), 36-37. (Previously published in 1968 and
1975 by Columbia University Press.)
 191

the author insisted that, "the law of conti nuity requires that progress be founded on a
certain respect for the past.,,131 This meant knowing how to write proper harmonies

before introducing bonnes fautes in the manner of Alfred Bruneau. The Conservatoire
had a role to preserve this past, "a discreet cult, in no way exclusive, for enchanting
works that once contributed to the glory of our country." This reference to exclusivity

may have been intended as criticism of the Schola. So may have been the identification
of an autre in the author's parting shot to "the most passionate friends of what is other

and new" to recognize the utility and national contribution of the Conservatoire with

good grace. 132

D'Indy presented an alternative to the Prix de Rome in the same issue of this
review, in which he suggested that winners might benefit more from returning to their

respective provinces to become local music leaders and conductors, than from a
mandatory residency in Italy.133 Within this broader argument, d'Indy devoted much

space to reiterating the philosophy of music education outlined in his speech to

inaugurate the Schola in 1900. Yet along with his condemnation of competitions and

juries (things the Schola rejected), d'Indy also vented his frustration with commissions as
purveyors of mediocrity, and suggested the abolition of "musical pseudo-societies
known as orphéons, fanfares, and wind bands.,,134 In the end, this article appears to be

131 Unsigned [X*** Ancien Professeur au Conservatoire], "Le Conservatoire National de Musique
et de Déclamation," 243. "En temps où la musique cède souvent, comme tous les autres arts, aux
caprices éphémères de la mode et revêt les formes les plus imprévues, les plus bizarres, les plus
séduisantes, mais les plus dangereuses par leur audace même, MM. Dubois et Lenepveu,
considérés seulement comme professeurs, représentent une force conservatrice dont le
contrepoids est nécessaire aux forces révolutionnaires qui sollicitent le talent vers des voies
nouvelles. La loi de continuité veut que le progrès ait pour condition un certain respect du passé.
Avant de faire des fautes d'harmonie-de bonnes fautes-comme M. Breauneau dans le Rêve, il
faut avoir appris à écrire correctement."
132 Ibid., 244. "Elle [the Conservatoire] est éminemment utile et nationale. Les amis les plus
passionnés de ce qui est autre et nouveau doivent le reconnaître de bonne grâce, sans parti pris de
vaine combativité."
133 Vincent d'Indy, "A Propos du Prix de Rome: Le régionalisme musical," La Revue d'histoire et de
critique musicales (June 1902): 244-49. This text was originally given as a lecture for the Fédération
Régional Française in June of 1902.
134 Ibid., 247 "Oh! les commissions, les jurys, les concours! Toutes ces institutions aussi emphaitques
qu'inutiles, un seul mot peut les résumer et les caractériser; ce mot c'est: médiocrité . .. Médicorité
des éléments constitutifs ... Médiocrité dans le travail ... Médiocrité dans le résultat, car toute
commission n,aboutit naturellement qu'à décréter pompeusement des demi-mesures, parfois
 192

more a criticism of Republican music-making mechanisms and centralization in general

than the Conservatoire in particular.

With the publication of Jean Marnold's article for Le Mercure de France in July of

1902, points of contention between the Schola and the Conservatoire came much more to

the fore, as Marnold highlighted Couyba's identification of the Schola as a model for

music instruction. 135 Marnold also told readers that Conservatoire students had been

forbidden to take lessons at the Schola and! or participate in the school's concerts on

pain of being expelled. He attributed Dubois' s actions to an unfounded idea that the

Schola and the Société nationale de musique had been planning a mE~rger.136 While Jane

Fulcher has discussed these elements of Marnold' s article in sorne detail,B7 she has not

commented on Marnold' s assertion that Dubois held the pedagogical methods of Gabriel

Fauré in contempt: "People say that the master's [Fauré's] composition class continues to

be regarded with suspicion and that those who frequent it suffer the consequences at

exam time [au concours].,,138 This reference to Fauré's class is important for three reasons.

First it directed the criticism away from the institution as a whole, to its director (Dubois)

in particular. This might be viewed as an appropriate strategy of attack: Marnold

perceived Dubois's threatening actions (forbidding Conservatoire students from taking

part in Schola events) as personally motivated and so the response to this threat was

appropriately centered on an individual, Dubois himself, and not on the entire

nuisibles, inefficaces toujours .... Mais, pour cela, il ne faudrait pas se contenter de réformer
théâtre et concert, il serait impérieusement nécessaire de supprimer tout d'abord radicalement les
pseudo-sociétés musicales qui, sous le nom d'orphéons, de fanfares, d'harmonies, empêchent tout
développement d'art dans notre pays."
135 This report is also mentioned in Guy de Lioncourt, "La Schola depuis 1900" in La Schola
Cantorum en 1925, 90.
136 Su ch assumptions may have arisen from programming tendencies at the Société Nationale de
Musique, and the fact that the society gave two concerts at the Schola in 1902. Michel Duchesneau
has asserted that the Société Nationale was effectively "sold" to the Schola between 1900 and
1909. See his "Maurice Ravel et la Société musicale indépendante: 'Projet mirifique de concerts
scandaleux,'" La Revue de musicologie 80/2 (1994): 253.
137 See Jane Fulcher French Cultural Politics and Music, 55-6. For the original text, see Jean Marnold,
"Le Conservatoire et la Scola [sic]," Le Mercure de France (July 1902): 105-15.
138 Jean Marnold, "Le Conservatoire et la Scola [sic]," 112. "On raconte que la classe de
composition du maître [Fauré] est tenue encore aujourd'hui pour un lieu suspect et que ceux qui
y fréquentent en supportent les conséquences aux concours."
 193

conservatoryP9 Second, singling out Gabriel Fauré established a basis for similarity
between the two schools-Fauré was known for his unconventional approach to
teaching composition, and the Schola was introducing a new form of music pedagogy as
weIl. Thus Marnold drew a line connecting the Conservatoire and the Schola, not
between directors, but between one of the state-run school's marginalized composition
teachers and itself. Third, by referring to the concours, Marnold may also be implying the
Prix de Rome, which can be viewed as a competition controlled almost exclusively by the
Conservatoire, but which was actually run by the country's fine arts ministry.
The anonymous defense of the Conservatoire, d'Indy's proposaI to send Prix de
Rome winners to the provinces, and Marnold' s article would have been read in a much
different context than publications that preceded them. By early June of 1902, the

Schola's public profile increased radically as a result of two events: Bordes's forced
resignation from the Église Saint-Gervais that same mon th, and the firing of Alexandre
Guilmant from the Trinité in November of 1901. This meant that there was no longer
any con crete tie between the Schola founders and the church. It also resulted in a press

campaign that was launched almost immediately after Bordes's departure from Saint-
Gervais. More important, articles about Bordes, the Schola, and Guilmant appeared in

over twenty periodicals in a short space of time, including pieces in the non-specialized
press. These articles probably reminded the French of the Schola's existence to a much

greater extent than the bickering that had been tossed back and forth in mainly
specialized (and sorne new) journals. Furthermore, Fauré and the Abbé Cherrion were
mentioned in many of these same articles as similar "victims" of the clergy, which
further reinforced points of commonality between the future director of the

Conservatoire (Fauré) and the Schola.

For Vallas, the 1902 turning point in the Schola-Conservatoire relationship had

nothing to do with press debates or rivalries between the Schola and the Conservatoire,

139 Ibid., 109.

 194

but stemmed from the premiere of Pelléas that took place a few weeks earlier. 140 Perhaps
it was less the actual event, and more d'Indy's reaction to it in the newly-founded right-

wing journal L'Occident (read in the context of Bordes's post-Saint-Gervais press

campaign) that contributed to increasingly controversial views of the Schola. The

publication of d'Indy's anti-Conservatoire and anti-Dreyfusard speech to open the 1901

school year in the inaugural issue of this same periodical, which 1 discussed earlier in

this chapter, may have also been a factor. 141

Other events increased the Schola' s profile and with this, the potential for

controversy: D'Indy's Cours de composition musicale was published in 1902, L'Étranger was

premiered in Brussels in early 1903, and the papal motu proprio "Tra le sollecitudini" was

issued ten months later. The motu proprio was exaggeratedly interpreted in the Tribune

de Saint-Gervais as recognition of the Schola's authority in matters of sacred music (see

Chapter 4), which renewed associations between the Schola and the church that were

weakened by Bordes' s resignation from Saint-Gervais and Guilmant' s firing from the

Trinité. On the concert scene, something else was happening around 1902 to stoke the

fire: mainstream concert societies were taking up the performance of sorne of the Bach

cantatas that Bordes had performed at his d'Harcourt series. The Schola took the high

road: its concerts were occasions to hear little-known works, not commercial or

entertaining ventures. But an increased number of Bach cantata series and performances

of sorne of the composer's most historically crowd-pleasing works in this genre began to

surface around 1902. As we shaH see further on, sorne of them made a new start in

Parisian concert life ... in German.

140Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy, La maturité, la vieillesse, 49.

141Vincent d'Indy's speech to open the 1901 Schola academic year was printed a month later as
"L'Artiste moderne" in L'Occident (December 1901): 8-16. In two letters that followed the original
speech, d'Indy admits that it contained anti-Conservatoire and anti-Dreyfusard points, and that a
young Jewish woman left in the middle of the ceremony as a result. Strangely, d'Indy claims to
admire the woman's courage. See his letter to Isabelle dated 6 November 1901, as weIl as a letter
to Octave Maus dated 13 November 1901 in Vincent d'Indy: Ma vie, 628-29; 629-30.
 195

Bach Cantata Concerts as "Disinterested" Events, 1900-04

As the rift between the Schola and the Conservatoire developed gradually after 1900,
Bach cantata concerts at the école supérieure recalled to Parisian audiences the similar

events given at the Concerts d'Harcourt and other venues between 1893 and 1896, prior
to the founding of the first school. Yet there were pronounced differences (pointed out

in Chapter 1), namely a tendency to isolate Bach's works from French music and even
pieces by other composers entirely. There was also a sharp decrease in the programming
of most of the Renaissance repertoire given in the 1890s except for Lassus chansons.

Moreover, unlike five of the six Bach cantata concerts that the Chanteurs gave at the

Salle d'Harcourt with the support of the Princesse de Polignac in 1894 and 1895, the new
events at the Schola consistently featured virtuosic instrumental music. This period was

also marked by the greatest concentration in performances of single arias, though the

emphasis on solo vocal pieces may derive in part from the Polignac events, where

interludes frequently consisted of works composed by Heinrich Schütz that were scored

for only one or two voices with small ensemble. Sorne of these concerts also represented

the continuation of the concert formula for Chanteurs appearances at mainstream events
between 1898 and 1900: short selections of a capella polyphony were sandwhiched in

between instrumental and large-scale works. In general, however, a substantial number

of the post-1900 early music events at the Schola were aIl Bach concerts (or at least aIl

early music), not the mix of Renaissance and nineteenth-century works that marked

programmes at Colonne and Lamoureux.

The programming between late 1900 and early 1904 may be thought of as a

variation on events that had elicited healthy levels of public interest and private

patronage. Yet even though events such as the Bach cantata and aU-Bach concerts had
all the potential to draw crowds, they were touted as non-commercial, disinterested

events. Many of the Bach cantatas performed prior to 1902 had been programmed for
 196

one of the two series that the Princesse de Polignac had underwritten in 1894 and 1895.142
Recalling to public memory this repertoire and the events to which it had been linked
provided a reflection of the Schola' s publicized mission and idealist leanings. By re-

programming these works, the Schola sent a message to Parisian audiences that it had
both faith in art and disinterestedness in the business, to borrow Guilmant's expression.

For with the publication of de Castéra's selective history of the Chanteurs and the Schola

in issues of the Tribune after 1900, the Polignac series were painted as purely

disinterested ventures that failed to attract audiences in 1895, and required private
support-acts of artistic philanthropy that couid be recreated with the Schola's aU-Bach

and Bach cantata concerts. But the Schola' s Bach cantata concerts had another purpose,
which was to raise money for the school, a fa ct that d'Indy acknowledged only many

years later. l43 If as non-commercial undertakings the Schola's concerts of early music

provided a direct and outward example of the institution's mission, these same ventures,

perceived as money makers, would have been very much at odds with the sort of image

the Schola was trying to project.

In the first three years of its existence as an école supérieure, the institution's

advocates regularly caUed attention to the feeling of "disinterested" sincerity that clung

to Schola performances. Supporters also frequently stressed the educational value of the

Schola's presentation of obscure works. Shortly after the inauguration, Jean d'Udine

also noted that the public that came to the Schola was also disinterested in a sense.

142 "Ach, Gott von Himmel/ Grand Dieu du ciel" (BWV 2); "Liebster Gott/Dieu bien aimé" (BWV
8); "Also hatt Gott die Welt geliebt/L'Amour ardent du créateur" (BWV 68); "Alles nur nach
Gottes willen/Tout selon la volonté de Dieu" (BWV 72); "Jesu der du meine SeelelJésu pour nos
pauvres âmes" (BWV 78); "Ihr werdet weinen und heulen/Vous pleurerez et gémirez" (BWV
103); and the ever popular "Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme/Debout le veilleur chante" (BWV
140).
143 Vincent d'Indy, "La Schola Cantorum," Encyclopédie de la musique et dictionnaire du
Conservatoire part 2, edited by Albert Lavignac and Lionel de la Laurencie (Paris: Librairie de la
Grave, 1931),3623.
 197

D'Udine asserted that these individuals came not to be seen, but to enjoy the beauty of
the works in an uncritical spirit:

l would like to point out to our readers the congenial and intimate [familier]
atmosphere in which the Schola's performances are given. The public cornes to
these concerts with a very special welcoming spirit to listen and not to be seen, to
celebrate the beauty of a work and not to criticize such and such performers or
babble in ecstasy before the music even begins . . .. It is like going to a religious
office to sorne extent, and this welcoming atmosphere seems to me the sum of
what is most fitting the intelligence of the composers performed. l44

Claude Debussy's review from February of 1903, in which he deemed Schola concerts as
an opportunity for communal artistic experience is well known:

How comforting it is to see these young boys and girls devote their good little
he arts to the cause of music and set themselves the task of living up to the ideals
of perfection that Vincent d'Indy, smiling encouragingly, has set them! ... l don't
know if it is the smallness of the room, or because of sorne mysterious influence
of the divine, but there is a real communion between those who play and those
who listen. 145

In fact, such attitudes dated back to the school's earliest ventures, in Jean d'Udine's

glorification of the harmony he perceives between audience, performer, and masters:

But what is even better is the communion between teachers and students
performing masterworks together. This little orchestra, which is certainly not
perfect, seems an invention worthy of all praise, and l find that for a school of art
it is the most enormous sign of progress to have created a triple link between
masters, disciples, and listeners. Artistic inebriation cornes from sensations that
intensify incredibly through the exchange of emotional vibrations amongst those
who experience them. 146

144 Jean d'Udine, Le Courrier musical (1 Jan. 1901): 19. "Il ne s'agit pas de cela maintenant, et ce que
je tiens à signaler à nos lecteurs c'est le cadre sympathique et familier dans lequel ont lieu ces
auditions de la Schola. Le public y vient avec un esprit de recueillement très spécial pour écouter
et non pour se montrer, pour jouir de la beauté d'une oeuvre et non pour critiquer tels interprètes
ou faire la bouche en coeur avant même qu'ils ne préludent .... On s'y rend un peu comme à
l'office et cette atmosphère de recueillement me parait tout ce qu'il y a de plus propice à
l'intelligence des auteurs interprétés ...."
145 Claude Debussy, Debussy on Music: The Critical Writings of the Great French Composer edited by
François Lesure and translated by Richard Langham Smith (lthaca: Cornell University Press,
1988), 111.
146 Jean d'Udine, Le Courrier musical (1 Jan. 1901): 19. "Mais ce qui est mieux encore c'est la
communion des professeurs et des élèves exécutant des chefs-d'oeuvre ensemble. Ce petit
orchestre, qui certes n'atteint pas encore la perfection, me semble une invention digne de tous
éloges, et je trouve que pour une école d'art, c'est un progès énorme de créer un triple lien entre
les maîtres les disciples et les auditeurs. Les ivresses artistiques sont faites de sensations qui
 198

In March of 1901, Gustave Samazeuilh informed readers that ua true impression of art
that is sin cere and devoid of show emanates from these sessions, in which the genius of

Bach is revealed by an artist who understands it./1147 Samazeuilh extended this quality of

sincerity to Schola audiences as weIl: "listeners of various tastes, but aIl equally sincere
and unacquainted with the preoccupations of fashion [snobisme]."148 Thus even those

who attended the Schola's early music concerts became part of the higher artistic
experience.
The idea that Schola audiences congregated to hear, and not to be seen or judge

was not entirely true. Sorne commentators were indeed in attendance to judge, and

pointed out deficiencies, mainly in the Schola's orchestra.149 Moreover, critics tended to

treat Bordes, the Chanteurs, and profession al soloists with much less reverence than they

accorded the students who performed alongside them. This negative criticism was also

frequently direeted at performances of music not written by J. S. Bach. For instance, for a
performance of Schütz' s Dialogus per la Pascua, Hugues Imbert declared the soloists of
the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais (billed as the Quatuor de la Schola) somewhat

dissatisfying, remarking that despite the individual strengths of each artist, the quartet

lacked cohesion: "four voices communicated amongst themselves with talent, of course,

but the quartet lacked the homogeneity for which it is rightly known, and which is
sometimes found in certain string quartets./1150 In his review of the fourth act of

s'intensifient extraordinairement par l'échange des vibrations émotionnelles entre ceux qui les
é,grouvent .... "
1 See Gustave Samazeuilh in Le Guide musical (10 March 1901): 225 and (12 May 1901): 439. "Une
véritable impression d'art sincère et exempt de tout cabotinage se dégage de ces séances, où le
~énie de Bach est évoqué devant nous par un artiste qui sait le comprendre .... "
48 Gustave Samazeuilh, "La Schola Cantorum," Le Guide musical (7 April 1901): 320. "des
auditeurs de goûts divers, mais tous également sincères et étrangers aux préoccupations de
snobisme qui ridiculisent si souvent le public des concerts auxquels il sied d'être vue."
149 See A. Mangeot Le Monde musical (30 December 1901): 380. "Et bien, malgré toute notre
indulgence et à cause du souci que nous avons de voir se développer une semblable institution,
nous ne pouvons approuver des auditions semblables ...."
150 Hugues Imbert, "Schola Cantorum," Le Guide musical (11 November 1900): 818.
"L'Interprétation ne nous a pas complètement satisfait, en ce sens que, si Mlle Éléonore Blanc,
Mlle Joly de la Mare, MM. G. [sic] David et A. Gébelin exécutèrent très convenablement leur
partie, l'ensemble manquait de cohésion, de fondu. C'étaient quatre voix qui dialoguaient certes
avec raison et que l'on rencontre quelquefois chez certains quatuors à cordes."
 199

Rameau's Hippolyte et Aricie and other substantial excerpts from Destouches' Issé and

Gluck's Alceste, Adolphe Jullien similarly showed no mercy towards sorne of the

professional artists, though he ultimately pronounced the Rameau" an unexpected

triumph" despite the performance. l5l Sorne of the harsher corn plaints that began to

surface around 1902 inc1uded Victor Debay's accusations in Le Courrier musical of the

Chanteurs' s lack of preparedness for a performance of Lassus chansons-rather

unexpected given that these works were staples of the group's repertoire. 152 Bordes's

conducting style also came under attack: in 1902, he was the sole object of complaint for

the Monde musical' s reviewer who covered the inauguration of the Schola' s new organ, a

concert dominated by the works of Bach:

Whereas the orchestra's technical performance was noticeably improved, thanks

to the recruitment of a few principal chairs, it suffered under the direction of
Monsieur Charles Bordes, who, despite his many talents, is not endowed with a
gift for beating time. In his hands the conductor' s baton becomes a dust mop
handle in a sexton' s hands-a church maintenance worker standing in for a
music director. 153

This is an extreme example, but it shows that even though sorne cri tics were loath to

attack Schola students, professional musicians could be fair game. Generally, however,

151 Adolphe Jullien, "Revue Musicale," Le Journal des débats (19 January 1902). "C'était elle [Jeanne
Raunay] déjà qui avait rendu avec une ardeur et une passion qui se contenaient mal au concert le
magnifique rôle de Phèdre dans l'Hippolyte et Aride de Rameau, tandis que Mlle de La Rouvière
faisait une Aricie très agréable et que d'autres artistes moins sûrs d'eux, Mlle Ediat, par exemple,
et le ténor Jean David, sans parler de certains membres de l'orchestre apportaient dans
l'exécution de cette création magistrale une insouciance regrettable. Et cependant, malgré cette
mollesse que le chef, M. Vincent d'Indy, s'efforçait en vain de secouer, l'élévation de la pensée et
la justesse d'expression de cette musique étaient telles ... que ce fut positivement, dans cette
soirée, un triomphe inattendu et décisif pour le vieux Rameau."
152 Victor Debay, Le Courrier musical (1 February 1902): 43. "Les Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, en
trop petit nombre, avaient donné deux vieilles chansons à quatre voix de R. de Lassus qu'ils
devraient bien répéter et retravailler quelque peu avant de les présenter au public. Cel à m'a
étonné de ces excellents et sûrs artistes." Gustave Samazeuil reported that the Chanteurs were
marvelous in the Lassus chansons. Le Guide musical (26 January 1902): 81. Adolphe Jullien also
complained that the Chanteurs were inadequately prepared, but for a performance of the Mozart
Requiem. See Le Journal des débats (27 April 1902).
153 On Bordes's conducting, see Le Monde musical (28 February 1902): 68. "Si l'exécution technique
de l'orchestre a été sensiblement meilleure, grâce au recrutement de quelques chefs de pupitre,
elle a souffert de la direction de M. Ch. Bordes, qui, à défaut de tout autre mérite, n'a pas celui de
savoir décomposer une mesure. Entre ses doigts la baguette de chef d'orchestre semble un
manche de plumeau agité par un sacristain qui remplirait l'intérim de maître de chapelle."
Adolphe Jullien also complained that the Chanteurs were inadequately prepared, but for a
performance of the Mozart Requiem. See Le Journal des débats (27 April 1902).
 200

the reception of student events was positive, and reports indicated swelling audiences
up to 1905. Of course, this was a relatively easy feat, since the hall capacity was only a
few hundred, and individual critics had ties to the Schola, such as Michel Brenet
(pseudonym for Marie Bobilier) and René de Castéra, who both contributed reviews to
Le Guide musical.
Perhaps the most important aspect of Schola concerts that cornes through the
reception is the emphasis on the musical work as opposed to its realization. This is
especially relevant for the Bach cantatas, since they had been in the repertoire for a
considerable amount of time and were a stable part of the Chanteurs' s repertoire.

Adolphe Jullien, Pierre Lalo, and Michel Brenet among others usually devoted mu ch
more space to analysis and contextualization of the work than the actual performance.

Jullien believed that the concerts should have intellectual interest: when d'Indy and
mezzo-soprano Jeanne Raunay gave a ledure-recital on well-known works by Rameau,
Destouches and Pergolesi outside the Schola (at the Opéra-Comique), Jullien bemoaned
the superficial nature of d'Indy's lecture and remarked rather sarcastically that the

audience was only there to hear the musical illustrations. 154 Though he acknowledged
the bulk of performances during the 1902-1903 season as "austere" in nature-Bach

being the daily bread at the Schola according to Jullien-he blew hot and cold over the

fundraising Théatre sur la verdure, featuring Rameau's comedy, La Guirlande. For Jullien
there was really no interest in reviving an insignificant work that had been written to
order. 155
In sum, for its small and reportedly attentive audiences, the Schola presented
works that could mainly be appreciated for their historical and intellectual value. As 1

discuss in much greater detail in Chapter 5, the music of Bach developed greater

154 Adolphe Jullien, "Revue musicale," Le Journal des débats (22 June 1902). "ils ont simplement
donné quelques renseignements sommaires et qui ont paru suffire aux auditeurs, plus
désireux-c'était visible-d'entendre des chanteurs chanter qu'un professeur professer."
155 Adolphe Jullien, "Revue musicale," Le Journal des débats (5 July 190e). "c'est là, en somme, un
de ces petits ouvrages comme il en peut tomber de la plume des plus grands musiciens, mais qu'il
est sans intérêt de ramasser."
 201

popularity in the 1890s and early 1900s ev en as his reputation as a "serious" and
universally Chrisitian composer solidified. The frequent inclusion of solo virtuosie

works by Bach prompts us to consider the possibility that sorne of these events may have

been directed towards pleasure seekers as weIl. Perhaps "pleasure seekers in disguise"
might be a more appropriate denomination, for Bachian musical pyrotechnies were still

musie by Bach, still born of the austere genius that had composed the cantatas. Despite
the religious rhetorie of d'Indy's inaugural speeches of 1900 and 1901, there is little of the

Roman Catholic Church at Schola concerts between 1900 and 1903. Yet there is a much

underscored seriousness, in the vernacular, wed to a quasi-religious appreciation for the

work that overrides even the most amateurish performance. A carefully constructed

disinterestedness overrode the other purpose of these concerts, which was to rai se

money.
It was important for the public to perceive the Bach cantata concerts and other

large ensemble events as having no other raison d'être than the educational presentation
of works. For most of these concerts involved student performances, a fact duly noted

by indulgent critics. As a private institution, the Schola might easily have been viewed
as a commercial enterprise, and Pierre Lalo was quiek to deny this within days of the

school's opening at rue Saint-Jacques: "Here [the Schola] is one of the greatest miracles:

an enterprise that is not a business, and in which one seeks neither the satisfaction of

one's own interests nor that of one's own vanity.,,156 Charges of commercialism were no

minor issue for d'Indy, as we saw earlier in this chapter with Widor's rumours that
Guilmant was dedicated to making money, not art, at the Schola. Lalo's article in fact
confirmed d'Indy's confidence in his willingness to defend the Schola from accusations

of being a business. Certainly until November of 1902, at least Le Monde musical refused

to buy the Schola party line of concerts as a form of artistic altruism. Where the Journal

des débats and the Guide musical shifted the focus to the work itself, and glossed positively

156 Pierre Lalo, "La Musique," Le Temps (13 November 1900). "Car voici le plus grand des
miracles: c'est de rencontrer une entreprise qui ne soit pas une affaire, et dans laquelle personne
ne cherche la satisfaction de son intérêt ni celle de sa vanité."
 202

over the good intentions and sincerity of the singers and musicians, Le Monde musical

complained in no uncertain terms of the "brutal disillusionment" of performances, by

singers who were in sorne cases "in need of a serious voice teacher," and of concerts that
"only the naïve faith of M. d'Indy might excuse." 157 Writing in the same journal in
December of 1901, Arthur Mangeot very forcefully rejected the idea that Schola concerts
should be treated as simple student auditions or hearings of music, not as concerts:

If that is the case, we think that one does not bring the public to listen to children
wailing and, moreover, that one does not ask individuals to pay for it. As we
have already said, what is the need, the necessity to undertake such exploits? If
those who dwell at the Schola are still at the stammering stage, they should be
trained behind closed doors instead of being put on display before the public
every eight days. Since this institution seems to want people to talk about it at
any expense, it should content itself with giving cham ber music concerts ... we
hope M. V. d'Indy, for the sake of his own dignity and out of respect for art, will
cease to commit these errors, because we would be led to think that this
institution (which we thought to be in the service of art) is simply a pretext for a
common commercial enterprise. 158

Mangeot's scorching assessment of the Schola's eady music concerts as a

ramshackle business venture of dubious musical quality predated the formation of the

institution's société anonyme in July of 1902. It is perhaps significant that Le Monde

musical's coverage of Schola events for the season that followed shifted to the cri tic René
Doiré, who was more supportive. Doiré's mainly positive review of the season opener

and new organ inauguration was prefaced by a bid to restore confidence in the Schola' s

financial health. 159 Likewise, Pierre Lalo seemed anxious to reassure Le Temps readers

157 "Divers-La Schola Cantorum," Le Monde musical (30 December 1900): 358.
158 Auguste Mangeot, "À la Schola Cantorum," Le Monde musical (30 December 1901): 380. "Hé
bien, nous estimons qu'on ne convie pas le public à de simples vagissements d'enfant et surtout
qu'on ne lui demande pas d'argent pour cela. Nous l'avons déjà dit: quel besoin, quelle nécessité
de faire de semblables exploits? Si les pensionnaires de la Schola en sont encore à balbutier, qu'on
les élèvent huis-clos au lieu de les exhiber tous les huit jours devant le public. Puisque cette
institution semble vouloir à tout prix faire parler d'elle, qu'elle se contente des concerts de
musique de chambre ... mais que M. V. d'Indy, pour la dignité de lui-même et le respect de l'art,
ne retombe plus dans semblable erreur, car nous serions amenés à croire que cette institution que
nous avons cru être au service de l'art n'est que le prétexte d'une vulgaire entreprise
commerciale."
159 René Doiré, Le Monde musical (30 November 1902): 366. "La séance annuelle d'inauguration a
eu lieu le 13 novembre, et a démontré mieux que n'importe quel prospectus que la Schola est bien
 203

that the school was less likely to stir up controversy in the future, and that it would

"settle into the peace of regular activities" as a result of a newly acquired source of
steady funding. 160 In fact, despite the efforts launched in the summer of 1902,
inadequate sources of funding continued to plague the Schola until early 1904. It was a
situation that Bordes tried desperately to fix through concerts in the provinces, as we

leam in his letters to Paul Poujaud. In contrast to correspondence between the two from

the 1890s, when Bordes was also frequently on tour with the Chanteurs, his messages

from various provinces between 1900 and 1903 are replete with references to revenues

from concerts usually ranging from eight hundred to one thousand francs. Moreover, in

1903, Bordes indicated the loss of a substantial private donation: "In Bordeaux people
could only speak of the [Samazeuilhs] and the 10, 000 francs that the [Samazeuilhs] gave

to the Schola and which we will have to give back.,,161 As we know, the Schola's finances

so deteriorated at the tum of the century that when Bordes suffered a debilitating stroke

in November of 1903, the institution was practically forced into bankruptcy.162

If we consider the Schola' s precarious finances as a determining factor in the

nature of its early music concerts, then the continued emphasis on the Bach cantata

concerts makes sense. This type of event had historically secured private funding and

healthy levels of attendance. With virtuosic instrumental works replacing the Schütz

cantatas or Renaissance motets and chansons of the 1890s, these events also permitted

the showcasing of select mainstream soloists, who already had solo showpieces by Bach

en vie et qu'elle n'endure aucunement les souffrances de l'agonie, comme le bruit en a couru ces
temps-ci."
160 Pierre Lalo, "La Musique," Le Temps (18 November 1902). "Car la Schola se transforme; elle
sort de l'âge héroïque des aventures et des hasards pour entrer dans la paix d'une vie régulière ..
. Quelques amis sincères de la musique, M. Aynard, M. le prince d'Arenberg, M. Georges Berger,
M. Denys Cochin, M. Henry Cochin, ont entrepris de lui constituer une petite fortune, de fonder
une société qui lui permette de n'avoir plus le souci du lendemain."
161 Undated letter from Charles Bordes ta Paul Poujaud on letterhead tram the Grand Hotel
Montré in Bordeaux, dated 1903 by another hand (Les Faugs/Marie d'Indy, file Bordes-Poujaud).
"À Bordeaux ne me parle que de [les Samazeuilhs] et des 10 000 francs que [les Samazeuilhs]
avaient versés à la Schola et que nous allons devoir recrocher!"
162 A discussion of this era in the Schola's history is found in Andrew Thomson's Vincent d'Indy
and his World, 122-24.
 204

bred into their fingers, and who might attract supporters less interested in the

intellectual value of early music.

Although they make perfect economic sense in retrospect, and while sorne may
have suspected that they provided vital revenues for the Schola, these concerts were by
and large interpreted by the press as an extension of the Schola' s mission to teach, and to
fostera family of like-minded idealists. Economic disinterestedness remained a

paramount aspect of music making for Vincent d'Indy until the end of his life, from his

inaugural speech of 1900, right up to his letters to Marguerite de Fraguier of the early

1910s.163 As late as 1925, he took the trouble to point out the selfless contribution of most

of the Schola' s teachers, remarking that they had never been paid more than two and a

half francs per course in the history of the institution. And when crisis came knocking in

late 1903, he stuck to his guns, publishing a letter in the Guide musical in which he

emphatically denied that Schola concerts were given for profit.164 It should come as no
surprise that soon after the near declaration of insolvency, student concerts-and thus

many early music performances-were declared off limits to the general public, open

only to other Schola students, their friends, and their families.

Reclaiming (a German) Bach

If the Schola's all-Bach concerts were mostly received or at least promoted as peaceful

occasions for artistic communing, programming for the years 1902 and 1903 shows sorne

attempt to compete with mainstream societies. During those years, Bordes and d'Indy
introduced new works by Bach in this genre, and it could be argued that this went hand

in hand with an increase in the number of concerts that were so vital to the Schola's
economic health. But there are cases that belie this theory, one of which evolves around

163 D'Indy's letters ta Marguerite de Fraguier are transcribed in her Souvenirs d'une élève (Paris:
Jean Naert, 1934).
164 Vincent d'Indy, "Une lettre de M. Vincent d'Indy," Le Guide musical (3 January 1904), 9-10.
 205

the Schola's 1902 performance of "!ch hatte viel Bekümmernis" (BWV 21), conducted by

Vincent d'Indy. This cantata was not a new addition to the repertoire: "Ich hatte viel

Bekümmernis" had been given its Paris premiere by the Euterpe society in 1892, and

enjoyed a succession of performances after that up to 1902, usually in Maurice Bouchor's

French translation. 165 Bordes programmed this work for his Bach cantata series at

d'Harcourt in 1895, and he and the Chanteurs gave two subsequent performances a few

weeks later, first at the Trocadéro with Guilmant and shortly afterwards at the Salle des

Agriculteurs. The Société des Concerts du Conservatoire took up the work in 1896, and

programmed it as a warm up for no less a masterpiece than Beethoven's ninth

symphony. The soloists for this particular performance included the soprano Éléonore

Blanc, who appeared frequently with the Chanteurs, and who also served as the soprano

soloist for Colonne's 1897 performance of this same cantata. Yet despite the fact that the

work had clearly entered the repertoire, the Schola's 1902 performance was noted as a

première audition or premiere. The rationale for this is indicated in the original
programme: the Schola had decided to use the Peters edition for its performance, though

an explanatory note reminded audiences that the text had been translated into French for

the Guilmant-Chambrun edition (published by Choudens).166 Here was a new Bach

cantata, simply by virtue of a different edition, which included the original German text.

Signs of this move towards German editions and texts were in the air the

previous year. When the Schola performed the well-known 'Wachei: auf" cantata (BWV

140) on 8 February 1901, the score used for the performance was duly acknowledged in

the body of the programme as "Peters Edition No. 1601-Bach Gesellschaft No. 110."167

165 After Euterpe's Parisian premiere using Bouchor's translation in 1892, "!ch hatte viel
Bekümmernis" was performed by the following groups or individuals: Georges Marty's vocal
class at the Conservatoire (complete, 1893); The Société des Concerts du Conservatoire (complete,
1896); a recital given by Albert and Césare Geloso (aria only, 1896); Concerts Colonne (complete,
at the matinee series, 1897); Euterpe (complete, 1898); Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
(complete, 1899); Euterpe (complete, 1902); Euterpe (excerpts, 1903); Société des Concerts du
Conservatoire (aria, 1904); Concerts Colonne (complete, at the regular series, 1904).
166 The French version of the title for BWV 21 is "J'avais l'ombre plein le coeur."
167 "Edition Peters, no. 1601-Société Bach, no. 110." This cannot be the Parisian Société Bach,
because the group was not founded until1904. The original programme for this concert is found
 206

Like "!ch hatte viel Bekümmernis" (BWV 21), "Wachet auf" had been programmed for

Bordes's Bach cantata series at the Concerts d'Harcourt, and was also usually performed

in French translation ("Debout, le veilleur chante"). The same is true for "Bleib bei uns,

denn es will Abend werden" (BWV 6), or "Reste avec nous," which presumably also had

its "premiere" using the Peters edition,168 after over a decade of performances in Maurice

Bouchor's translation. This work was also a fixture of the repertoire with previous

performances at the Société nationale de musique (1891), the Euterpe society (1896, 1901,

and 1904), and Guillot de Sainbris's Société chorale d'amateurs (1902). Audiences for

mainstream society performances also heard "Bleib bei uns" at the Concerts Lamoureux

in 1904, and at Colonne's matinee and regular series (again with Éléonore Blanc) in 1898,

1899, 1902, and 1904.

Perhaps the most interesting case of the Schola's shift to a differently edited,

German Bach was the revival of the cantata that included the time honoured "Air de la

Pentecôte" which had been published in Pauline Viardot's École classique de chant in 1861.

Though part of the cantata for Pentecost Tuesday "Also hat Gott die Welt geliebt" (BWV

68), in France this aria was almost inevitably performed as a single piece, and often in

arrangements that preserved only the melody of the original work. 169 By programming

the entire work in 1894 and 1901, Bordes and the Schola restored the aria's

context-perhaps to compensate for the single performances that Bordes had himself

programmed! But something much more interesting carne out of the reconstitution of

this, Bach' s cantata for Pente co st Tuesday, which was the grand unveiling of the more

spectacular cantata for Pentecost Monday, "0 ewiges Feuer" in May of that aU important

at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de musique (Concert Programme

Collection, File Schola Cantorum/École César Franck).
168 The Schola's programme for its Bach cantata concert of 5 March 1902 specified that this was
the second performance of the cantata from the Peters edition. The original programme for this
concert is found at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de musique (File Schola
Cantorum/École Franck).
169 Joël-Marie Fauquet and Antoine Hennion, La Grandeur de Bach, 167-69. Indeed, the
programme for Bourgault-Ducoudray's concert of 22 May 1869 included a piano transcription of
this aria by Alexandre Guilmant. Documented performances of the aria include one at the
Concordia society (1885); La Gallia (1888); at a concert organized by Clarence Eddy at the
Trocadéro in 1899; and at the Fondation Bach in 1904.
 207

year,1902. Together with "!ch hatte viel Bekümmernis," Bach's cantata "0 ewiges
Feuer" is lushly and ceremoniously scored to include trumpets and tympani,

orchestration that is deployed in both the opening choral fugue and the energetic final
movement for an effect that is not incomparable to the opening of the D major
Magnificat (BWV 243). This closing movement also sets the cantata apart from the
majority of Bach's other works in this genre, which close with homorhythmic chorale
settings. The feverish send off is a characteristic it shares with the final movement of "!ch
hatte viel Bekümmernis," which more nearly approaches the virile, masculine, and
"Republican" qualities that audiences of the 1870s so admired in the works of HandeU70
What I hope to have shown here is that Bordes and d'Indy programmed cantatas that
were given performances by other societies, not just in the period prior to the critical
years of 1902 and 1903, but during the same season. The Schola performed these cantatas

using German editions and texts, which was an obvious change even from their own

habits of the 1890s (and in d'Indy's case, the late 1880s). They challenged an enduring

favourite, the Pentecost aria, with a complete rendition of BWV 68 and capped the
achievement with a performance of a more impressive Pente co st analogue (BWV 34).
On one hand, the Schola' s programming habits from this time might be interpreted as a
move towards establishing its difference as perhaps a more intellectually oriented

society that could appreciate Bach cantatas in their original language. In German, these

cantatas may have appeared less accessible to a wider audience. But on the other hand,

the performances of these cantatas might weIl be viewed as an attempt to rival the

Conservatoire's Société des Concerts-surely there is more to music than the words

found in vocal pieces.

170 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 217-18.

 208

La Schola Cantorum, École Supérieure, Société Anonyme 1904-1914

The Schola's concerts of early music, given between late 1900 and late 1903, buoyed up
the myth created by the Chanteurs's concerts of the mid-1890s, which was reinforced by
de Castéra's history (as published in installments around 1900). This kind of activity
was not to be repeated. By 1905, the grand concert became the model for public music
making at the institution, which brought on a concomitant expansion of Schola
repertoire to include major works from the Classic and early Romantic periods.
Moreover, with Bordes's stroke in November of 1903 came the implementation of a new

form of administration, a private incorporation and board of directors. While d'Indy

was integral to this board, at least one letter to Henry Cochin shows that there was sorne
debate over granting him absolute power. l7l

Against what may be viewed as an increasingly secularized profile for the Schola,
the brouhaha that accompanied the papal issuing of the motu proprio (Tra le sollicitudini,

22 November 1903) created a sharp contra st with the Schola's new image. As 1 explain
in Chapter 4, even though the Schola had by this point become fairly distant from the

Catholic church as an institution, Bordes made it appear as though the school was
practically the church's musical right hand. If a vehemently anti-clerical Republic was

still prepared to appreciate the educational programme at the Schola in 1901-and even
to recommend that the Conservatoire model sorne of its programmes on the école

supérieure-the institution's increased identification with the Catholic chur ch after 1904
appears to have made several Republican journalists anxious over the Schola's possible

influence.
It is important to recall here the drastic changes to the French education that had

occurred by the early 1900s. Lycées had been transforme d, the baccalauréat had been
overhauled to exclude classics, and significantly for the new Schola which was open to

women students, the number of women receiving secondary education had more than

171 Letter from Vincent d'Indy to Cochin dated 8 May 1905 transcribed in Vincent d'Indy: Ma vie,
671.
 209

doubled.172 As a state-run educational institution, the Conservatoire would have been

due for serious changes whether or not the Schola had ever been founded, whether or
not Théodore Dubois had ever decided to resign in March of 1905. l73 Vuillerrnoz's

celebrated attack on the Schola in 1905, which ushered in a more intense period of
comparison between the Schola and the Conservatoire, came only a few months after the

appointment of Gabriel Fauré in June of 1905. The changes that Fauré approved, though

often with one arm twisted behind his back, betrayed the influence of the Schola too

greatly, and this created a need to define the Conservatoire and the Schola as radically
different. Though recent scholarship has gone sorne way to confirrn d'Indy's assertion

that the polemics of 1905 and ensuing years were largely trumped up or prétendu, it is
important to identify the motivation behind them. 174 Moreover, at a time when a host of

new institutions of higher learning were being created (the École des Hautes Études

Sociales, among them), when the Schola founder, Alexandre Guilmant's Trocadéro series

had transformed as a state-funded educational series, there was perhaps sorne fear that

the Catholic-identified Schola would become a state institution, particularly as

disenchantment with radicalleft politics grew between 1904 and 1907.

The Old Man and the Youngster, 1905

It began with a little dig at the Schola in the pages of Le Mercure musical, signed by the

well-known critic and former d'Indy supporter Henri Gauthier Villars or Willy, though

it may have been written by his ghost writer Émile Vuillermoz. The critique took the

172 Jean-Marie Mayeur and Madeleine Reberioux, The Third Republic from its Origins to the Great
War, 1871-1914 translated by J. R. Foster (New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1984), 112.
173 On Dubois's resignation see Gail Hilson Woldu, "Gabriel Fauré as Director of the
Conservatoire National de Musique et de Déclamation, 1905-20," (Ph.D. dissertation: Yale
University, 1983),4-6.
174 For assertions that the counterpoint debate of 1905 was trumped up, see La Schola Cantorum en
1925,98.
 210

form of a fictional dialogue, an argument between two men, one old and one young. 175

While officially directed at Louis de Serres, the old man was probably intended to

represent d'Indy, with the young man standing in for the generation of composers
younger than d'Indy or Debussy. The gist of this short dialogue is that the old man
views compositions based on extended chromatic harmony as incoherent, discordant,

and a form of anarchy. He takes corn fort in Beethoven's ninth symphony and wonders

why classical music should be considered less artistic than the music of Debussy and his
followers. The young man replies that Debussy's dissonance is much easier to listen to
than Bach's and finds it ironie that pers ons infuriated with modern tonality do not find it

equally outrageous in Bach.

Louis de Serres's response to Willy was slow to come (four months, in fa ct), and

the voice of moderation that speaks through this article is surely at least the echo of

d'Indy's point of view. 176 The author asserted that viewing modem-day composition as

completely oriented towards harmony was simplistic: he argued that harmonies were
never still, but al ways moving as part of a horizontalline. He also pointed to the

existence of a great number of harmonie resources, and declared that it was important
not to let a concern for finding new sonorities override the generalline of the work. It is

possible to appreciate the logic of this argument today, with the advantage of historical

distance and detachment as weIl as modem approaches to music analysis. For ev en

though we might consider the Tristan, Mystic, Farben and Petrushka chords (to name a

few) as powerfully unique sonorities, the compositions in which they are found hold

together either as a result of sophisticated formaI plans and/ or dramatic motivation, and
in sorne cases, orchestral and texturaI considerations play a major role as weIl. And this

is more or less what de Serres (or d'Indy) argued in his reply to Willy:

The conclusions to be drawn from all of this? It is that beyond useless theoretical
formulations, fashionable tics, and the individual preferences of schools destined

175 Henri Gauthier-Villars [Willy], "Le Vieillard et le jeune homme," Le Mercure musical (15 May
1905): 3-7.
176 Louis de Serres, "Réponse à Willy," Le Mercure musical (1 September 1905): 313-19.
 211

to age ... and give way to others, there are certain artistic principles that survive
the ages as univers al truths. One is that in every work of art, the details must be
related to the whole and it is only through this whole, and their relationship to it,
that they attain their true expressive value. 177

Included in the same issue as de Serres's reply was another anti-Schola fictional

dialogue. 178 Written by Armande de Polignac, this dialogue reinforced Willy's efforts. It
was doubly damaging, because it was a sign of betrayal from someone connected to the
Schola circle (she was the adopted daughter of the Princesse de Polignac, who se recently
deceased husband had been a firm Schola supporter and founder). Polignac's dialogue

is far more derogatory than Willy's, and includes sections in which an amused audience

member accuses the Schola of being an elite and lucrative business. A young composer

replies that the Schola is not exactly lucrative, but steeped in glory and the satisfaction of

mutual admiration from within the tiny, isolated group. Polignac ends the dialogue

with the suggestion that Schola students are so deluded that they unable to appreciate
how boring their work is, or even realize that others find it deplorable.

Two months later, Émile Vuillermoz published a metaphoric tale criticizing the
Schola and depicting them as unfair Debussy detractors. 179 The importance of this article

is that it made the argument political by casting Debussy as Captain Alfred Dreyfus, the

wrongly-accused French soldier who was tried but never properly acquitted of treason

in the previous decade. He likened the harassment of Claude Debussy by Jean d'Udine,

Camille Mauclair, and Jean Lorrain to the unfairness that marked the handling of the

Dreyfus case. Vuillermoz also appeared vexed by Jean Huré's claim that Debussy's
harmonie innovations had antecedents in works by Chopin, Bruneau, and d'lndy.tSO

177 Ibid., 316. "La conclusion de tout ceci? Qu'au-dessus des vaines formules des théoriciens, des
tics de la mode, des préjugés d'écoles, destinés à vieillir ... et à faire place à d'autres, certains
principes d'art affirment à travers les âges leur éternelle vérité, tel celui-ci: que dans toute œuvre
d'art les détails doivent se rapporter à l'ensemble et ne peuvent acquérir que par lui et pour lui
leur véritable valeur expressive."
178 Armande de Polignac. "Le 'jeune compositeur' et le 'spectateur amusé,"' Le Mercure musical (1
September 1905): 320-23.
179 Émile Vuillermoz. "Une Tasse de thé." Le Mercure musical (15 November 1905): 505-10.
180 Ibid., 509.
 212

Prior to the metaphoric tales and dialogues of Polignac and Vuillermoz, Jaques-
Dalcroze managed a substantial dig at the Conservatoire. l8l Dalcroze's main complaint

was leveled at what he considered the state-run facility's superficial musical education

of amateurs. He made an example of a young bourgeois woman (Eléonore),

complaining that after nearly twelve years of instruction she had only learned a few

virtuosic works (and then very poorly), and was furthermore unable to take down a

melody, improvise an accompaniment, or transpose at sight. In short, for Jaques-

Dalcroze, she had not become a musician through her training at the Conservatoire. His
article called for a revision of the state school' s curriculum along his own ideas of music

education, which in sorne ways were very similar to what the Schola provided-a
general education in music that required musicians to learn solfège, harmony,

orchestration, and other topics.

It is significant that Jaques-Dalcroze uses a young bourgeois woman as his

example. The Schola had recently gained a hold over a large number of female

musicians and composers at a time when the higher education of women in France was

very much up for grabs. The French state had recently disbanded female teaching
orders, and the country subsequently lost a number of institutions devoted to the

secondary education of women-a type of education favoured even by the anti-clerical

bourgeoisie because it fostered sexual repression in teenaged girls and moulded these

same individu aIs into subservient wives. 182 By 1905, the Schola had become a place

where these young women could receive advanced education which, though specifically

musical, was not far from what they had gained with the congreganistes-we should

remind ourselves that French secondary education for women did not include classics or

philosophy.

181 E. Jaques-Dalcroze, "Les Étonnements de M. Quelconque," Le Mercure musical (15 August

1905): 273-87.
182 Ralph Gibson, A Social History of French Catholicism, 123.
 213

Together with the issue of women' s musical education, several articles in the

Mercure musical spurred on criticism of the Schola. The first was a series on modern
music drama written by Louis Laloy and originally given as a series of lectures delivered

at the École des Hautes Études Sociales. In these articles, Laloy waffled over d'Indy and

defended Debussy while taking Bruneau and the realists sharply to task. 183 To sorne

extent then, the idea that Scholiste cri tics were critical of Debussy was somewhat unfairly

applied, since this was certainly not the case for Laloy. But perhaps the reason that

Vuillermoz believed the whole of the Mercure musical was against Debussy and the

Conservatoire was because Laloy' s articles on modern music drama overlapped to sorne

extent with criticism over the Prix de Rome. Following Laloy's lead in reporting on

Ravel's final failure to secure this important award in 1905, the Schola-identified Jean

Marnold followed with two vitriolic assessments of Dubois, Lenepveu and Paladilhe,

eventually culminating with a faise report that Dubois had resigned over personal

attacks as a direct result of the Ravel affair. 184 Whether or not the "counterpoint debate"

(as it is often called) was real or imagined has little importance here. Published in yet

another newly-founded review, these articles may have had little effect on public

perceptions of the Schola in the short run. But they became the foundation for future

commentary, as fodder for fledgling journalists and critics.

183 Louis Laloy, "Le Drame musical moderne," Le Mercure musical (15 May 1905): 8-16; "Le Drame
musical moderne. Les Véristes: Zola-Bruneau," Le Mercure musical (1 June 1905): 75-84; Louis
Laloy, "Le Drame musical moderne. Claude Debussy," Le Mercure musical (1 August 1905): 233-
50.
184 Louis Laloy, "Revue de la Quinzaine. Au Conservatoire," Le Mercure musical (1 June 1905): 85;
Jean Marnold, "Revue de la quinzaine. Le Scandale du Prix de Rome," Le Mercure musical (15 June
1905):129-33; Jean Marnold, "Revue de la quinzaine. Le Scandale du Prix de Rome," Le Mercure
musical (1 July 1905): 178-80. Marnold's report on Dubois's resignation is found in "Echos-Au
Conservatoire." Le Mercure musical (1 July 1905): 184-85.
 214

The Old Man and the Youngster: The Aftermath

In his dissertation on the French symphony, Brian Hart has reviewed arguments in the

press that are sometimes called la guerre des petites chapelles. 18s It was in the course of this
public press war that constructions of the Schola and d'Indy's identity were fused. In
yet another fictional dialogue, Émile Vuillermoz painted what he felt would be history's

view of the Schola's director. 186 The first and probably most important point was

Vuillermoz's characterization of d'Indy as a wealthy dilettante.187 Next he planted the

idea that the Schola came out of d'Indy's need to teach compositional dogma and
rigorous formulae. 188 But while 1 have shown that these two assertions are not entirely

truthful, Vuillermoz did touch on something that must be acknowledged as a significant

insight: he reported that the Schola perpetuated the idea that its performances of early
music were new and unprecedented, and that the institution indoctrinated its students
into this belief:

As soon as they arrive, they are taught to honour a cult of a few irreproachable
old masters and they end by imagining that [at the Schola] they enjoy an almost
exclusive privilege. The prestige of monopoly and the eternal weakness of the
French spirit served this psychologist director's plans marvelously.189

For Vuillermoz, the greatest sin that d'Indy committed was to have preached a message

of idealism, of artistic practices connected to the mind and not to the body, which he
began first by "discrediting the study of harmony which presented the inconvenience of
stimulating the sensory and innate faculties.,,19o He later misinterpreted d'Indy's

185 Brian Hart, "The Symphony in Theory and Practice in France," 38-64.
186 Émile Vuillermoz. "Le Dictionnaire." Le Mercure musical (15 June 1906): 547-55.
187 Ibid., 548. "Homme de condition élevée, il paraît avoir mené la vie d'un riche amateur,
écrivant peu, voyageant au long cours ou se terrant dans une seigneuriale demeure de province."
188 Ibid., 549.

189 Ibid., 549. "Dès leur arrivée on leur apprit à honorer d'un culte éclatant quelques vieux maîtres
inattaquables, et ils finirent par s'imaginer qu'ils jouissaient là d'un privilège absolument exclusif.
le prestige du monopole, éternelle faiblesse de l'âme française, servit merveilleusement les
desseins du directeur physcologue."
190 Ibid., 550. "Il commença d'abord par jeter le discrédit sur les études harmoniques qui
présentaient pour son expérience l'inconvénient capital de mettre en jeu des facultés sensorielles
et innées."
 215

commitment to early music as an excuse to teach counterpoint instead of harmony.!91

Most importantly, he portrayed the Schola as a Catholic sect, with sever al different

associations: fervent Catholicism could well indicate detachment from the body, and for

Vuillermoz it also meant confinement to a small circle of compagnons (here possibly with

reference to the Compagnie de Jésus, or the Jesuits).192 In an age when orders of the regular

clergy were strictly outlawed and many exiled in foreign countries (like the monks of

Solesmes), Vuillermoz cast the Schola as an unauthorized religious community.193 He

concluded that the unabashedly idealist d'Indy had instinctively chosen an austere style

rooted in counterpoint in order to counteract the more sensuous harmonie styles that

pervaded at the turn of the century.194

The idea of the Schola as anti-sensual reappeared in subsequent writings on the

Schola. For Jean Huré, writing against the Schola and d'Indy in 1907, d'Indy had

become the enemy of eclecticism through the creation of cold formulae that had

spawned sens ory homicide. 195 La Grande revue observed in the same year that d'Indy had

imposed severe laws on the Schola since Bordes's departure, and appeared overly

engrossed in a Medieval passion for "reason and classification, a cult of the norm, and a

taste for moral allegory." Before conclu ding predictably with the assertion that the

Schola was a religious sect, the author made one important claim. This is that ev en

though the Schola's official God may have been identified as the mighty J.S. Bach, the

institution was actually a disciple of Beethoven. l96 Considering the kinds of music that

191 Ibid., 551.

192 Ibid.
193 Ibid., 553.
194 Ibid., 554.

195 Jean Buré. "L'Éclectisme." Le Monde musical (15 and 30 August 1907): 227-28. 1 am grateful to
Michael Strasser for bringing this article ta my attention.
196 "La Musique-Les partis musicaux en France." La Grande revue (25 December 1907): 790-98.
"Son esprit semble nourri de syllogisme, et ce qui lui plaît dans le moyen âge, ce n'est pas du tout
sa candeur, mais sa passion du raisonnement et de la classification, son culte de la norme et son
goût pour l'allégorie morale. Il aparaît croire à la vertu des nombres comme aux facultés de l'âme,
et nous apprend, au début de son Traité de composition, que l'art réclame le concours de sept
d'entre elles; L'oeuvre se reconnaît à trois caractères, et son auteur doit se procurer trois vertus
qui sont la Foi, L'Espérance et la Charité." (p. 792) 1 am grateful to Michael Strasser for bringing
this article to my attention.
 216

d'Indy showed a preference for after 1904, outlined in Chapter 2, this was certainly no

shaky daim.

Performances after 1904

While outward perceptions of the Schola became increasingly antagonistic, as critics

became increasingly indined to paint the Schola as an illegitimate breeding ground for

Catholic, anti-corporeal sentiment, concerts gave the press the lie to sorne extent. By

shifting from its flood of multi-item events to fewer performances of larger works, the

Schola was actually mimicking tendencies in the Republican Société des Concerts du

Conservatoire. One of that society's most publicized accomplishments in the early 1890s

had been the complete performance of Bach' s Mass in B Minor in 1892, which was

revived in 1895, 1899, 1902, and 1905. The Société des Concerts also gave the Saint John

Passion in 1903 and 1904, as weIl as the Christmas Oratorio in 1907.197 As 1 pointed out

in Chapter 2, the Schola' s connection to the Saint John Passion and Christmas Oratorio

could be traced back to projects that involved private patronage in the 1890s, and in fact

the school gave complete performances of these works before the Société des Concerts.

But the real similarities came from the Schola's shift to performances of large orchestral

and choral works by Beethoven and Gluck.

Concerts at the Schola also approached Republican interests in the performance

of entire works or major sections of Rameau operas. It is important to remember that the

general editor for the edition was Camille Saint-Saëns, and that the operas were just as

highly valued by the soon-to-be anti-Scholiste Claude Debussy. Moreover, over a dozen

documented performances of Rameau vocal works (0 Quam dilecta; In Convertendo) and

197 D. Kern Holoman's account of these events tends to be very factual. He provides almost no
context or references to reviews for the Société des Concerts' s performances of major vocal works
by Bach. On performances of the Bach B Minor Mass see his The Société des Concerts du
Conservatoire 1828-1967 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2004), 292-93;
309-10; 336. However, in one passage, Holoman does ascribe an increase in Bach performances
after 1900 to Georges Marty's own taste and the fact that performances of Bach's music brought in
receipts (p. 314).
 217

operatic excerpts have been documented for the Société des Concerts between 1900 and

1908 {see Appendix 2).198 Of course there are broadly nationalist interests associated

with the performance of this composer's works, but since after 1904 the Schola was

performing parts of the same works by Rameau as the Société des Concerts, it may have

been difficult for observers to attribute any specific nationalist agenda to Schola

performances of this repertoire. The point in sorne of the reviews seems much more

about the general concert ambiance and the style of delivery than the actual works

performed. This is partIy a change from the emphasis on the work that characterized the

reception of concerts given between 1900 and 1903, though the emphasis on the Schola

as a venue for artistic communing or family persists in reviews after 1904.

Writing shortIy after the Schola's performance of the B Minor Mass, Jean

Ecorcheville confirmed that the institution's concerts seemed more like church services

than concerts and compared them to performances at Bayreuth.199 But if in previous

years this might have been interpreted as high praise, by 1907, the church service"
fi

concert had major flaws. For Ecorcheville, the Schola' s entire season was marred by a

generallack of emotion:

This may be overly forward, but it seems to me that historical interest is more
important than artistic emotion. The mind of the archeologist, of the leamed man
will inevitably be satisfied; but the ear and the heart are really sacrificed to sorne
extent. Despite the best of intentions, the performance rarely touches the
listener's sensibilities and fails to inspire the kinds of enthusiasm that these
works are capable of eliciting. 20o

198 For a substantiallist of concerts given by the Société des Concerts du Conservatoire, see D.
Kern Holoman's listing at http://hector.ucdavis.edu/ sdc (accessed 10 August 2005). It should be
noted that Holoman compiled this from original programmes, but that he rarely verified the
contents of each programme against mentions and reviews in the press.
199 J. Ecorcheville. "La Schola Cantorum et le style de Bach." La Revue musicale S,I.M, (15 April
1907): 399-406.
200Ibid., 400. "Je m'avance peut-être beaucoup, mais il me semble que l'intérêt purement
historique l'emporte ici sur l'émotion artistique. L'esprit de l'archéologue, de l'érudit trouvera
toujours son compte i mais l'oreille et le coeur sont vraiment un peu sacrifiés. Malgré le concours
de toutes les bonnes volontés, l'exécution atteint bien rarement la sensibilité de l'auditeur et ne
provoque pour ainsi dire jamais l'enthousiasme dont ces oeuvres sont capables."
 218

Ecorcheville attributed the Schola students' performance restraint to something we

might not expect. For him this arose not from the school director's frigid personality,

but rather from the more generalized influence of Debussy's Pelléas and Gregorian chant:

We know that for a long time there has been an effort to level [uniformiser] the
dynamism of speech, and the declamation in Pelléas is, in the theatre, the final
victory of this national tendency. They have involuntarily conformed to this taste
for unified rhythms that allowed our Medieval forefathers to transform
Gregorian song, oriental vocalise, into flat syllabics, in equal note values?OI

This effort to "uniformize the dynamism of speech" that Ecorcheville corn plains of is

something that anyone who has ever been offended by accusations of speaking patois

will understand. What Ecorcheville is preaching here is the discontent of

decentralization, of French persons who resented the stamping out of local accents and

expressions through nationalized education. He is also speaking out against the flatness
of chant rhythm s, largely the result of the Solesmes movement, which campaigned for

decades to wipe out French pronunciation of Latin, and to impose Roman styles on the

entire French nation, as 1 discuss in Chapter 4. This new, unified chant repertoire also

came with a formula for performance that effectively bound the body: the singer became

a ventriloquist through Joseph Pothier's instructions to keep the mouth and chest

motionless while singing (see Chapter 4). Even though Ecorcheville's reference to chant

might be read as anti-clerical, the accusation of emotional coldness and performance

restraint in this article seems to step beyond Vuillermoz's association of these

characteristics with Catholics and idealists. He appears to be pointing to a larger

segment of society that was interested in French centralization. For Ecorcheville, the

Schola concerts had become emblems of a political ideology steeped in a desire to

homogenize culture that also threatened to kill the emotion associated with art, and

freeze the body involved in musical production.

201 Ibid., 403. "Depuis longtemps, on le sait, les efforts de notre langue tendent à uniformiser le
dynamisme de la parole, et la déclamation de Pelléas est, au théâtre, la dernière victoire de cette
tendance nationale. Ils se conforment involontairement à ce goût de rythmique uniformité qui
permit à nos pères du moyen-âge de transformer la cantilène grégorienne, la vocalise orientale en
un syllabisme plat, à notes égales."
 219

Conclusion

In 1925, writers for the Schola claimed that the institution's revival was an erudite,

scholarly undertaking.2°2 In the cultural and political climate that followed the First

World War, this is probably how the institution wanted to be thought of. But what we
have se en in the course of this chapter is that its concerts of early music were different
things to different people: eclectic concerts for the masses, historically-themed events for
the intellectually inclined, and occasions for secular communing around the holiness of

Bach cantatas. The shifts in concert type and repertorial preference do mark important

moments in the Schola' s history, but they do not necessarily provide a one-to-one

correlation with the society or the school's mission or image. Indeed, there is a marked

divergence between them at times, for instance, with the concerts given by the

Chanteurs during the 1890s at secular venues. Moreover, the Bach cantata events of 1900
to 1903 only sent a message to part of the joumalistic community: one half saw them as
wonderfully disinterested events, in line with d'Indy's preaching of the idealistic, artistic

family. The other half saw them as compromised undertakings for the purpose of

raising money. Of course, they might be both. The irony of the period after 1904 is that

even as sorne joumalists endeavoured to paint the Schola as an extreme institution that

dispensed the height of Catholic education-as a school that was overly devoted to an

insular group that was committed to an anti-corporeal, idealist aesthetic-the works

most clearly associated with that faith, the Renaissance music that had provided the
foundation for the Schola's mythical revival, had been ruthlessly expunged from its

public concerts.

202 La Schola Cantorum en 1925, 135.

 Chapter4

Catholicism, Sacred Music Refonn, and the Schola's Early Music RevivaP

Introduction

There can be no doubt that choices of early sacred music and larger programming trends

for the Schola's concerts of early music were affected by the institution's relationship to

the French Catholic church as an institution. This is not the same relationship the Schola
had with the sacred music reform movement, which affected its early music

programming to a lesser extent. In this chapter 1 begin with a consideration of the

Schola' s relationship to Catholic institutions in France at the turn of the century. 1 look

to both the "secular" clergy that oversaw Catholic rituals for the general public, and the

"regular" clergy, or monks and nuns. It was the Schola's relationship to the regular
clergy, and particularly to the monks of Solesmes, which had the greatest effect on the

kinds of repertoire that the society programmed for religious events. At the same time,
the influence of Solesmes appears less operative on the Schola in Paris, and at certain

times of the liturgical year.

In the second part of this chapter, 1 shift the foeus to the movement for sacred

music reform, which 1 trace back to the 1860s. 1 then examine ways that it may have

affected the Schola's choices of repertoire and sorne of its publications. In the end, the
Schola' s performances appear mu ch less affected by this movement than some of the

articles published by Bordes in La Tribune de Saint-Gervais and the first volume of

d'Indy's Cours de composition musicale. The Schola's reform was really more about

rhetoric than music.

1 Part One of this chapter is forthcoming in a condensed version which also includes material
from Chapter 3 as "Vincent d'Indy, la Schola Cantorum, et le catholicisme en France: Une
réévaluation des rapports" in Nouveaux regards sur Vincent d'Indy edited by Fabien Michel (Lyon:
Éditions Symétrie, [forthcoming 2007]).
 221

The Catholic-Republican Ralliement

The Catholic church had a very particular relationship with the French state that had
been in place for over ninety years when Bordes began his first performances of early

music. Negotiated between Napoleon Bonaparte and Pius VII between 1800 and 1801,
the agreement between the church and state, or Concordat, gave the French government a

degree of power over the chur ch, including a voice in the choice of bishops and priests.

At the same time, the state was obliged to compensate the church for money and
property that had fallen into other hands during the French Revolution by
"maintaining" the church (e.g., paying priests' salaries)? In theory, the Concordat gave
the French church sorne independence from the Roman pope, because sorne matters of

administration were negotiated mainly with the French state. Further distance between

Rome and French Catholics existed prior to 1870 as the result of a particularly French or

Gallican form of Catholicism. Gallican Catholicism traditionally acknowledged primary

loyalty to the French state and also differed in certain matters of rite from the Roman

church. But after more than one thousand years of existence and three hundred years of
official status, Catholic Gallicanism was condemned as heretical during the First Vatican

Council of 1869-70.3 Thus when Bordes began his activities at Saint-Gervais, the only

recognized form of Catholicism in France was one that ceded authority to the pope in
Rome. It meant complete filial devotion to the Vatican from a nation far across the Alps,

or Ultramontane Catholicism.

Loyalty to the pope also entailed subservience to the Roman church's ritualistic

traditions, and adherence to any of the regulations established or forthcoming from the

Sacred Congregation of Rites, one of fifteen permanent congregations (i.e., standing

committees) set in place by Sixtus V in 1588 for matters relating to worship. French
church musicians and composers were also subject to this body because the music they

2 For a brief description of the Concordat, see Ralph Gibson, A Social History of French Catholicism,
47-49.
3On the events leading up to the First Vatican Council, see Austin Gough, Paris and Rome: The
Gallican church and the Ultramontane Campaign 1848-1853 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).
 222

composed and performed was part of the Church's rite. As a result there was a division

of authority in the Catholic church in France, and in the thirty years that followed the

Vatican Council there was considerable tension between isolated dioceses in that

country and the chur ch in Rome. Pope Leo XIII more or less turned a blind eye to the

radical Republican Ferry Laws of 1881-82, which spurred on the secularization of

education with the opening of state-run primary schools. Instead of outrage, the pope

expressed con cern over civil disobedience, and called for the submission of French

Catholics to government laws in the papal encyclical "Immortale Dei" (1885). A number

of French Catholic teaching orders circumvented the Iegai restrictions placed on

education between 1879 and 1885 (Le., the Ferry Laws) by reaching back to the Falloux

(1850) law that allowed individual citizens to run private schools. Even the Society of

Jesus (Le., the Jesuits), officially dissolved in 1880 had fully reclaimed its position as

teacher to the sons of the elite by 1890.4

Moderate Republicans who came to power in 1889 had reason to maintain the

Concordat of 1801. The alliance provided strong opposition to socialism, which was an
increasing threat at the time. 5 The pope aiso worked behind the scenes to insure a spirit

of cooperation between French Catholics and moderate Republicans. Without

consulting the French papal nuncio, in 1890 Leo XIII recruited Cardinal Lavigerie to

promote Catholic-Republican relations. Lavigerie's subsequent and celebrated toast to

naval officers urging that they rally together with moderate Republicans is weIl known,

and the decade of the 1890s commonly referred to by social historians as the ralliement. 6

4 Ralph Gibson, A Social History of French Catholicism, 109. See also Maurice Larkin, Church and
State After the Dreyfus Affair: The Separation Issue in France (London: MacMillan, 1974),27-28.
Larkin asserts that there was a certain "cachet de snobisme" in private Catholic secondary schools
that were popular with the French nobility. He also maintains that it was through these schools
that many of the bourgeoisie were indirectly brought back to Catholicism in the 1890s.
5 Brian Jenkins, Nationalism in French Class and Nation Since 1789 (London and New York:
Routledge, 1990),96; 101; 110.
6 Ralliement is a period term, and widely used in published works on French social history. See,
for instance, Maurice Larkin, Religion, Politics and Preferment in France Since 1890: La Belle Epoque
and its Legacy (New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995),7; Norman Ravitch,
The Catholic Church and the French Nation 1589-1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1990), 94;
Jean-Marie Mayeur and Madeleine Reberioux, The Third Republic from its Origins ta the Great War,
1871-1914, translated by J.R. Foster (New York and Cambridge: Oxford University Press, 1984),
 223

Yet even though the ralliement was intended to mend fences, it may have been more of

an aggravating factor amongst Catholics who wished to defy the government's anti-
clericallaws and found no support from the pope? As Norman Ravitch explains,

In the 1890s the government's directeur des cultes regarded approximately one-
third of the bishops as satisfactory, one-third as unreliable, and another third as
definitely hostile to the Republic. Conceivably, the proportion hostile to the
Republic might have been even greater had the Roman authorities enjoyed
complete freedom to make their own choice of bishops without the agreement of
the French government. In any case, by its own efforts the French Catholic
leadership would have done little to seek accommodation with the Republic. It
took the intervention of Pope Leo XIII-his famous encouragement of the
Ralliement-to initiate the slow movement of Catholics away from intransigent
royalism. And at that time papal encouragement, while necessary, proved
insufficient; a true Ralliement finally required for success the unifying atmosphere
of the First World War and an entirely changed domestic and international
situation. 8

There is sorne evidence of this in a controversial incidence of disobedience to

Roman authority, which took place in the same year that Bordes gave his first
performances of early sacred music in 1891. This was the arrest of Monsignor Gouthe-

Soulard, Archbishop of Aix-en-Provence, for writing and publishing an insolent letter to

the French ministère des cultes, in response to the government' s request that bishops

discontinue French worker pilgrimages to Rome. While most of the bishops adhered to

papal advice to keep the incident quiet, some priests and curates sharply criticized the

government in articles for the monarchist press.9 It was shortly after this event that Leo

147; Harry W. Paul, The Second Ralliement: The Rapprochement Between the Church and State in France
in the Twentieth Century (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1967), 10;
John McManners, Church and State in France, 1870-1914 (New York: Harper and Row Publishers,
1972),64.
7 William Fortescue maintains that "most French Catholics did not welcome the ralliement." See
his The Third Republic in France 1870-19140 (London and New York: 2000), 52. On reaction to the
Lavigerie toast, see Jean-Marie Mayeur and Madeleine Reberioux, The Third Republic from its
Origins to the Great War, 1871-1914 translated by J. R. Foster (London and New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1984), 152. "AlI around, in the Cathlic world, reserve, if not hostility, was the
main reaction. In any case, the whole affair had been tackled badly. The nuncio in Paris knew
nothing of the initiative taken by Leo XIII and the cardinal gave it little support. Most of the
bishops, possibly judging the cardinal' s intervention unfortunate or inopportune, remained
silent." On the series of papal maneuvers leading up to and shortly following "0 milieu des
sollicitudes"see also Mayer and Reberioux, 151-55.
8 Norman Ravitch, The Catholic Church and the French Nation 1589-1989, 93-94.
9 Joan 1. Coftey, "The Aix Affair of 1891: A Turning Point in Church-State Relations Before
Separation?" French Historical Studies 21/4 (FaII1998): 543-59.
 224

XIII published the well-known encyclieal" Au Milieu des Sollicitudes" (16 February

1892), in which he urged French Catholics to rally together with the moderate
Republicans. lO

It has been further argued that deep divisions among Catholics in France meant

that not all individuals of this persuasion were necessarily inc1ined to rally together with
moderate Republicans, and that it was mainly the pope, Leo XIII, who led the spirit of

cooperation. Maurice Larkin has examined tensions between the French clergy and the

Vatiean from this period, and has put forward sorne convincing reasons for the pope' s

direct involvement in the ralliement. l1 He maintains that Leo XIII's move to cooperate

with the French government was only one of many in a general effort to restore Rome to
papal control. The pope offered up the French church in order to gain the French state

as an ally against Italy. He could reasonably expect this since Italy was united with

Germany, France's source of humiliation in the war of 1870-71. Larkin concludes that

Leo XIII was far more concerned with the recognition of the Vatiean's status as a political

entity than with the Church's well being in France. And this anxiety fuelled papal

attempts to preserve the Concordat until Leo XIII' s death in 1902. In Larkin' s words,

There was still a French embassy to the Holy See, whieh periodieally presented
the pope with the nation's respects and 'filial devotion,' while in Paris the papal
nuncio was doyen of the diplomatie corps and led the ambassadors of the great
powers on processional occasions. These externals meant a great deal to an
organization that felt desperately insecure since the loss of the papal states; and
they had the partieular attraction of being attributes that were usually associated
with temporal powersY

The timing of Bordes's activities was, in this respect, perhaps not entirely Ideal,

especially if we set aside the idea of a peaceful ralliement between Republicans and

Catholics, and bear in mind that this very movement caused considerable tension

10 "Au Milieu des Sollicitudes" in The Papal Encyclicals 1878-1903 edited by Claudia Carlen (New
York: McGrath Publishing Company, 1981),277-283.
11 Maurice Larkin, "The Vatican, France and the Roman Question, 1898-1903: New Archivai
Evidence," Historical Journal 27 (March 1984): 177-97.
12 Ibid., 186. Larkin's assertion that Leo XIII hoped that France might become the Vatican's ally
over the loss of the papal states is echoed in William Fortescue, The Third Republic in France, 52.
 225

between French Catholics and the Vatican. As we shaH see further in this chapter,

Bordes aligned himself and the early Schola with the monks of Solesmes, who as
longstanding Ultramontane Catholics were loyal to a pope who had assigned his political

agenda a higher priority than preserving the integrity of the French Catholic church by

pushing a ralliement that not everyone wanted. By championing the Solesmes movement
to revise chant books, Bordes joined a cause that ultimately recognized the infallibility of

papal authority despite the pope's seeming indifferenee to the plight of French Catholics.

He also set himself up against Catholics in areas of the country that continued to hold on

to Gallicanism, inc1uding sorne parishes in the capitalP As a society for sacred music

reform, the Schola Cantorum also operated its mission within a Church that was
fundamentaIly divided in the hierarchical sense: between authoritarian and largely

Tridentine bishops who upheld the religious ideal of contemptus mundi and resented an

increasingly socially-coneemed lower clergy.14 Thus ev en though the Schola was able to

secure the support of several dioeesan bishops, this in no way guaranteed the easy

complianee or enthusiasm of local parish priests.

The Schola Cantorum and the Secular Clergy In France

By the time of its first general assembly on 2 Deeember 1894, the Schola committee had

published the inaugural issue of its mouthpieee, La Tribune de Saint-Gervais and had also
secured the support of sorne 250 subscribers, including the archbishops of Toulouse and

Rennes, and the bishops of Annecy, Pamiers, Mans, Soissons, Viviers, Blois, Versailles,

and Laval. 15 Yet in aIl the time that had elapsed sinee the Schola' s very first meeting on 6

June of the same year, and in aIl the effort to secure the support of two archbishops,

13 Carlo Caballero has pointed out that the Église de la Madeleine (Fauré's chureh) tolerated
liturgie al ineonsistencies sueh as Fauré's Gallicanized Requiem, and this as late as 1893. See his
Fauré and French Musical Aesthetics, 186-91.
14 Ralph Gibson, A Social History of French Catholicism, 57-103. See also Jean-Marie Mayeur and
Madeleine Reberioux, The Third Republic from its Origins ta the Great War, 149-50.
15 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale, 28.
 226

eight bishops and over two hundred other supporters, the Schola committee appears to

have made almost no attempt to ingratiate itself with its own diocese or Cardinal
Richard, the archbishop of Paris. A survey of religious practice taken in 1877, which
Ralph Gibson has found to be remarkably consistent with a similar study that was made
in the 1950s, tells sorne of the story: Paris had far fewer practicing Catholics than a

number of other regions. 16 The bishops of Annecy, Pamiers, and Laval, and the

archbishops of Toulouse and Rennes controlled areas of strong Catholic practice. In Le

Mans, Soissons, Viviers and Blois, there were pockets of fervent Catholics intermingled

with weaker areas. Versailles was the only diocese comparable to Paris in terms of

Catholic ambivalence. These dioceses were also situated in various parts of the country,
from the Southern dioceses of Pamiers, Viviers, and Toulouse, to the Northern dioceses

of Le Mans, Soissons, Blois, Versailles, Laval, and Rennes, by way of the central Eastern

stronghold of the Bishop of Annecy, who reportedly governed his curés with an iron
17
fiSt.

Two documents housed at the Archives Historique de l'Archevêché de Paris

record the Schola Cantorum's earliest relationship with the archdiocese of Paris.

Addressed to Cardinal Richard, the first is a letter dated 30 November 1894 and signed

"Le Comité de la Schola Cantorum." It includes the signatures of Alexandre Guilmant,

L.A. Bourgault-Ducoudray, Prince Edmond de Polignac, G. de Boisjolin, and Charles

Bordes. In this letter the Schola committee requested an audience to discuss the society's

founding. 18 The second document is a report dating from July of 1896 from the Schola

16 The results of the survey are portrayed graphically in Gibson's A Social History of French
Catholicism, 172.
17 Ibid., 61; 100. Here Gibson tells readers that in the 1890s the Bishop of Annecy opposed
increased authority for the lower clergy and was harshly critical of any attempt to break down the
Tridentine model of contemptus mundi.
18 Letter dated 30 November 1894, addressed to the Cardinal of Paris, signed "Le Comité de la
Schola Cantorum" and including the signatures of Alexandre Guilmant (president), L.A.
Bourgault-Ducoudray, Prince Edmond de Polignac, G. de Boisjolin, and Charles Bordes. (The last
two as "secrétaires.") (Archives historique de l'archevêché de Paris). The regulation that issued
from the 1894 deliberations of the Sacred Congregation of Rites is dated 7 July 1894 and begins
"Quod S. Augustinus." It was quickly printed and translated into French in Musica sacra Guly
1894): 101-08.
 227

committee to Cardinal Richard, signed Alexandre Guilmant (president), Vincent d'Indy,

F. de la Tombelle, G. de Boisjolin, and Charles Bordes. 19 Although this report had been
requested during an audience with the cardinal in late 1894, the Schola delayed its

submission until solid results could be shown. The report reveals that the Schola' s
mission was formulated in three meetings (6, 15, and 29 June 1894), and later ratified on
the 22 November 1894.

Aside from confirming facts about the founding of the Schola (such as the dates

of its earliest meetings), alongside the 1877 survey of Catholic practice showing lower

numbers for the capital these documents also tell us something about the Schola's

relationship to Catholic churches in Paris. They reinforce René de Castéra's early daim
that the majority of Parisian churches were hostile to Charles Bordes's revival-reform

effort, even before the Schola was founded, and that it was most firmly backed by

churches and Catholic individuals in the provinces,zo These tensions may be assumed

from the chronology of events: the first letter to Cardinal Richard is dated only two days

prior to the Schola's first general assembly and thus might be considered more of a

notice after the fact-most of the Schola' s support mechanisms had already been set in
place by the time the letter was written. More curious still, Vincent d'Indy's signature

does not appear on the letter of 1894. Of course, this could easily be an oversight

(perhaps he was not physically present at the time of signing) and further investigation

19 Report dated July 1896 from the Comité de la Schola to the Cardinal Richard of Paris, signed
Alexandre Guilmant (president), Vincent d'Indy, F. de la Tombelle, G. de Boisjolin, and Charles
Bordes (Archives historique de l'archevêché de Paris).
20 Secondary literature on the founding of the Schola includes de Castéra's Dix années d'action
musicale, 25-28; 36-38. See also Léon Vallas, Vincent d'Indy 28-29; 36-37, and Andrew Thomson,
Vincent d'Indy and his World, 82-83; 86. On the hostility born towards the Schola by Parisian
churches, see René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale, 25. "Pour y atteindre, il fallait réveiller
les maîtrises de leur torpeur, donner une direction aux bonnes volontés latentes dans les
séminaires, faire surgir des initiatives chez des amateurs ou des professionnels ... de la sorte
devaient se réaliser peu à peu les réformes que Ch. Bordes jugeait comme absolument
impossibles à imposer à Paris où toutes les maîtrises, à de rares exceptioinis près, étaient hostiles.
Dans ce but, Ch. Bordes conçut la création d'une société pour réunir en un faisceau toutes ces
bonnes vololontés et d'un journal qui servirait de trait-d'union entre ses membres et irait porter
au loin la bonne parole. Losrsque le projet fut bien arrêté dans son esprit, Ch. Bordes jugea qu'il
ne l?ouva~; entreprendre de le réaliser seul; la province est souvent méfiante de ce qui lui vient de
Pans ....
 228

is certainly warranted to confirm whether or not his signature appears on letters to the
provincial bishops and archbishops.

By the time the Schola had founded its first school at rue Stanislas in 1896, its
relationship with the archdiocese of Paris appears to have improved, as Cardinal
Richard gave the institution 1,000 francs in its inaugural year,zl Still, later sources attest
to points of contention between the secular clergy, the archdiocese of Paris, and the

Schola Cantorum. One stemmed from the vagaries of errant students lodging at the
Schola's student residence or maison de famille, a facility that grew from a need to lodge
students from the provinces. During the Schola's first year as an education al institution
in 1896, there were only two young priests from Rodez to hou se, and they were
accommodated at a local mission of the regular clergy or patronage. 22 In 1898, it was
necessary to create a small dormitory in the school itself at rue Stanislas, and by the

following year, the maison de famille had further expanded into the Notre-Dame-de-
Nazareth mission (immediately adjacent the Schola on rue Stanislas). By 1899, the

maison de famille provided lodging for ten children who attended the Schola on bursaries,
as weIl as a handful of clerics, and a larger number of young adult musicians. Writing
only three years later, de Castéra claimed that of the sixty-five students registered during
the 1899-1900 academic year, sorne forty-five were internats or boarding students who

did not live in the immediate area,z3 While his numbers are contradicted in other

sources, his account suggests that the residence was essential to the Schola' s operations.24

De Castéra also tells readers that there were problems with the maison:

21 A list of the original donations for the Schola's École de musique liturgique is found in René de
Castéra's, Dix années d'action musicale relgieuse, 38.
22 In a letter to Solesmes dated 3 September 1895, Bordes mentions only that students will be
housed with monks on the rue Saint-Antoine and rue de la Turenne, who run residences or
pensions de famille. This letter appears in transcription in Bernard MoHa, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3,
192-93.
23 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 44.
24 In a letter of 15 February 1900 to Jean Marnold, Charles Bordes classifies the École de chant
liturgique et de musique religieuse as externat, and indicates that it is very prosperous. "Le seul cours
de d'Indy compte plus de 40 élèves. Le rapport de l'école sera cette année d'environ 7 à 8,000 frs."
This leUer is preserved at the Bibliothèque nationale de musique, Département de musique (La.,
Charles Bordes, #2), and appears in transcription in Bernard MoHa, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 12-
 229

The house rules were very strictly formulated, in order to provide every possible
assurance to bishops and family members. It wouid be fair to say that enforcing
the rules was extremely difficult, because the residents were so very diverse in
nature. . . . The Abbé Soulié, licencé es lettres and former teacher at Collège
Stanislas in Nimes, was appointed supervisor for the residence and placed in
charge of discipline. He had a hard time of it ... ,25

Two unpublished letters shed greater light on the problems at the maison de
famille. In a Ietter to Cardinal Richard dated 22 October 1899, J. Guibert reveals that even
the first two students created problems:

Student musicians have occupations that differ sharply from our studies; we
would have had to make serious breaches in our rules in order to receive them.
In any case, their ideas, being always turned towards music would have had a
visible effect on our students.26

More specifie information is contained in a letter written the day before Guibert' s, signed
by Charles Bordes "pour le comité de la Schola," but very possibly in d'Indy's hand. 27
Here the writer clearly acknowledges a scandaI involving the maison de famille. He tells
the cardinal that

the influence of the deacons [abbés], rather than being beneficial for our young
people, as we had hoped, was detrimental. l am obliged to inform you that our
ecclesiastical residents persuaded others to rebel against Monsieur Bordes,
director, and against Abbé Soulié, the children's monitor. AIl those who adopted
their ideas were enveloped within the fold and befriended. Last year we had
occasion to deplore certain regrettable circumstances that the clerics, Abbé Faure-
Muret and Abbé Moreau among others, carefully hid from us because their
friends were guilty of these acts. They also attempted to discredit our work in

15. Note that Molla has erroneously indicated the revenues from d'Indy's composition class at 7-
800 instead of 7-8,000 francs.
25 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 43."Le règlement de la maison de famille
fut établi assez sévèrement, de façon à donner toutes les garanties aux évêques et aux familles. Il
est juste de dire que l'application en fut très difficile, tant étaient divers les éléments qui en
constituaient les habituées .... M. l'abbé Sou lié, licencié ès lettres, ancien professeur au collège
Stanislas de Nîmes, fut nommé supérieur de la maison de famille et chargé de la discipline. Il eut
fort à faire ... ."
26 Letter to the Cardinal of Paris, dated 22 October 1899, signed J. Guibert of the Institut
Catholique de Paris (Archives historique de l'archevêché de Paris).
27 As many researchers may attest, Charles Bordes's handwritting is distinct among composers of
his circle for its almost complete illegibility. This letter appears in the extremely tidy cursive style
that characterizes d'Indy's hand. The fact that Bordes signed the letter is significant, yet the fact
that he referred to himself in the third pers on in the body of the letter is also telling (see the quote
in the main text).
 230

the provinces by spreading rumours that the Schola was in ruins, that the school
would close, etc. 2B

The Schola's letter reveals a severe internaI crisis, catalyzed by two ordained individuals.
One, the Abbé Faure-Muret, was in charge of the children's choir or maîtrise. And the
damage, it seems, was irreparable. As Bordes reported to the journalist Jean Marnold
four months later, the donation that funded the maîtrise (6,000 francs annually) had been

withdrawn, and closure of the maison de famille loomed imminent. 29 The Schola' s
problems with the secular clergy were no longer confined to the archdiocese of Paris: il1

will towards the institution had been stirred up in the provinces, and by sorne of the

Schola's own staff. At the height of its internaI problems, the Schola Cantorum had only

just begun its second academic year as an official part of the Institut Catholique de Paris.

It is perhaps because of its formaI connection to this much larger institution that the

Schola was obliged to answer to the archdiocese over the question of its maison de famille

and rumours propagated outside Paris.

The Schola and the Secular Clergy after 1900

As the new century began, Bordes and d'Indy began to formulate plans for a new, tri-

partite Schola, with separate programs for children and would-be church music directors
or maîtres de chapelles (Schola primaire and Schola secondaire), as well as a distinct Schola

supérieure that would be "purely artistic" in nature. Only the Schola supérieure would be

2B Letter ta the Cardinal Richard of Paris, dated 21 October 1899, signed "Pour la comité de la
Schola, Charles Bordes" [possibly d'Indy's hand] (Archives historique de l'archevêché de Paris).
"Il faut bien le dire, ces pensionnaires ecclésiastiques avaient soufflé contre M. Bordes, directeur,
et contre M. l'abbé Soulié, supérieur des enfants, l'esprit de révolte et tous ceux qui adoptaient
leurs idées étaient aussitôt reçus parmi eux et devenaient leurs ami. Nous avons eu l'année
dernière à déplorer certains faits regrettables que les abbés, entr' autres M. l'abbé Faure-Muret et
M. l'abbé Moreau nous cachaient soigneusement parce que ces faits étaient imputables à leurs
amis. Ils cherchaient aussi à faire du tort à l'oeuvre en province en répandant le bruit qu'elle était
ruinée, que l'école allait fermer, etc."
29 Letter from Charles Bordes ta Jean Marnold, dated 15 February 1900, signed Charles Bordes
(Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la musique, La Charles Bordes, #2).
Transcribed in Bernard MoHa, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 12-15. The anonymous benefactor is
revealed as Mme Ydaroff de Yturba in Bordes's letter ta Solesmes dated 16 May 1899, also
reproduced in MoHa, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 261-62.
 231

located in Paris, for Bordes described himself as "very decentralization in essence" with
a firm commitment to the provinces. He informed Marnold that the majority of support

for the Schola came from the provinces, and that a part of his work must be

accomplished for the regions outside the capital.30 Recalling the greater numbers of
practicing Catholics in the provinces than in the Paris basin, Bordes and d'Indy might

have assumed greater support for church music at the regionalleve1. 31 First, there may

have been far more Einancial and moral support for a religious music school for children
in the more Catholic-friendly city of Avignon (which was where Bordes proposed it

should be, and where he had secured the support of the archbishop), than in the barely

practicing capital. Second, at the time, the école de musique liturgique (not the publishing
segment, the children' s choir, the choir school, the maison de famille and other sectors)

was one of the Schola's most economieaIly viable activities. In his letter to Marnold,

Bordes further revealed that d'Indy's class had an enrolment of over fort y students (thus

more than half of the total student population), and that the total income after expenses

would be between seven and eight thousand francs for the academic year. To aIl

appearances, the Schola supérieure, as a purely artistie venture, had much more chance of

flourishing in Paris than its other sectors of activity, which were more firmly dependent

on the church. Indeed it was the only one of the three schools to be realized, though

someone closely associated with the Schola (Mme Jumel) led a children's choir that

specialized in Gregorian chant and sacred Renaissance polyphony for at least a decade

after 1900.

Given this context, it seems rather ironie that the Schola supérieure of 1900-the

one inaugurated with d'Indy's famous speech-should be so heavily branded as

"Catholic," as 1 noted in my review of literature. If anything, this partieular part of the

30 Letter from Charles Bordes to Jean Marnold, dated 15 February 1900, signed Charles Bordes
(Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la musique, La Charles Bordes, #2).
Transcribed in Bernard MoHa, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 12-15. "Je suis par essence très
décentralisation et crois en la province. C'est elle en grande partie qui a soutenu la Schola, c'est à
elle qu'en partie aussi doivent aller nos efforts."
31 Ralph Gibson has reproduced maps summarizing surveys of practicing Catholics from 1877 in
his A Social History of French Catholicism.
 232

Schola became more secular compared to the école de musique liturgique. 32 At rue Saint-
Jacques, the former chapel was completely and utterly mutilated in a renovation that
transformed the religious place of worship into a small but worldly concert hall. Space
was set aside for Catholic services, but the church appears to have been dissatisfied with
it. In a letter to Cardinal Richard dated 29 November 1900, Charles Bordes requested an

audience and assured the Cardinal that nothing "irrespectful" would occur in the
chapel. 33 The contents of this letter also reveal that the Schola had made an earlier
request to celebrate mass at the new building, and that this had been denied. As in its

previous dealings with the archdiocese over the founding of the original Schola in 1894,
the Schola committee of 1900 appears little concerned with garnering the Pari sian
cardinal' s approval in advance. At least Charles Bordes' s maxim appears to have been
/1 act first, ask later."

Once established at rue Saint-Jacques, part of the Schola's attitude towards the
secular clergy may have been the result of the Law on Associations, enacted only in 1901,
but clearly in the political cards after the explosion of the Dreyfus Affair in 1898 and the

election of Waldeck-Rousseau in 1899. The Law on Associations prohibited the existence

of any association (Le., learned societies and cultural groups) that had leaders who were

not French citizens-so much for a church bound to the infallibility of a pope who was

firmly ensconced in Rome. Thus even if the Schola had wished for a stronger formaI
relationship with the church, such ties became completely impossible after 1901. In the
years leading up to the official separation of church and state in 1905, churches and

monasteries across France were stripped of properties and funds. Not only was there no
financial advantage to be gained from a close relationship to the Catholic church, an

official administrative tie would have meant potential confiscation of property and

32 Sorne of the difference between the Schola of the 1890s and the Schola of the 1900s rnay be
established through a cornparison of speeches given to open the school year. For a detailed
survey of Guilrnant's speeches of the 1890s as cornpared to d'Indy's inaugural addresses of 1900
and 1901, see Chapter 3.
33 Letter to Cardinal Richard of Paris, dated 29 Novernber 1900, signed Charles Bordes (Archives
historique de l'archevêché de Paris).
 233

dissolution of the Schola. After 1900 the Schola's greatest tie to French Catholicism was

arguably through its work in teaching young women of this religious persuasion. For
with the admission of women to the Schola, the institution began to turn its attention to
the very same group of fervent supporters that crumbling Catholic churches all over the
nation had begun to look to for support. The same Catholic women who assumed an
ever-increasing role in the church at the turn of the century also swelled the ranks of the
Schola' s Gregorian chant classes.34

In the years between 1900 and 1904, the Schola's relationship to individual

Pari si an parishes and the archdiocese in general became increasingly distant. Byearly
June of 1902, Bordes had been forced to resign from the Église Saint-Gervais and
Alexandre Guilmant had been fired outright from the Trinité. Guilmant' s dismissal
from the Trinité over his financial conflict of interest with the Cavaillé-Coll organ
company has been discussed in detail by Kurt Leuders.35 The main point of contention in
what Leuders refers to as "l'affaire Trinité" was that Guilmant engaged the Cavaillé-Coll

company to provide maintenance for the organ at the Trinité even though this

company's fees were much higher than those of the Merklin manufacturer. The reasons
for Bordes's resignation also revolved around money.36 When the longstanding curate of

Saint-Gervais, the Abbé de Bussy, left for Notre-Dame in the spring of 1902, his
replacement, the Abbé Mailles, reduced Bordes' salary from 1500 to 900 francs. But the
real financialloss came from the Abbé Mailles's demand that the Chanteurs give a

number of free performances each year. Accounting records for Saint-Gervais suggest
that Bordes's salary reduction may have been necessary. Following his resignation,
salaries for aU musicians and singers (including children) were severely reduced, by over

fort y percent. The sum total of gratifications or supplementary payments plunged from

34 A photo of the Schola's 1900 Gregorian chant class shows a class composed of six young boys,
twelve women, and one girl. Reproduced in Vincent d'Indy, La Schola Cantorum en 1925, 128-29.
35 Kurt Leuders, "Alexandre Guilmant," 259-68.
36 Bernard Molla has argued that Bordes's firing from Saint-Gervais was in no way economically
motivated. In Molla's opinion, Bordes was fired for championing chant over operatically-
flavoured religious music. See his "Charles Bordes" vol. l, 56-7.
 234

over 1500 francs paid out between January and April, before Bordes' s resignation, to
only a few hundred for the remaining eight months of the year after he left.37 These very
strict measures of economy should perhaps be considered an unavoidable necessity,
particularly given the political context of the time.
Reaction to Bordes' s resignation was swift and indignant. Press commentators
raised important issues that underscored Bordes' s relationship to the clergy and sacred
music reform. They also propagated a conspiracy theory: Bordes' s wage cuts had been
unnecessary, introduced only to force him to resign. Published as a book in the wake of

Bordes's resignation, de Castéra's history of the Schola provided readers with

reproductions of articles from over twenty periodicals, many published within days of
the event.38 A fair degree of homogeneity in the corpus of articles suggests that Bordes
and Romain Rolland (secretary for the Chanteurs and baritone in the choir) may have
provided many of the critics with material, a fact acknowledged by those writing for Le

XX e Siècle and Le Petit Bleu de Paris. Many exclude a theory that Bordes's use of women
singers for church services brought about the pressure to resign: at the time, the

archdiocese permitted the use of female voices during the Mois de Marie (May), and had
not imposed restrictions on Bordes in this respect since 1893. It is also worth noting that
when Bordes resumed his activities at the Église de la Sorbonne, he continued to use
female singers. A report to the archdiocese reveals that church administrators condoned

the participation of these women because they were neither paid for their services nor

acknowledged on concert programmes. 39

More than half of commentators drew their readership's attention to Guilmant's
dismissaI six months earlier, as well as the imposition of repertorial restrictions on the

Abbé Cherrion and Gabriel Fauré at the Église de la Madeleine. Most significantly, nine

37 Accounting information taken from the 1902 Livre de détail 1902 for the Église Saint-Gervais
(Archives historique de l'archevêché de Paris). This source indicates a 4-6% salary increase for
~riests, but these were still paid by the French state.
S René de Castéra, Appendix to Dix années d'action musicale religieuse, 10-28.
39 Letter to Monsignor Herscher from the Abbé Paquier, administrator for the Église de la
Sorbonne dated 13 September 1903. (Archives historique de l'archevêché de Paris, Dossier 5Jl / 1.)
 235

writers accused the clergy of poor taste, for the curates of the Trinité, the Madeleine, and
Saint-Gervais had aIl switched to more emotive, operatic styles of music. Fauré was not
to programme anything earlier than Gounod's Messe de Sainte-Cécile, and at Saint-
Gervais, the Abbé Mailles marked Bordes' s departure with performances of the violin
version of Massenet' s Méditation de Thaïs, a brass arrangement of excerpts from Fra
Diavolo, and the proscription of almost aIl Gregorian chant.
Pierre Lalo (Le Temps), Jean Carrère (Le Soleil), and Jean Ryno (La Presse) equated

the musical predilections of the clergy at the Trinité, the Madeleine, and Saint-Gervais

with "Saint-Sulpice" art. This is a style of sacred art described by Ralph Gibson as
inexpensive, mass-produced statuary that allowed religious figures to be represented
with a sort of expressionless anonymity, generaIly rendered in gaudy colours.4o Gibson

associates Saint-Sulpice art with a late nineteenth-century form of Ultramontane pi ety, in

which the theologicai apprehension of God as a vengeful deity is transformed into to a

vision of God as a loving spirit. He also characterizes this shift in theological outlook as

symptomatic of the feminization of the church.41 Thus aside from economic

considerations, there may aiso have been a distancing between musical aesthetic and
theological vision at these three churches if we understand operatic religious contra facta
as emblematic of the new Ultramontane piety, or feminized "Saint-Sulpice" music. It

wouid be easy to ascribe these sudden shifts in artistic practice at three major Paris

churches within a short space of time to an effort to build bridges between the Roman

Catholic Church and the anti-c1erical government that had been elected with Waideck-

Rousseau in 1899 (re-elected in the spring of 1902). Switching to music that had an
undeniable relationship to the Republic (opera was, after aIl, the state's most highly

supported form of music) placed distance between the French Catholic church and the
kinds of music that had deep historicai roots in Roman churches. But it is aiso important
to bear in mind that Waideck-Rousseau's main target was the regular c1ergy (e.g., monks

40 Ralph Gibson, A Social History of French Catholicism, 154-55.

41 Ibid., 265-67.
 236

such as the Benedictines of Solesmes) and the teaching congréganistes-not the secular
clergy (e.g., priests who served the secular population). It was Waldeck-Rousseau's
resignation in favour of Émile Combes that brought about the severe imposition of the
Law on Associations and the persecution of the secular clergy.42

For the moment, this question of the French Catholic church' s desire to distance
itself from Rome in musical matters is one that can only be raised, but not fully
answered. One thing is certain: Bordes and Guilmant were associated with teaching at a

private music school that had close ties to the regular clergy in the form of the monks of

Solesmes, and were just as strongly identified with the Vatican's music. The Schola's
longstanding relationship with Solesmes may have also caused the institution to appear
as the musical analogue of Jesuit secondary schools. By maintaining a clear association

with Bordes and Guilmant-by giving them a venue where they could give public
performances-the churches of Saint-Gervais and the Trinité might have been viewed as

supporting individuals engaged in a kind of educational activity that was rapidly

becoming outlawed in France. The secular church may also have wished to distance

itself from an institution that may have appeared overly involved with the regular

clergy, or, as a facilitator for two-tiered education that threatened the creation of a

menacing deux jeunesses-Waldeck-Rousseau's bête noir in 1899 and 1902. As Gibson and
Compagnon have pointed out, Catholic education was often considered an advantage
for entry into the upper ranks of the military and sorne of the best civil service jobs.

Those who dispensed this kind of education (mainly the regular clergy) were negatively

viewed because they contributed to the creation of two classes of youth or deux jeunesses:

those who would have access to good careers and those who would not. 43

42Jean-Marie Mayeur and Madeleine Reberioux, The Third Republic, 227-28.

43Ralph Gibson discusses the problem of deux jeunesses in A Social History of French Catholicism,
130. Antoine Compagnon has discussed reforms to secondary school education (the kind required
for entry into the civil service and other professional careers) that began in 1902 and points out
that schools run by congreganistes were still a healthy rival to state schools at the time and forced
the separation of church and state in 1905. See his La Troisième république, 39.
 237

The firing of Bordes and Guilmant provided these musidans, and by extension

the Schola, with one very important fringe benefit:: a barrage of free publidty. Articles
that flooded the press in June of 1902 reminded readers of the Chanteurs de Saint-
Gervais's history and accomplishments, included announcements of impending
concerts, and stirred up motivation to support the new finandal arm of the Schola that

launch a fundraising campaign only a month later. This private funding scheme was set

up by the Prince d'Arenberg, and effectively created a body of wealthy subscribers for
the Schola' s concerts. The articles sent a strong message to Catholic music lovers who
might wish to attend concerts funded by this scheme: Bordes' sand Guilmant' s tastes
were perhaps more refined, sober, and restrained than the majority of individuals
assodated with Catholic churches. By extension, the Schola might be seen to reflect this

exclusive sense of musical taste that was of a different br and of Wtramontanism than the

newer trends likened to feminized Saint-Sulpice art.

A tremendous drop in documented performances of Renaissance works at the

Schola after 1900 (see Chapter 1, Figure 3) and the almost complete lack of documented
performances at Saint-Gervais for the same period may mean that Bordes' s resignation
was long overdue. Though further research may reveal more performances for the two-

year period prior to Bordes's departure from Saint-Gervais, documentation currently

survives for only two: Pentecost Sunday in 1900 (palestrina's Missa Ascendo ad Patrem)

and Pentecost Monday in 1901 (Soriano's Missa Nos autem gloriari). It is not likely that
Bordes organized only two events at Saint-Gervais after 1900, but it is entirely probable

that any others went unnoticed by the same periodicals that had granted him more
regular coverage in the 1890s. Because the data presented in Chapter 1 of this

dissertation reflects only concerts and performances given in Paris, it is not possible to

ascertain with any rigour whether or not Bordes stepped up his performances of sacred

music in the provinces after 1900 to compensate. His letters to Paul Poujaud from this
 238

period do indicate a flurry of activity, but we have no firm numbers to work from. 44

Bordes's resignation in 1902 appears as much a strategie retreat from a venue that no

longer attracted attention as a violent break resulting from a clash of taste with the

clergy. Whatever music reflected Bordes's superior, anti-Saint-Sulpiee aesthetic between

1900 and 1902 currently remains an open question, though his ability to go out with a

bang is clearly in evidence.

If Pari si ans knew of Bordes's work at the time of his resignation it was through

his activities in the secular world, and particularly at the small hall of the Schola

Cantorum. When Bordes left Saint-Gervais, the dominant type of early music event at

the Schola was already well established as the alI-Bach or Bach cantata concert. Between

the founding of the new Schola in November of 1900 and the circumspection of Bordes's

activities with the institution at the end of 1903, there was also a sharp increase in the

number of performances of instrumental concerti. This was most certainly not the sort

of mu sie that could be performed in the church, and it was also associated with displays

of virtuosity that ran counter to the Schola's mission. Yet of the 61 concerti

performances between 1894 and 1914, half were given between November 1900 and

December 1903. AlI were by Bach with four exceptions.45 The new musical religion at

the Schola clearly had little to do with the one practiced at Saint-Gervais, for it revolved

around a German, Protestant composer. Bach's cantatas could and were described as

universally Christian, but like his orchestral musie, these works could not be performed

in a French Catholic liturgical context.46 The Schola concerts were not to extend Bordes's

44 See Bordes's letters to Paul Poujaud (Les Faugs/ Christoph d'Indy).

45 There were two Handel organ concertos were given in May and June of 1901, a Handel oboe
concerto was given a year later (December 1902), and a Rameau dance suite titled as a concerto
Ziven a further fourteen months after that (February 1903).
6 In her history of the nineteenth-century French early music revival, Katharine Ellis writes that
Catholic appropriation of Bach dated back to performances and teaching of his organ works at
the Langres Cathedral and the École Niedermeyer. She comments that the lack of chorales and
recitatives in the B Minor Mass aIlowed for even smoother appropriation by the Franckiste cri tic
Camille Benoît, as weIl as William Cart. See her Interpreting the Musical Past, 236.
 239

Palestrinian mission at Saint-Gervais. The break with the Catholic church could not
have been made more obvious.

By June of 1902, an already tenuous relationship between the secular clergy in

Paris and the Schola Cantorum appears to have been virtually dissolved. Only a careful
study of archives in individual archdioceses will reveal the state of its relationships in

regional strongholds such as Avignon and Bayonne. A slow down in the Schola' s

participation in regional festivals and congresses in France after 1900 is telling, and by
the time Bordes resigned from Saint-Gervais he had already looked beyond the French
border to advance his crusade, with a major sacred music festival in the Flemish Belgian
town of Bruges.

The Schola Cantorum and the Monks of Solesmes

As we saw in Chapter 3, the Schola's relationship to the monks of Solesmes was partly

obscured in its mission statement after the first article was purged of reference to the
Benedictine monks. Still the Schola' s ties to Solesmes may have been just as clear to
readers of 1894 and early 1895. One chant scholar with early connections to the Schola,

Amédée Gastoué, declared in 1925 that, "using the name Schola Cantorum in 1895 to

designate a religious music society was like raising a flag, implying an energetic will to

cultivate and defend 'plainchant,' and 'Gregorian' chant./47 The question here is which

plainchant? Solesmes's, Cambrai's and Reims's, or even Pustet's?

The immediate risk of controversy attached to the first article of the Schola' s

mission was appreciable when the Schola first published it. At roughly the same time as
the early meetings of the Schola in June of 1894, the Sacred Congregation of Rites was

considering a motion to recommend editions of chant prepared by the monks of

47Amédée Gastoué, "La 'Schola Cantorum' et le chant grégorien" in La Schola Cantorum en 1925,
26. "Relever le nom de Schola Cantorum, en 1895, pour désigner une société de musique religieuse,
était donc déployer un drapeau, impliquant l'énergique volonté de se consacrer à la culture et à la
défense du 'plain-chant,' du chant 'grégorien. "'
 240

Solesmes for widespread use within the Roman Catholic Church. But the odds in favour

were slim, because a major force behind the Solesmes movement, Father Angelo de
Santi, had been exiled from Rome six months earlier.48 The editions and performance
practices developed by Solesmes were ultimately ignored in the new sacred music

regulation issued by the Sacred Congregation of Rites, which was endorsed by the pope

and signed on 7 July 1894, one month after the Schola's first meeting. Despite its silence

with respect to Solesmes, the regulation gave French bishops the freedom to choose

editions of chant for use within their particular dioceses, and it recommended the music

of Palestrina as ideal sacred polyphony.49 Bordes was able to take advantage of this new

regulation because he had already developed a reputation for performances of

Palestrina' s music, and could make the chant issue work in his favour by amen ding the

wording of the first article of the Schola' s mission statement. It later appeared in the

inaugural issue of La Tribune de Saint-Gervais as, "the retum to the Gregorian tradition for

chant performance, and its application in the various diocesan editions."so

The Benedictine monks of Solesmes had raised considerable controversy in

France through their efforts to "restore" plainchant. Republicans may have applauded

Solesmes for its efforts to overtum the German edition of chant published by Pustet of

Ratisbon in the 1880s-an edition that was forced on the French after the First Vatican

Council and the dissolving of Gallican Catholicism. Indeed, we know that the ministère

de l'instruction public subscribed for fi ft Y copies of Paléographie musicale (a collection of

chant manuscript facsimiles). But the work of Solesmes was clearly Ultramontane in

nature: while they stood to oust a foreign reading of chant, these monks also called into

question various plainchant editions that had been produced in France (in Reims and

48 Dom Pierre Combe, a.S.B. The Restoration of Gregorian Chant, 159-61.

49 The regulation that issued from the 1894 deliberations of the Sacred Congregation of Rites is
dated 7 July 1894 and begins "Quod S. Augustinus." It was quickly printed and translated into
French in Musica sacra (July 1894): 101-08.
50 René de Castéra, Dix années d'action musical religieuse, p. 27. "Le retour à la tradition grégorienne
pour l'exécution du plain-chant, et son application aux diverses éditions diocésaines."
 241

Cambrai for instance).51 Moreover, the monks of Solesmes wanted the Vatican to impose

their versions of plainchant on every Catholic parish in the nation. True supporters of

French decentralization in the 1890s may have viewed the Solesmes project to " restore"

or "unify" chant repertoires as tantamount to colonizing the nation from within,

eradicating not only Pustet's foreign or German reading of plainchant, but also a wealth

of regional French repertoires and performance traditions.52

This potential for controversy through association was another reason for the

distancing of the Schola from Solesmes in the formulation of its mission. But if the re-

wording of the first article of the Schola's mission cast any doubt on the relationship

between the institution and Solesmes in public, private letters between Bordes and

Solesmes reveal onl y the closest of collaborati ve efforts. Bordes' s first contact wi th the

abbey dated from 1880, when the young composer was still in his teens,53 and it is

largely through Bordes' provincial tours de propagande between 1895 and 1899 that the

relationship between Solesmes and the Schola was maintained. Even though Bordes

admitted to the Solesmes monk André Mocquereau (the major force behind Paléographie

musicale) that the Schola had worked hard to hide its relationship to Solesmes, he also
revealed, very early on, that he had an agenda to "conquer" at least one Southern

diocese and "take churches and priests in the capital by force." 54

51 Dom Pierre Combe a.S.B, The Restoration of Gregorian Chant, 5.

52 Katherine Bergeron has discussed the monks' process of "normalizing" the chant repertoire in
her dissertation, "Representation, Reproduction, and the Revival of Gregorian Chant at
Solesmes," 18-22.
53 In a letter to Jules Chappée dated 5 July 1880, Charles Bordes describes a tour of various
historicallandmarks and mentions his plan to visit Solesmes with his mother the following day.
This letter is preserved at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de musique (La
Charles Bordes, #11) and is also transcribed in Molla, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 28-9.
54 See Bordes's letter to Solesmes dated 4 September 1894, "Je ne comprends pas que Monsieur de
Boisjolin ne vous ait pas encore envoyé notre numéro specimen de la Schola. Je le fais aussitôt.
Vous y verrez que nous ménageons la chèvre et le chou d'une manière honteuse pour mieux
cacher notre jeu. Nous le cachons si bien qu'un M. Lefèvre que je ne connais pas m'écrit une lettre
palestrinienne Pustephile et Solesmiphobe qui m'a fort diverti .... À Bayonne j'ai assisté à la
messe dimanche. Maîtrise toute désorganisée mais par cela même plus 'à prendre' .... je dîne
chez un chanoine la semaine prochaine, il me présentera Monseigneur j'espère et me leurre de
l'espoir de conquérir toute la place. "See also Bordes's letter to Solesmes dated 3 September 1895,
"Mon projet est d'arriver à prendre de force les églises et les curés de la capitale d'arriver à avoir
un chœur grégorien au moins aussi bon sinon meilleur que mes chanteurs palestriniens et
 242

Bordes considered his relationship to Solesmes an exclusive partnership on both

sides: when the monks undertook projects with a third party, he insisted they not make
the connection official: "As for Michelot, he may mean to play us, as he is capable. l

would also appreciate it if you would not appear officially in any of his activities. l am

more than happy to celebrate his conversion, but you are ours, very mu ch ours.,,55

Indeed, the Schola's authority depended to sorne extent on its close relationship to

Solesmes. When the diocese of Bayonne agreed to support the Schola, it was with the
understanding that Solesmes would be integral to its work. 56

Sensitivity to the existence of regional differences in matters of chant stood

Bordes in good stead-at least most of the time. He regularly reported on the degree of

receptivity he encountered in each area of the country, and appears to have made

advance trips to several areas to insure the favourable reception of his concerts and

chant demonstrations. For instance, he visited the South West area around Mont de

Marsan almost a year before his tour with Francis Planté (a native of the region) in 1897.

The caution that Bordes exercised in formulating the first article of the Schola' s mission

was only the first of several careful moves that often involved concealing the full extent

of his intentions. As l noted in Chapter 3, Bordes secured the Schola' s connection to the

Institut Catholique de Paris largely by emphasizing the "secular" aspect of its work.

Bordes adopted the same tactic in his dealings with the Institut Catholique de Toulouse.

He planned to hide his game, and he had clearly surveyed the lay of the land ahead of

time. He wamed Mocquereau that, "one must maneuver delicately with the

Toulousians; we must not have them against us. One must make use of the situation to

composé que d'enfants et d'hommes." Both of these letters are transcribed in MoHa, "Charles
Bordes" vol. 3, 189-93.
55 See Bordes's letter to Solesmes dated 28 October 1897, transcribed in MoHa, "Charles Bordes"
vol. 3, 237-38. "Quant à Michelot, peut être veut-il nous faire pièce. Il en est capable. Aussi vous
serais-je reconnaissant de ne pas paraître officiellement dans ses manifestations. Je suis le premier
à me réjouir de sa conversion mais vous êtes à nous, bien à nous." (emphasis his)
56 See Bordes's letter to Solesmes dated 30 August 1897, transcribed in MoHa, "Charles Bordes"
vol. 3, 227-28.
 243

impose our ideas. The important thing is that we are the masters of the doctrine, and we
will force them to support US." S7

The Schola's relationship with Solesmes seems to have come to an abrupt end

after June of 1899, for there appears to be a significant interruption in correspondence

between Bordes and the monks.58 The most important circumstance behind this change

in relationship was most certainly the election of Waldeck-Rousseau and the eventual
law on associations of 1901, which saw the monks exiled to the Isle of Wight. But it may

also be that Bordes's campaigning efforts had become all too political. As l pointed out
in Chapter 3, there was a violent demonstration at the sacred music conference in
Avignon in 1899, and d'Indy, Bordes and de Castéra had had to flight their way through
the mob. At a time when the regular c1ergy had everything to lose, it was probably not

in the monks' interest to maintain a close alliance with an increasingly secularized

institution. Bordes's letter to Dom Mocquereau from July of 1902 is particularly

revealing of the depth of the rift that had developed between the two. He writes:

Reverend and Dear Father,

l have learned that you are astonished not to have been invited ta the festivities
in Bruges. Do not think it an error of memory on my part. You have stated so
categorically and so often that Solesmes no longer wishes ta participa te in any
conferences, that l dared not even think of inviting you. l was wrong, and l hasten
to repair the situation by telling you how happy l would be to find you among
us, you and the good Father Delpech l hope ....59

571bid. "Nous allons y avoir une succursale mais ceci entre nous bien entendu car il faut
maoeuvrer délicatement avec les Toulousains. Il ne faut pas les avoir contre nous. Il faut s'en servir
tout en imposant nos idées. L'important c'est que nous soyons les maîtres de la doctrine et les
forcions à nous seconder."
58 In his dissertation, MoHa has included 52 letters between Bordes and the monks of Solesmes,
dated between 1894 and June of 1899. There is only one letter after this period, from 1902. It is
possible that these letters were lost between the monks' temporary residence on the Isle of Wight
and the contemporary archive at the Abbaye Saint-Wandrille. Further investigation is certainly
warranted.
59 Letter from Bordes to Mocquereau on the Isles of Wight dated 31 July 1902, transcribed in
Molla, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 254. "Révérend et cher Père, J'apprends que vous vous êtes étonné
de ne pas avoir été invité aux fêtes de Bruges. Ne croyes pas qu'il y ait eu oublie de ma part. Vous
m'avez si catégoriquement dit souvent que Solesmes ne voulait plus participer à aucun congrès que je
n'avais même pas songé à vous y inviter. J'ai eu tort et je m'empresse de réparer en vous disant
combien je serais heureux de vous voir parmi nous, nous et le bon Père Delpech j'espère .... "
 244

Creating New Traditions in Liturgical Music

The Schola's close ties to the monks of Solesmes during the 1890s necessitated upholding

the order' s mission to correct editions of chant across the country and impose its own
performance practices for the repertoire. Because of his commitment to the monks
between at least 1894 and 1899, Bordes could not easily create new traditions for
performances of polyphony. But as l pointed out in Chapter 1, there is evidence of

canon building, of attempting to instill a musical tradition for polyphonie music at

Catholic services. It is limited to events held between AlI Saints' Day and Easter Sunday

and more particularly by genre. Tradition making is mainly confined to the

canonization of motets and other small sacred works of the Renaissance, and this is true
for almost every celebration.

Performances of the Missa Papae Marcelli for Christmas are an exception to the
rule. This celebrated work was given for Christmas in 1893, possibly as a rehearsal for

its performance during Holy Week of 1894. Bordes later programmed the mass for Holy

Week of 1895, but thereafter shifted its performance to Christmas, beginning in 1896.

Bordes' s relegation of this mass to Christmas may have been the result of pressure from

Solesmes: a letter from Bordes to the abbey dated in another hand as "late 1895"

indicates the monks believed that musique palestrinienne held too great a place in the

Schola's activities.6o As may be observed in Table 1 (see page over), documented

performances of this mass dwindled increasingly to the point where it appears as though
the work was only given in Paris on either Christmas Day or Christmas Eve after 1898.

See Bordes's letter to Solesmes dated late 1895 by another hand, transcribed in Bernard MoHa,
60
"Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 202-03.
 245

Table l-Performances of Palestrina's Missa Papae Marcelli

Year Number of Performances Christmas or Easter?

1893 4 Christmas
1894 3 Christmas and Easter
1895 3 Easter
1896 3 Christmas
1897 2 Christmas
1898 1 Christmas
1899 1 Christmas
1900 0 NIA

There are a number of consistently performed Renaissance motets that Bordes

may have wished to establish as traditional pieces for the liturgy. In Chapter 1, l pointed
to the recurrence of motets su ch as as Vittoria's "Gaudent in coelis" and Gabrieli's
"Angeli archangeli" for AIl Saints' Day-both identified in Carl Proske' s Musica Divina
as works suited for that day in the liturgical calendar. l also drew attention to Nanini's

"Hodie Christus natus est" and Vittoria's "0 Magnum mysterium" as popular works for
Christmas. Here it is important to emphasize that the Christmas motets were more
consistently confined to that particular celebration (see the listing provided in Table 2,

page over). Unlike "Gaudent in coelis," the first documented performances for "Hodie
Christus natus est" and "0 Magnum mysterium" faIl on the particular feast with which

they became synonymous. When they were not given on Christmas Day, these motets
were almost al ways programmed for events (sacred and secular) that were within the

Christmas season (including the feast of Saint-Nicholas, when French Catholics traditionally
exchange gifts).
 246

Table 2-Recurrences of Motets for AlI Saints and Christmas61

Gaudent: 1893 Feast of Saint-Gervais (25 June)

1895 AlI Saints
1895 Saint-Nicholas (6 December)
1895 Christmas Day
1898 Polignac Salon (8 July)
1900 Schola Opening Ceremony (2 November)
No further performances recorded until 1909
Angeli: 1893 Christmas Day
1894 Sacred Heart and Lassus 300th anniversary (3 June)
1896 AlI Saints' Day
1897 AlI Saints' Day
1900 a slide show about Leo XIII (25 January)
No further performances recorded
Hodie Christus: 1892 Christmas Day
1893 Christmas Day
1893 Concerts d'Harcourt (Dec. 27th)
1894 Christmas Day
1895 Christmas Day
1896 Guilmant's Trocadero Recitals (May 17th)
1896 Christmas Eve
1897 Christmas Eve
1898 Lecture-Recital at the Institut (Dec. 8th)
1898 Christmas Day
1899 Concerts Lamoureux (Jan. 1st)
1902 Lecture-Recital "Les Noëls Populaires" (Dec. 24th)
No further performances recorded until1909
o magnum: 1892 Christmas Day
1893 Christmas Day
1894 Christmas Day
1895 Christmas Day
1896 Christmas Eve
1897 Christmas Eve
1898 Lecture Recital at the Institut (8 December)
1898 Christmas Eve
1899 Concerts Lamoureux
1901 Inauguration of the School Year at the Schola (5 November)
1902 Lecture-Recital "Les Noëls Populaires" (24 December)
No further performances recorded untzl1906

Both "Hodie Christus natus est" and "0 magnum mysterium" were

programmed for the Schola's very first lecture-recital as the fine arts division of the

Institut Catholique de Paris, Pierre Aubry's "L'Inspiration religieuse dans la poésie

musicale en France du moyen âge à la révolution" (8 December 1898). This rather

61As 1 pointed out in Chapter 1, programmes for AlI Saints Day often leave the titles of the motets
unspecified. One might deduce that these were Vittoria's "Gaudent in Coelis" and Gabrieli's
"Ange li Archangeli" because Proske identified them as music for AlI Saints. But ev en if they were
not given as frequently as 1 daim, this does not affect my argument that motets for Christmas
were more dearly identified with their particular feast than those for AlI Saints.
 247

curious programme culminated with the final scene from the third act of d'Indy's

Fervaal, which was certainly composed much later than the time frame indicated by the
title of the lecture. By including d'Indy's work, Aubry and the Schola drew a Une
between time honoured Renaissance favourites and the recent work of a French
composer: in the context of this programme, Fervaal was also cast as "religious in kind"
(to borrow d'Indy's formulation from his speech of 1900). A similar instance of

programming occurred four years later, and the intent is a bit more obvious. The

inclusion of "Hodie Christus natus est" and "a magnum mysterium" in Julien Tiersot's

Christmas Eve lecture-recital "Les Noëls populaires français" may have been one way of
telling audiences that even though these works were not strictly "French," they had
become an ingrained part of that nation's traditions.

Within programming tendencies for select motets, it is possible to observe an

attempt to make non-French works appear related to the nation's own music. As an

appropriation of sorts, this process may have been at work in the programming of

polyphonic responsory settings by Vittoria and Palestrina for Holy Week services: the

Vatican' s music could become France' s own. But in the context of sacred music reform

in France, the adoption of the Vittoria and Palestrina responsories had implications that

extended beyond the building of a performance tradition for the nation, because these

polyphonie settings took the place of plainchant. In choosing these works, the Schola
very clearly identified itself as Ultramontane, or as the obedient servant of the Catholic

church in Rome. But Bordes and the Schola were also positioning themselves as
"moderately Ultramontane" in matters of sacred music reform (which l discuss in much
greater detail in the second half of this chapter) exactly because they chose polyphony

over chant, the preferred repertoire of "radical" Ultramontanes. To opt for a polyphonic

repertory of music for its most visible events instead of taking the opportunity to

perform hotly debated versions of chant was, moreover, to fly in the face of the Schola's

mission to uphold and promote the execution of plainchant in the "Gregorian" tradition
 248

of Solesmes. Bordes and the Schola were close to the monks and their mission, but not

entirely enslaved to it either.

D'Indy's Modern School and Pius X's Motu Proprio(s)

There is one important document that underpins much of our current perception of the

Schola as a Catholic institution. This is Pius X's first motu proprio on sacred music (Tra le

sollicitudini, 22 November 1903), which was hailed as the confirmation of the Schola's

work. If in 1903 Pius X had refrained from issuing the motu proprio, and if he had not

followed it up with a second motu proprio specifically devoted to a new, unified edition

of plainchant (Nostra motu proprio, 25 April 1904), it is likely that interpretations of the

Schola as a hotbed for Catholic ideals such as Charles B. Paul's would never have been

formed. 62 If not for the motu proprio (and the second, nostra motu proprio, that closely

followed it), we would most likely view the institution as a private institution founded

on old fashioned, idealistic values and run by mainly Catholic individuals-much like

many private French schools of its time. But the pope really had no choice in terms of

timing. The 1300th anniversary celebrations of the mythical father of plainchant,

Gregory the Great, could hardi y be moved from their scheduled date of Easter 1904, and

the Pustet privilege had alreadyexpired. The Catholic church needed music for the party.

With the regulations that accompanied the motu proprio, the actual document was

far less significant for the Schola than its timing. By January of 1904, the driving force

behind chant revision and the institution's vitallink to Solesmes, Charles Bordes, had

been all but eut off from the école supérieure. He had suffered a stroke in November of

1903 that had paralyzed one arm, and it was subsequently revealed that the Schola was

teetering on the verge of bankruptcy.63 As the école supérieure came under the

62 Charles B. Paul, "Rameau, d'Indy, and French Nationalism," The Musical Quarterly 58/1
Ganuary 1972): 46-56. See pages 52-53 in particular.
63 Andrew Thomson, Vincent d'Indy and His Warld, 123-24. Readers should note that there is at
least one inaccuracy in Thomson's account. Bordes probably did not declare personal bankruptcy
 249

administration of a committee in the winter of 1904, Bordes's activities were confined to

giving concerts in the provinces and editing La Tribune de Saint-Gervais. D'Indy, whose
interests lay squarel y in the composition of new music (secular, but often with sacred
overtones), took an increasing role in the administration of the school. This meant that
Bordes had aIl the power of communication on behalf of an institution over which he no

longer had any real influence.

Although it was widely celebrated in the pages of La Tribune de Saint-Gervais, the

papal motu proprio had only limited meaning for the Parisian Schola, école superieure.

Reading the motu proprio properly requires more background on the movement for
sacred music reform than may be given at this point in my argument. Suffice it to say
that this new regulation goveming music in the church was extremely general in nature:

chant was to remain the supreme model of sacred music, polyphony was reserved for

special occasions or more frequent use at large churches, the theatrical style was

proscribed, instruments other than the organ were not to be used except in processions,

liturgical texts were not to be mutilated, and women were not to sing in church choirs.
These new regulations were more or less reiterations of the rules laid down by the
Sacred Congregation of Rites in 1894, which were later codified by the archdiocese of

Paris in 1897. 64 Drawn up by the Abbé Eugène Chaminade and circulated as a small book

entitled La musique sacrée telle que l'église la veut (discussed in greater detail in Part II of

this chapter), the archdiocese's rules were far more precise than either the new

regulation of 1903, or the one issued by the Sacred Congregation of Rites in 1894. The

archdiocese of Paris gave its instructions using very specific terms, prescribing, for
instance, exact types of rhythm and counterpoint for new sacred music compositions.

The only stylistically specifie instruction issued by the pope was to avoid creating the
equivalent of cavatina-cabaletta settings of the Tantum Ergo.

following his stroke as Thomson maintains, for there is no record of this in the bankruptcy
registers preserved at the Archives départementales de Paris.
64 Eugène Chaminade, La Musique sacrée telle que la veut l'Église (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1897).
 250

Whereas there is never any specifie mention of the Parisian Schola Cantorum in

the first or second motu proprio, the eighth article of the first motu proprio' s new

regulation does recommend the forming of Scholae Cantori, generically, for the

performance of polyphony. It also urges the founding of advanced schools for sacred
music. 65 This vague recommendation hardI y constitutes official endorsement of the

Parisian Schola, and may indeed refer to the Schola Cantorum founded by Dom Lorenzo

Perosi at San Marco (Veniee) in 1894, the work of the Belgian Edgar Tinel (who

published Le Chant Grégorien from 1890), or ev en institutions su ch as the École

Niedermeyer in Paris. Indeed, even though its editions were used for the celebrations of

the 1300th anniversary of Gregory the Great during Holy Week of 1904, the new pope did
not even single out the monks of Solesmes until the second motu proprio of Apri11904. 66

D'Indy and Bordes attended the 1300th anniversary celebrations at the Vatican, and had

an audience with the pope. But it was only Bordes who received a papal brief, issued a few

months later on Il July the same year.

The reason for this is likely because Bordes was more involved with the work of

Solesmes than d'Indy, and the real purpose of the motu proprio was to restore chant to its

central place in the liturgy. In fact, the sole purpose of the second motu proprio was to set

out the rules by whieh the new Vatican edition of chant would be created. The pope had

good reason to want this: anyone in the congregation could learn to sing plainchant, and

there was sorne hope that the faithful would once again take a more active role in

ecclesiastical offices through congregational singing. An increase in the active

participation of the laity could mean increased support from the private sector. For the

Catholic Church in France, this became increasingly important as the government

65 Jean-Yves Hameline asserts that the work of the Schola was mentioned in this document. See
his "Musique d'église en France à l'époque de la fondation et de l'essor de la Schola: Utopie et
réalités" in Vincent d'Indy et son temps, 246.
66 Easter Sunday fell on April3rd in 1904, thus the second motu proprio came almost four weeks
after the celebrations for Gregory the Great.
 251

dissolved parish vestries, confiscated Church properties, and withdrew state funding for
such day-to-day expenses as salaries.

With his performance career compromised by the physical effects of his stroke of
November 1903, Bordes was availed of a considerable amount of free time to put the best

possible spin on the motu proprio, and to completely revamp the format of La Tribune de
Saint-Gervais to include more articles on chant and sacred music. He boldly set the
periodical up as an official arbiter of good taste in sacred music, and restored the

regional reporting section to its former glory. More significantly, Bordes threw himself

into a project to recycle works previously published in the Anthologie des maîtres religieux

primitifs, classifying them according to difficulty and selling them off individually to
subscribers as works chosen with the motu proprio in mind. Since many were chosen at

least ten years before the motu proprio and even before the Sacred Congregation of Rites

in 1894, and sorne were transcriptions of pieces included in Carl Proske's Musica Divina,

this claim can only appear as a bald and daring misrepresentation of the facts.
Moreover, as we saw in Chapters 1 and 2, most of the repertoire that Bordes introduced

in the 1890s had a fleeting life in performance, and many pieces in the Anthologie were

not an obvious part of the Chanteurs' repertoire. Advertisements for these scores
became a regular feature of La Tribune de Saint-Gervais after 1904 (see Figure 3). Bordes's

activities after 1904 must have appeared highly presumptuous to Catholic musicians,

composers, and critics who had taken him to task in the 1890s, as weIl as those who read

the first motu proprio as a far more generalized set of guidelines. To the casual observer,

and especially to those who did not realize that Bordes and the Tribune were no longer
an integral part of the Schola, école supérieure, the message communicated through the

Tribune with its onslaught of advice conceming sacred music must have been either that
the Schola had renewed ties with the regular and secular Catholic clergy, or that it had

become insufferably arrogant, or both.

 252

Figure 3-Advertisement for Schola Sacred Music Scores c. 1904

REpERTOIRE DE MUSIQUE SACREE

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pour. le Oommun des Docteurs.. . .;. , 1 • o 60 F.<il ••
 253

Conclusion

In her seminal work on the early music revival in France, Katharine Ellis
described the Schola Cantorum's efforts as "moderately" Ultramontane. 67 By this she
intends Ultramontane to mean both loyal to Rome and somewhat ambivalent over the
idea of chant as the only music suitable for the liturgy. This is most certainly an

important way of understanding the institution and its relationship to the Catholic
Church. It is justified in part by the Schola's early relationship to Solesmes. Ellis's
qualification of the Schola's Ultramontanism as "moderate" is also insightful. Aside from
the fact that Bordes worked to revive Renaissance polyphony alongside chant, we also
know that he and the Schola sometimes obscured the institution's relationship to
Solesmes in public, for instance, by renouncing the official adoption of Solesmes editions
and methods for the school's classes at the Institut Catholique after 1898, even though
they had previously flaunted the school's ties to Solesmes in articles in the Tribune de
Saint-Gervais and lectures at the very same Institut. 68 Geography also dictated the extent
to which the Schola' s ties to Solesmes were acknowledged in public: Bordes' s work in

chant revision was more fully concentrated in the provinces than it was in Paris. Indeed,
in the months leading up to the founding of the Schola' s first school in 1896, Bordes
suggested that the école de musique liturgique be located near Solesmes (Le., outside Paris)
and later expressed a desire to see a regional Schola established near the abbey.69
Leaving aside Ultramontanism, the Schola's ambivalence towards the secular

clergy in Paris-its carelessness in its early dealings with the archdiocese and near
autonomy from the Institut Catholique-defines the institution's relationship to

Catholicism even further as relative to region. In Paris, the Schola enjoyed increasing

67 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 108.

68 The earliest contribution by a Solesmes monk to the Tribune was published in the second issue
of the journal. See Dom Joseph Pothier's "Étude grégorienne," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais
(February and April 1895).
69 Letters from Charles Bordes to Solesmes dated September 1894 and 17 July 1897 reproduced in
Bernard MoHa, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 195-96; 218-19.
 254

success in the 1890s with a variety of secular projects, such as d'Indy's composition class

and lectures with weak connections to Catholicism at the Institut (e.g., the infamous

lecture-recital involving Jewish and Protestant singers discussed in Chapter 3). This

removed the necessity of building strong bridges between the school, particularly the
école supérieure, and the church in Paris. And this may be one of the sure st reasons why
performances of sacred Renaissance music and religious events in general headed South

(literally) in a hurry after 1898, despite any championing of the repertoire in the Tribune

or, after 1902, in d'Indy's Cours de composition musicale.

 255

Part II

Sacred Music Reform and the Schola's Early Music Revival

Katharine Ellis's work on the early music revival in France has also provided
musicologists with a detailed assessment of the reception of Palestrina in that country
during most of the nineteenth century. Her arguments encapsulate much of the debate
over sacred music that was waged in a series of congres ses and writings from 1830 until

Bordes' s performances of this repertoire in the 1890s. This is because Palestrina was
central to these debates. Held up as a model for sacred polyphony by moderate
Ultramontanes, Palestrinian polyphony was considered an anathema to sacred music in
general by radical Ultramontanes?O My contribution in this chapter to our understanding

of the early music revival and efforts to reform sacred music-which often centered on

Palestrina and chant-is to consider the discourse surrounding the Ultramontane si de of

the debate as an impulse to define sacred music as an essentially different art form unto

itself, ultimately using very specific musical terms. 1 also provide a dose look Bordes's

writings, which, like Ellis, I interpret as a means of reconciling the chant and Palestrinian
polyphonie repertoires. Furthering Ellis's line of thought, 1 show that the element that
bound the two repertoires together in Bordes' s mind was rhythm. An idealistic,

essentialist vision of sacred music bequeathed a legacy of assumptions about musieal

style and its moral implications. This same idealistic vision also entailed the occasional

adoption of positivist argumentative frameworks as a means of pointing to particular

aspects of music that might be considered "essentially" sacred. Together, this idealist

vision and quasi-positivistic approach were later incorporated in d'Indy's Cours de

composition musicale, alongside a substantial number of earlier ideas raised in sacred
musie reform debates and early writings by Charles Bordes.

70 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 180-82.

 256

General Overview of Nineteenth-Century Sacred Music Reform

Criticism of church music in France dates back to the early part of the nineteenth
century. In Europe in general, the secularization of the repertoire performed at services

appeared 50 offensive to Catholic sensibilities that by 1830 the Vatican was obliged to

issue a statement charging the clergy to renew the decrees of the Council of Trent,71

Many "services" had no liturgical content at aIl, especially those held in May for the
month-Iong series of devotions to the Blessed Virgin Mary, referred to in France as the

Mois de Marie. In 1849, the Archbishop of Paris imposed strict rules for performances
during this time, including a prohibition on the contracting of outside performers,
publications, advertisements, and reviews of the events. Nonetheless, individual

parishes seem to have paid very little heed to the Archbishop's enjoinder.72 Seven years

later in 1856, François-Joseph Fétis attacked what he perceived as the "erotic" nature of

these concert-services in an article for the Gazette Musicale de Paris, seconded by Joseph

d'Ortigue in the Journal des Débats, who reported hundreds of published complaints

about these same events. 73

In his article d'Ortigue suggested that because priests of his time were not

required to have any musical education, they were ill-equipped to judge the fitness of

musical repertoire for the church. This comment is not entirely without self-interest on
d'Ortigue's part: at the time he was very closely involved with the École Niedermeyer.

This school for religious music took an active role in training church organists and music

directors, but had no real hand in providing music education for priests and other

clerics. D'Ortigue's insistence that priests acquire knowledge of music might be viewed

71 Bonum est confiteri Domino (14 August 1830), referred to in Musica sacra (25 October 1888): 21.
72 Joseph d'Ortigue, La Musique d'église (Paris: Didier et Cie, 1861),270-72.
73 Fétis's article is referred to in d'Ortigue. D'Ortigues original article was entitled "Le Théâtre à
l'église à l'occasion du mois de Marie."
 257

as a strategy for filling the ranks of his school with students requiring a general, as
opposed to a practical, music education.

Other church bodies and organizations made similar recommendations during

the mid-to-Iate nineteenth century. In 1860, the "Congrès pour la restauration du plain-
chant et de la musique d'église" issued a set of recommendations that included using

chant in a11 sacred offices, masses, and vespers, and teaching it in seminaries. The

congress rejected a common French tradition of singing chant with uniformly equal

rhythmic values. Still, it allowed the continuation of the French preference for chant

accompanied by the organ, as long as the harmonie setting was diatonic and the melody

placed in the upper register. To ensure the maintaining of standards, the congress
suggested placing an inspector in each diocese, even in cloistered communities. FinaIly,

the delegates also recommended establishing a periodical to encourage and support

continued reform. 74 Sylvia L'Écuyer has suggested that d'Ortigue coveted the job as

chant inspector, which would have given him control over editions and performances aIl

over France. 75

Félix Clément's Histoire de la Musique Sacrée (1860)

The year 1860 also saw the publication of Félix Clément' s general history of religious

music, which provided reflection on the specifie nature of sacred music. This text is

important to this chapter because a number of Clément's ideas resurface in d'Indy's

Cours. Clément began by defining sacred music in fairly general terms as serious, slow,
and majestic music rooted in melody, which also constituted the "beautiful" for

Clément.76 His location of beauty in melody emerged in his condemnation of early

74 Joseph d'Ortigue, La Musique d'église, 470-71. This document was signed by Abbé Victor
Pelletier, Canon of the Église d'Orleans and President of the Congress, A. de la Fage (Vice
President), F. Benoist(Vice President), J. d'Ortigue (Vice President), A. Rabutaux (S~cretary), F.
Calla (Treasurer). Sylvia L'Écuyer has discussed this congress in Joseph d'Ortigue: Ecrits sur la
musique 1827-1846 (Paris: Société Française de Musicologie, 2003), 166-69.
75 Sylvia L'Écuyer, Joseph d'Ortigue, 168.

76 Félix Clément, Histoire générale de la musique religieuse (Paris: Librairie Adrien Le Clere et Cie.,
1860), 323. "Jusqu'au XVIIIe siècle la musique religieuse conserva certaines formes graves, lentes
 258

Renaissance composers: "one might say that from the fifteenth century onwards, music

often traded beauty for wealth. Melody disappeared, suffocated beneath opulent

harmonie combinations." For Clément, secular music was a harmonically driven art

form, imbued with rhythms that violated text accentuation-an artistic offense that
worldly music had inherited from the rhythmic patterns of hymns.77 Still, in Clément's
opinion, ideal religious music should have a four-part, "hymn-like," or homorhythmic

texture (and one must assume rhythms that are more reflective of the text). He cited
Domenico Allegri' s Miserere as a model of the genre and praised the music as an

excellent reflection of the text' s sentiment.7S Clément also advised readers against music

by Palestrina (described as elitist, col d, and too monotone for the average listener), and
cast the composer, along with Raphael, as an enemy of piety for espousing the idea of art
for art' s sake?9

Aside from a clear rejection of harmony and rhythmic formula, and

encouragement to write works with a homorhythmic texture, Clément's prescriptions

were fairly general. He meditated to sorne extent on art in general as "tranquility, calm,

peace, order, and regularity" as well as something that would later become very

important to d'Indy, "variation within unity."so Readers also learned that religious

music could be beautiful, but that they "must reach an understanding of beauty and not

exalt a false, profane beauty that results from human passions and that excites them in

turn, but envision a natural and serious beauty that commands admiration and

respect."S1 Finally, Clément plead with his readers to "introduce into churches only that

music which, through its serious, sustained and solemn nature, without emphasis or

et majestueuses qui en maintenaient le caractère, en faisaient un genre special et la distinguaient

de la musique dramatique." .
77 Ibid., 324-26.
78 Ibid., 327-29; 339.
79 Ibid., 329-30.
80 Ibid., 330-31. "La tranquilité, le calme, la paix, l'ordre, la régularité, la variété dans l'unité,
telles sont les conditions des formes hiératiques de l'art."
81 Ibid., 386. "Mais il faut s'entendre sur le beau, ne pas exalter une beauté factice et profane qui
est le résultat des passions humaines et qui les excite à son tour, mais avoir en vue une beauté
naturelle, grave, qui commande l'admiration et le respect."
 259

noise, sweet without being soft, will provide a respectful setting for sacred texts and not
offend the dignity of the Catholic faith.,,82 Yet for Clément, this ideal music was not
something that composers could produce. It was ultimately chant.83
If there is anything to be concluded from these summaries, it is that d'Ortigue

and Clément were much in favour of a radical Ultramontane restoration of chant to a

place of prestige within the liturgy. lndeed there is a direct link between d'Ortigue and

the revision project undertaken by the Benedictine monks of Solesmes. The publication
of Canon Gontier's Méthode raisonnée (1859), in which the author prescribed the rhythmic

performance style cultivated at Solesmes, elicted praise from d'Ortigue in an article that
was published in the same year in La Maîtrise (the official organ for the Niedermeyer
School).84 This Ultramontane, pro-chant support for Solesmes was probably the root

cause of their anti-Palestrina arguments. 85 From a more generalized philosophical

standpoint, Clément and d'Ortigue also betrayed idealist approaches to their topies: for
both authors religious music was endowed with a sacred essence that was manifested in

models that could be applied to new works. Chant was a good model, Palestrina' s

music a bad one, but nowhere in Clément or d'Ortigue's writings was the exact nature of

sacred music strictly defined or verifiable in a positivist manner.

The idealist mindsets of Clément and d'Ortigue seem appropriate considering
the time period. As it does today, a Catholic worldview depends heavily on an idealist,
or anti-rationalist and non-materialist, outlook-hence the emphasis on sacred musie as

something essentially different from secular music, and the recourse to models as

opposed to prescriptions. Yet while idealist views held sway in the Catholic community

of Clément and d'Ortigue's time, Benoît Le Roux has found that Victor Cousin's

82 Ibid. "Mais il faut s'entendre sur le beau, ne pas exalter une beauté factice et profane qui est le
résultat des passions humaines et qui les excite à son tour, mais avoir en vue une beauté naturelle,
gave, qui commande l'admiration et le respect."
Ibid., 323.
84 Joseph d'Ortigue in La Maftrise (14 July 1859), 41.
85 For more information on the tensions between pro-chant and pro-Palestrinian factions in
nineteenth-century France, see Katharine Ellis Interpreting the Musical Past, 195-98.
 260

philosophical eclecticism also occupied an important place amongst many French

Catholics during the 1850s and 1860s. For Cousin attempted to reconcile a number of
different philosophical viewpoints, including the spiritual and religious with the
naturalist. Many Catholics considered Cousin' s theories pure heresy, but he had the
support of the liberally minded and particularly the high-ranking clergy. This is

probably because Catholics and Cousinists were united in a rejection of the material

body. The Ultramontane Solesmes leader, Dom Guéranger expressed great doubt over

Cousin's attempt at Catholic reconciliation, a book entitled Du Vrai, du Beau, et du Bien

(1853), but it is possible that many other onlookers to the debate over sacred music and
chant came with a mind informed by eclecticism rather than the views of Catholic
idealism.86 Further research is required, though certainly by 1882 and the publication of

Charles Malherbe and Albert Soubies's extended article on the nature of sacred music, a
reaction against idealist, essentialist notions like d'Ortigue and Clément's had set in.

lndeed, outside the Catholic church, Cousinist thinking dominated the popular

conscious of the early 1860s. Though it was contested in the Latin quarter (by students), it

was also the university's official philosophy as late as 1863.87

For musicians and composers, there was most certainly an alternative to the

idealism of Clément's history. Fétis's Cours de philosophie musicale of 1832 and other
writings communicated something of a middle ground between strict idealism,

Cousinist eclecticism, and even Comtian positivism, as Katharine Ellis has pointed OUt.88
Yet in debates over sacred music, the insistence on an ideal essence for sacred music

86 In his "Cousin au regard des catholiques: Quatres adversaires des années 1850-1863, Veuillot,
Pontmartin, Nicolas, Barbey d'Auvrevilly," Benoît Le Roux asserts that Cousin was courted by
the Archdiocese of Paris and major schools in 1853, and though he was most often criticized by
Armand de Pontmartin (1811-90), this same Catholic thinker gave a favourable review to
Cousin's Du Vrai, du beau, et du bien (1853) and supported the philosopher's battle with realism
and "l'art pour l'art." This article is found in Victor Cousin, homo theologico-politicus: Philologie,
philosophie, histoire littéraire edited by Éric Fauquet (Paris, Éditions Kimé, 1997), 83-114.
87 See Philip Nord, The Republican moment (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995),
32-35.
88 Katharine Ellis, Music Criticism in Nineteenth-Century France, La Revue et Gazette musicale de Paris,
1834-80 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 39. See this same source (pp. 34-44) for
a detailed discussion of Fétis's philosophical outlook which, according to Ellis, also drew on
elements of Comtian or positivist ideas of progress.
 261

coupled with the rejection of materialism was an idea that sorne thinkers held to
tenaciously. Such thinking survived not only a more socially generalized embracing of
the philosophical middle ground that is Cousinist eclecticism in the 1850s and 1860s, it
also persisted through the adoption of August Comte's materialist philosophy of
positivism after 1870 by much of the French population. 89 Thus as we continue to
explore ideas about sacred music that were aired in nineteenth-century France, it is
important to bear in mind that the question of suitability-of which music might be most
appropriate for the church-became increasingly complicated by the widening gulf

between idealism and other philosophical points of view. Catholic idealists could meet
Cousinists on sorne sort of middle ground, but arguing their cause with positivists was
no easy matter.

Joseph Pothier's Les Mélodies grégoriennes (1880), Lessons in Idealism

In 1880, Joseph Pothier published a theory for the performance of chant that was sharply
critical of contemporary chant performance practice. Broadly speaking, he summarized
arguments that dated back to his predecessor, Dom Guéranger, by suggesting that the
natural accentuation patterns of the chant' s Latin text should guide the rhythmic
interpretations of its melodies. He wanted to eliminate other traditions, including the

"hammering" of the pitches in a single, uniform rhythm, or the "mensuralizing" of chant

rhythms by forcing groups of pitches into long and short patterns. He also wanted to

discredit the German publisher Pustet's edition of chant, in which most of the melismas
had been excised and where note groupings had been changed from the original
manuscripts to reflect pronunciation habits of the time. Along with hammering and
mensuralizing rhythmic practices, these note groupings altered what Pothier believed to
be the original rhythm of chant. Yet despite a quasi-scientific framework and the

89 The rise of positivism after 1870 has been discussed by Philip Nord, The Republican Moment, 2;
47.
 262

occasional positivist utterance, such as the acknowledgement that there was no single or
stable ideographic practice that prevailed in the corpus of surviving Medieval chant
manuscripts, philosophical idealism permeates Pothier' s powerful message. This faith in
the ideal and the essentiallater survived in the work of both Charles Bordes and Vincent
d'Indy.

Pothier' s approach was governed by circumstance. As Katherine Bergeron has

observed, the chant revival in France was intimately connected to the reconstruction of
the Notre-Dame cathedral, through a process that sought to freeze history in the
present. 90 Pothier inherited a project that was several decades in the making, and with it,
an archeological basis in the study of centuries old manuscripts and an attempt to codify
their meaning. Thus in the tradition of Viollet-le-Duc (who oversaw the restoration of

Notre-Dame), the work of Solesmes was governed by a quasi-positivistic approach not

to establish the timeless, living, and univers al essence of chant, but to give an account of

its development over time. Yet unlike the physical or material building that Notre-Dame
was and is, with the ability to embody simultaneously a variety of historical stages as
Bergeron suggests, it is not possible to execute aIl of the historical traditions of chant
performance at the same time. Moreover, with the First Vatican Council of 1869-70 also
came the imposition of a single textual reading of chant in the form of Pustet's edition.
Pothier' s work should be considered an outgrowth of the same impulse to restore the

past that governed Viollet-Ie-Duc's project, and which was rooted in archeology. But
this Solesmes monk's mission after 1870 could only be an idealistic one to establish the

essence of the repertoire for a unified Ultramontane Catholic church in France. The work
in which he laid out his theory, Les Mélodies grégoriennes is conflicted but clear in its anti-

archeological stance.
Pothier's treatise includes a section on the changes that notation underwent

during the Middle Ages. He acknowledged that ideographic instability might indicate

90 Katherine Bergeron, Decadent Enchantments, 9-10.

 263

variation in performance practice, which he cast in a positive light. Bergeron suggests

that such an acknowledgement of "the fullness of time past" constituted "the remedy for
a present that was careening recklessly toward the future."n Indeed, on occasion this
was actually the case for Pothier: faithful reproduction of the ancient neumes, in aIl their
variety yet within traditionallimits, had aIl the potential to result in the reconciliation of

"respect for ancient times and the needs of the present; we foIlow progress without
being revolutionary."92 He concluded the treatise on a similar note, underscoring the

importance of tradition while identifying that this was "only one point of departure;

after mending the line of tradition we may use it to conduct a cUITent, and through the
attentive and comparative study of ancient notations, discover a principle that is at once
rational and traditional [read idealist], from which aIl the rules of liturgical chant
performance stem.,,93

In between these remarks, Pothier showed himself much more the idealist in his

opposition to materialism, mystical arguments privileging intuition over reason, and

ascription of a categorical essence to the rhythm of chant. The practice he advocated

only appeared to accommodate historical variations. He told readers to maintain note

grouping as represented by the original neumes and to execute them in a single breath.

This interpretative strategy implied that there was only one set of original neumes, or,

91 Ibid., 8-9. Bergeron is not referring here directly to Pothier but to Viollet-le-Duc.
92 Joseph Pothier, Les Mélodies grégoriennes (Tournai: Desclée Lefebvre et cie, 1880),81-82. "A
défaut d'autres moyens, nous aurions pour nous guider, comme le remarque trè-bien Monsieur le
Chanoine Gontier (Méthode de plain-chant, page xiv), la tradition, qui s'est perpétuée malgré tout
dans certains morceaux demeurés populaire ..... Mais ce n'est là qu'un point de départ; nous
pouvons, après avoir renoué le fil de la tradition, remonter le courant, et par l'étude attentive et
comparée des anciennes notations, retrouver le principe à la fois rationnel et traditionnel, d'où
découlent toutes les règles propres à l'exécution du chant liturgique."
93 Ibid., 265. "Tout ceci prouve également que les notes grégoriennes ont une grande variété
d'expression; on peut la leur donner sans qu'il soit nécessaire de chercher dans les neumes ce qui
ne doit pas s'y trouver. En suivant, comme nous l'avons fait, les modifications qui marquent les
divers âges de l'écriture musicale grégorienne, chacune d'elles apparaît avec son vrai caractère;
on voit celles de ces modificatoins qui résultent d'un développement normal et celles qui
constituent une altération; on comprend ce qui appartient à l'archéologie pure et ce qui a
conservé une portée pratique. En reproduisant ainsi, et aussi fidèlement que possible, les anciens
neumes, dans une forme devenue facilement intelligble à tous, et en même temps consacrée par la
tradition, nous concilions le respect dû à l'antiquité avec les besoins du temps présent; nous
suivons le progrès sans être révolutionnaires."
 264

that from aIl the various chant manuscripts there had emerged one ideal grouping of

pitches. 94 Pothier's treatise also advocated a denial of the material body, for along with

his instruction to singers adopt a smooth style of delivery (even if it necessitated the

excision of ornaments) he recommended the complete immobility of the lips, tongue,

teeth, palate, mouth, and chest. 95 Pothier's insistence on the preservation of neume
groupings is also intended to preserve the meaning of the words. Without further

refinement, Pothier' s theory might have been adapted to any form of Latin
pronunciation, including Gallican. But while he began his chapter on Latin

pronundation with a c1ear indication of the futility of efforts to impose uniformity, he

subsequently provided more than fifteen pages of guidance on the Roman style.96
It is in sections devoted to language that Pothier's idealism emerges most clearly.

Accent for the monk was spiritual, not material: "The accent of speech, which gives each

word unity and the breath of life, is in sorne way a spiritual element. We must guard

against confusing accent with quantity that, on the contrary, is a material, conventional

element."97 Instinct also played an important role in word accentuation for Pothier:

Who thinks of scansion while speaking words? It is enough to pronounce them

well and distribute them along the lines of natural phrase division. The same is
true in the performance of liturgical melodies. The notes have a value that is real
and in no way arbitrary, but it is natural, resulting in a spontaneous manner from
recitation that is weIl proportioned and weIl phrased; without the need to write
the value down. 98

94 Ibid., 88-90.
95 Ibid., 90-95. Pothier also criticizes contemporary use of glottal stops and overt breathing
manifested in che st heaving.
96 Ibid., 98-115.
97 Ibid., 116. "Cette accentuation du discours, qui donne à chaque mot l'unité et l'anime d'un
souffle vital, est un élément d'une nature en quelque sorte spirituelle. On doit bien se garder de
confondre l'accent avec la quantité qui, au contraire, est un élément tout matériel et de
convention."
98 Ibid., 177. "Qui songe en parlant à scander ses mots? Il suffit que l'on ait soin de les bien
prononcer et de bien les distribuer selon les divisions naturelles de la phrase. Ainsi en est-il dans
l'exécution des mélodies liturgiques. Les notes y ont une valeur réelle et nullement arbitraire,
mais naturelle, qui résulte comme spontanément d'une récitation bien divisée et bien phrasée;
sans que cette valeur ait besoin d'être écrite."
 265

Rhyming chants that could be considered "metric by anal ogy" were also to be more a

matter of instinct than quantifiable reason. The numbers that ruled these chants were

Horace's nombres oratoires, "that exist in speech without being apparent; they are sensed,

our ears are deliciously affected by them, but we are not reaUy able to say what they
are.,,99 Pothier's performance recommendations for this body of chants included marking

the ends of phrases, but not in a deliberate manner since he believed that "the best
rhythm is not calculated, but cornes from the self."lOO

Pothier's celebration of the supremacy of instinct lay at the heart of his work to

discredit modally rhythmic interpretations of chant. His censure spoke the language of

idealism in its anti-materialistic condemnation of this type of rhythm in general:

"amongst the various types of rhythm, that founded on the measure of longs and breves

is the most material of aU. It is, as a consequence, the furthest from being the most

perfect, and we have seen that it is not the rhythm of Gregorian chant."lOl He described

the practices of modal rhythm in discant, summarily dismissing rhythmic theories of the

time as incoherent, and in no way representative of earlier monophonie traditions. In

sum, Pothier saw absolutely no historical precedent for the adoption of modal rhythm in

chant performance and no reason for its application in his day.102

At the Congress of Arezzo in 1882, Pothier gave lecture-demonstrations that cast

doubt on Pustet's edition, and delegates formaUy resolved to revise chant editions

accordingly. Still the resolution passed without notice by the Vatican until the

99 Ibid., 191. "Nous devons dire du chant ce que Quintilien dit du discours: dans un discours bien
composé, il y a du nombre, une certaine mesure, mais ce nombre et cette mesure ne vont pas
jusqu'à marquer la récitation par le levé et le frappé: oratio non descendet ad strepitum digitorum;
cette mesure, au contraire est la mesure tout à fait libre dont parlait Horace: numerisque fertur lege
solutis: ce nombre est celui que les auteurs appellent le nombre oratoire; nombre qui existe dans le
discours sans qu'il paraisse; on le sent, les oreilles en sont délicieusement affectées, mais on ne
rceut pas bien dire ce qu'il est."
00 Ibid., 190. "Et même pour la fin des phrases, devons-nous dire avec Cicéron que le meilleur
rhythme n'est pas le rhythme calculé, mais celui qui vient comme de lui-même: ut numerus non
quaestitus, sed ipse scutus esse videatur."
101 Ibid., 194. "Parmi les différents genres de rhythme, celui qui est fondé sur la mesure des
longues et des brèves est de tous le plus matériel: il est loin, par conséquent, d'être le plus parfait,
et nous avons vu que ce n'est pas celui du chant grégorien."
102 Ibid., 210.
 266

publication of Pothier' s Liber gradualis in 1883, after which the pope issued the decree
"Romanorum Pontificum Sollicitudo" to maintain Pustet's thirty-year monopoly. The
foIlowing year Dom Pothier received two messages from Rome: one encouraging his
work, the other reminding him that the Pustet privilege was still in effect.103
The pope's refusaI to give official approval to the work of Solesmes prompted the

production of a series of chant manuscript facsimiles weIl known to aIl musicologists

today, the Paléographie musicale. Undertaken by Dom André Mocquereau, the logic

behind the se editions was that wide circulation of actual chant sources would provide

more people interested in chant revision with source evidence that Pustet's editions had
truncated melodies and faulty note groupings. These facsimiles would in turn legitimize
Pothier' s Liber gradua lis, but more important, would allow for the extension of his

idealistic notions in a more archaelogical approach. 104 The Paléographie musicale project

was funded through a series of subscription tours in 1888, which resulted in

commitments from eight cardinals and nineteen bishops (about one quarter of aH French
dioceses) as well as an order from the ministère de l'instruction public (for fifty copies) that

1 mentioned earlier. Mocquereau's tours included demonstrations, culminating in a

performance at the Vatican in April of 1891.

Much of the effort to reform sacred music that 1 described earlier in this chapter

was directly related to the Solesmes movement. lndividuals involved in this debate

recommended chant as ideal sacred music, including Félix Clément and Antoine Dessus.

Joseph d'Ortigue also supported Solesmes's theory of a text-based rhythmic

interpretation over the use of uniformly equal rhythmic values. Clément indirectly

103 Ibid., 419-20. See the brief "Redditum fuit nobis" dated 3 March 1884 from Leo XIII to Joseph
Pothier and Counter-Brief "Quamquam nos" dated 3 May 1884 from Leo XIII to Joseph Pothier,
both reproduced in this source.
104 In a subsequent edition of the seventh volume, published originally in 1901, Mocquereau says
very explicitly that the work of Solesmes was positivist in nature: "Non, pour avoir raison des
theories modernes, il était nécessaire d'adopter une méthode positive (emphasis his), uniquement
appuyée sur les faits les plus avérés, les plus constants, qui ne pût laisser place, pour les esprits
droits et impartiaux, à aucune objection sérieuse." See Paléographie musicale: Les principaux
manuscripts de chant vol. 7 (Tournai: Desc1ée, Lefebvre et Cie, [1901]),342. Originally published at
Solesmes, Imprimerie Saint-Pierre in 1901. This edition inc1udes footnote references to d'Indy's
Cours and other publications from 1902 and after.
 267

supported the text-informed rhythmic interpretation that the monks of Solesmes

advocated by casting rhythms that violated text accentuation as worldly. But none of

these commentators recommended the wholesale rejection of local chant repertoires (Le.,

the actual melodies in all their many variants), in favour of a single body of works for
the whole nation as Solesmes would have had it. For d'Ortigue and Clément, preaching

a unified chant repertoire to a church still divided by the albeit precarious existence of

Gallicanism in the years prior to the Vatican Council of 1869-70 would have been a fairly
futile exercise.

Antoine Dessus and the Congress of Arezzo (1882)

When Antoine Dessus raised the issue of sacred music reform at the Assemblée des

Catholiques in 1882, both the philosophical and the religious context for sacred music

reform had changed considerably. Between the congresses of 1860 and 1882, the church

in France had lost its power over the Catholic rite, and with it music for services. It was

also loosing sorne of its grip over higher education, even though Catholic institutions of

higher learning were granted the right to award university degrees in 1875. As Philip

Nord has pointed out, it was "a 'postivist generation'" that "shepherded the Third

Republic into existence," and by the 1880s, philosophical positivism had come to

dominate most branches of research at French universities. 105

For our purposes here, the many and varied interpretations of Auguste Comte's

(1798-1857) theories of positivism and sociology seem less pertinent than the most basic

aspects of his philosophy that appear to weigh on debates over sacred music. Even

trying to make such comparisons might appear ludicrous for sorne, because at the heart

of Comtian positivism is a rejection of all things supernatural (God) and abstract

105 Philip Nord, The Republican Moment, 2; 47.

 268

(idealism). Yet by the early 1890s, the literary critic Ferdinand Brunetière had begun his
project to reconcile Catholicism and positivism, drawing on what Thomas Loué asserts
was a public knowledge of Comte that many ordinary people had acquired without
actually having read the philosopher's theories. 106 What appears to have taken hold is

more in the nature of method and cultural value: Comte rejected the idea of univers al

truths and essences as having no basis in science. He pessimistically argued that only
small parts of the truth could ever be verifie d, because not every phenomenon could be
empirically measured or scientifically proven true. Comte had great faith in progress,
and in the possibility for a utopian society, and he believed that historical study and
analysis would prove his the ory of social evolution right. 107 But Comte's history would

not be the kind practiced by the men of letters of his day, that is, history would not be

art. It would be based on empirical observations (i.e., science).108 Moreoever, Comte

looked to the same community that was the source for Solesmes's investigations into

plainchant for his model society. This was the Medieval community, minus its religious

faith of course. Comte believed that unlocking the secrets of the basic (non-religious)

good that had governed the Medieval community would result in a model for

contemporary social management. 109 Thus with the ascendance of positivism after 1870

came an important emphasis on the Middle Ages as a subject, and a pronounced shift in

the way French intellectuals thought its history should be told.

106 Thomas Loué, "L'Apologétique de Ferdinand Brunetière et le positivism: Un bricolage

idéologique 'Généreux et Acceuillant'," Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 87 (2003):
118.
107 See George Ritzner and Barry Smart (eds.), A Handbook of Social Theory (London and Thousand
Oaks: Sage Publications, 2001), 34.
108 Antoine Compagnon has surveyed the evolution of historical inquiry in France towards a
positivist basis in empiricism in La IIIe république. See especially pp. 25-27. Anya Suschitzky has
discussed similar ideas in "The Nation on Stage." See especially pp. 106-174.
109 Samuel Enoch Stumpf and James Fieser, Socrates ta Sarte and Beyond: A History of Philosaphy 7th
edition (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2003), 352. "Comte frequently refers to the Middle Ages as a
time when the relation between the static and dynamic components of society were most
adequately attuned to each other. He in fact uses the medieval community as his model for the
new society. He would, of course, rejecte the theological aspects of this period .... The
reorganization of 19th-century society wou Id not involve the destruction of old structures and the
creation of new ones. Instead, it would bring the permanent elements of society up to date."
 269

Dessus's report on the congress of 1882 came at a time when any vestiges of
idealism and Cousinism that had held intellectuais in tow had been more or less rejected
in the university milieu. At the same time, Jules Ferry had begun a campaign to expand
and secularize education in France. This is important context to bear in mind, because
more than Clément or d'Ortigue a generation earlier, Dessus appears to advocate a
veritable educational crusade that would extend beyond schools to universities, in Paris
as weIl as the provinces. The recommendations of the assembly of 1882, as reported by
Dessus, included the creation of a central school for the instruction of chant and sacred

music that would be connected to Catholic institutions of higher learning in Paris and
the provinces, with their newly-acquired right to award university degrees. The
congress also called for the publication of chant in modern notation to facilitate the
dissemination of the repertoire by eradicating the need for specialized knowledge.
Twelve years prior to the founding of the Schola, this congress also identified a need for
a special school for chant and sacred music where church music directors could be
trained. 1JO

In his report, Dessus upheld chant as the ideal model of liturgical music and cast
aspersions on the suitability of Palestrina's compositions for the church, which he
condemned for having destroyed the original character, beauty, and tonality of
plainsong. 1l1 Sorne of these remarks may have stemmed from the idea that Palestrina
had had a hand in the sixteenth-century Medicean edition of chant that the publisher

Pustet had reproduced for uni vers al use in the Catholic church. Thus here again, sacred
music reform meant support for chant and the work of Solesmes, for the resolutions that
came out of the 1882 congress reflected the success of Pothier's lectures given at Arezzo.
But beyond the question of chant, Dessus also appears to have shared the idealist
conceptions of sacred music held by Clément, d'Ortigue and Pothier. For Dessus, there

110 Antoine Dessus, "Restauration du Chant Liturgique" in Le Ménestrel (27 August and 3
September 1882), 317-18. The Ménestrel mentions in a footnote that there is actually a school in
Paris that could undertake such a mandate (the Niedermeyer School.)
111 Ibid., 308; 316.
 270

was an essence particular to sacred music that belied attempts to wed religious and
secular styles in music by the "neo-Gregorians" and "semi-modems" of his time. l12

Positivist Objections to the Essence of Sacred Music (Malherbe and Soubies)

In the broader sphere of musical thought, other musicians and critics aiso contemplated
the issue of sacred music. They faH fairly clearly into two different camps: those who

favoured the work of Palestrina as a model for sacred music, and those who did not.

Those against Palestrina were not necessarily idealist champions of Gregorian chant, but

rather philosophically opposed to idealist conceptions of a separate essence for sacred

music. By the 1880s, the idealist, essentialist point of view appears to exacerbate
composers considerably, as evidenced by a short monograph written by the sacred

music composer and violin expert Félix Huet in 1886 in which he vehemently protested
against the exclusion of "modern" works from the Church, in favour of music composed in a

"dead" language.ll3

Prompted by Gounod' s composition of religious works in what they considered

to be the Palestrinian style (Messe de Jeanne d'Arc), in 1888 Charles Malherbe and Albert
Soubies also published arguments against the idea of a completely sacred style of

composition. ll4 Their argument was spun out in a historicaHy positivist framework that

owed something to Julien Tiersot: chant grew from secular music. It was the artistic

legacy of the pagan faiths of early converts and ancient French folk music. They
conc1uded with comments about the contrapuntal music of Palestrina and his followers.

In the view of Malherbe and Soubies, the scholastic style of Palestrinian works made
them no more religious than any of the sacred music that came before them.1l5 A

112 Ibid., 317.

113 Félix Huet, La Musique liturgique: L'art moderne dans ses rapports avec le culte (Chalons-sur-
Marne: Imprimerie Martin Frères, 1886), 63.
114 Charles Malherbe and Albert Soubies, "Musique sacrée et musique profane" in Le Ménestrel (14
actober 1888): 329.
115 Ibid., 337-39.
 271

historical survey of both sacred and secular music from Palestrina to Rossini followed in
Malherbe and Soubies's third installment, and the authors generally concluded that a

discrete aesthetic for sacred music did not exist: "No, there is no music as such that

symbolizes religion to the extent that it may be summarized, condensed if we might say,
as a special, exclusive and fixed type.,,1l6 What they meant by this was that there no

specifie style of music could be categorized as essentially sacred, and that music history

from the Middle Ages to Rossini has proven them right.

Soubies and Malherbe also touched on another issue that ran through their

argument with greater subtlety, which was whether or not an immutably sacred style
had ever been transmitted through chant. For Soubies and Malherbe the stylistic

consistency of chant resulted from the protection of Catholics, who insured its resistance

to change by denuding it of rhythm. 1J7 Hence the unchangeable for Soubies and

Malherbe resulted in part from what they viewed as the deliberate creation of mystery

that impeded change (or perhaps progress). Malherbe and Soubies's logic here is

somewhat elusive: does it not follow that "change" is sure to follow in a repertoire that is

only partially notated? The authors' reasoning is perhaps best understood in the context

of Pothier's highly idealized conception of rhythm as instinctively perceived, for this

instinct might well be simply the transmission of information within a closed

community, or secrets carefully guarded over time by a very stable group of people.

Briefly, it means that for Soubies and Malherbe the immutability of chant depended on
the intentional withholding of knowledge by keepers of a repertoire who were

fundamentall y idealist and against progress. To be against progress might suggest an aversion to

the idea of Comtian positivism.

116 Ibid., 346. "Non, il n'y a pas une musique telle qu'elle symbolise la religion au point de se
résumer, de se condenser, si l'on peut dire, en un type spécial, exclusif et fixe."
117 Ibid.
 272

Robert and Bellaigue, An Idealist Response

Gustave Robert and Camille Bellaigue provided counter-arguments to Malherbe and

Soubies, presenting ideas about essentially religious music in response to events given
by the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and later the Schola Cantorum. Both Robert and
Bellaigue located the essence of religious mu sie in its lack of individual expression, or
what they calI "impersonalism," whieh is a term often associated with Cousin and the

fin-de-siècle writer-thinker Ferdinand Brunetière. l1S Katharine Ellis has identified this
aesthetic conception in a review of the Chanteurs' s 1892 performances penned by

Camille Bellaigue. For Ellis, this review must be appreciated in the larger context as a

belated response to Félix Clément and Antoine Dessus, and their harsh criticism of
Palestrina as an elitist composer. She posits that in Bellaigue's assessment, Palestrina's
contrapuntal style enabled artistie self-effacement or anonymity (i.e., impersonalism),
allowing the music to become a democratized "microcosm of the congregation." 119 From
Bellaigue readers learned that Palestrina's music possessed:

A characteristic that is eminent and common only to the greatest of geniuses:

communality. Polyphonie and collective as a consequence, vocal and as su ch
fundamentally human, the music of Palestrina is not the mu sie of one among us,
but of aU of us .... In the fraternal concert in which it is produced, no voiee
domina tes or despises the others; pride and the sense of self are here erased.
None says: My Father, who is in Heaven; aU say together: Our Father, and this is
why Palestrinian polyphony is one of the most admirable musical expressions
not only of faith, but of charityYo

118 For a short description of Cousin's impersonal reason, which allowed for a belief in God, see
François Aouvi's "France" in The Columbia History o/Western Philosophy edited by Richard H.
Popkin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999),517. Éric Fauquet also draws attention to
this aspect of Cousin's philosophy in "Cousin homo theologico-politicus" in Victor Cousin, homo
theologico-politicus: Philologie, philosophie, histoire littéraire (Paris: Editions Kimé, 1997), 10-11. "Il
existe une 'raison impersonnelle' (permet de réfuter le criticisme kantien, perçu comme un
scepticisme qui restreint la raison dans les bornes d'une semsibilité)." On Brunetière's
championing of depersonalization through a return to the "Classical" language of the
seventeenth century, see Gilles Boulard, "Ferdinand Brunetière et le Classicisme, ou, la
Conjonction des Nationalismes," Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France 100/2 (2000): 217-35. See
eSj,ecially pp. 228-31.
11 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 202.
120 Camille Bellaigue, "Trois Maîtres d'Italie," La Revue des deux mondes (15 Oct. 1894): 869. Also
cited in Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 202. " ... il possède au contraire un caractère éminent et
commun aux seuls génies du premier rang: la généralité. Polyphonique et par conséquent
collective, vocale et par là foncièrement humaine, la musique de Palestrina n'est pas la musique
d'un de nous, mais de nous tous ... Dans le fraternel concert dont elle est faite, aucune voix ne
 273

While 1 differ in opinion from Ellis with respect to the political implications of this

passage (further discussed in Chapter 5), the importance of Bellaigue for my purposes

here is the artistie-ideologieal complex he expressed: for this critic, religious music had a
specifie and defining essence; that defining quality was its impersonal nature; a specific
musical element, counterpoint, generated an impersonal style.

Gustave Robert later built on Bellaigue' s notions of impersonalism in sacred

music. In his overview of the 1894-95 concert season, he described the religious as

antithetical to the theatrical style of music. In his argument, music for the stage
necessitated a clear musical portrayal of individual characters, especially through solos,
and not generalized sentiments that might appeal to an entire congregation. l2l Robert

repeated his message to readers in 1898, telling them that:

The Catholic Church's prohibition of prolonged solo passages was extremely

wise. Solos draw attention to a distinct person. Whereas in a meeting of the
faithful, when voices are raised in adoration it is the general sentiment of those
present that must be expressed. This is why polyphonie compositions, in which
each part has an active role, are most especially suited to sacred ceremonies.122

For Robert the key to impersonalism was the adoption of ancient choral forms, which in

his view could be developed according to symphonie principles.123 He eriticized a

contemporary cantata by Aloys Claussman (1850-1926), a former student of Eugène

domine ou ne dédaigne les autres; l' orgeuil et le sens propre s'effacent ici. Nul ne dit: Mon Père,
qui êtes aux cieux; tous disent ensemle: Notre Père, et voilà comment la polyphonie
palestrinienne est l'une des plus admirables expressions par la musique, non seulement de la foi,
mais de la charité."
121 Gustave Robert, "Les Fêtes des croisades à Clermont," in La Musique à Paris 1894-95, Études
critiques sur les concerts, programmes, index de noms cités (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1895), 163-64.
122 Gustave Robert, La Musique à Paris 1897-98, 166. "En proscrivant les soli prolongés, l'Église
catholique a fait preuve de grande sagesse. Le solo attire sur une personne déterminée. Lorsque,
dans une réunion de croyants, des voix s'élèvent pour l'adoration, c'est le sentiment général de
l'assistance que ces voix doivent exprimer. C'est pourquoi les compositions polyphoniques, où
chaque partie a son rôle actif, sont celles qui conviennent spécialement aux cérémonies sacrées."
123 Gustave Robert, "Les Fêtes des croisades à Clermont," in La Musique à Paris 1894-95, 164-65. " ..
. la forme du Choeur du drame antique. Parce que, en effet, cette forme continue se prête à être
traduite en musique selon les lois du développement symphonique, qui n'exclut pas le sentiment
mais est plus éloignée de la musique passionnelle. C'est justement cette forme symphonique que
nous regrettons de ne pas trouver dans la cantate de M. Claussmann."
 274

Gigout, as lacking in religious sentiment that resulted, in his view, from a failure to
incorporate sixteenth and seventeenth-century compositional techniques. He informed
readers that these stylistic features were also associated with Bach, and pointed to

counterpoint as a key feature. 124 Like Bellaigue, by identifying not only a model but a
specific stylistic feature for the essentially religious and by extension impersonal, Robert
echoed the writings of Eugène Chaminade who provided a much more technically

precise description of music with a specific moral quality. Like Chaminade, Robert's

goal was thoroughly idealist, but his argument depends on a positivist recourse to

technical analysis.

The Sacred Congregation of Rites, 1894

Aggravated by resentment towards the Roman Catholic chur ch in the years leading up

to and following the ralliement, the tension between idealists and positivists is also an

important part of the context that surrounds the regulation on sacred music issued in

1894 by the Sacred Congregation of Rites. First, the regulation in no way addressed the
recommendations that came out of the French conferences of 1860 and 1882. It especially
avoided the issue of chant. Second, the regulation provided only prescriptions based on

Italian models, including Palestrina, who was not unilaterally accepted in France as an

ideal sacred music composer, especially by chant-fixated idealists.

The regulation that arose from the 1894 Sacred Congregation of Rites included

twelve articles on the use of music in the church. Sorne concerned language and the

necessity to use Latin (Article 7). Others indicated a prohibition on cuts and "indiscreet"
repetitions (Article 10), as weIl as the division of verse lines that were inter-dependent

124 Ibid., 166-67. "Mais des maîtres-religieux, aucun souvenir. Rien de ceux du XVIe ou du XVII"
siècle. Rien de Bach. Une seule fois la forme fuguée est employée, mais seulement pendant
quelques mesures."
 275

and related {Article 11).125 One that may not have sat weIl with organists (and the organ
builders who relied on them to display their wares), was the limiting of improvised
organ works and fantasies to those musicians able to acquit themselves in a style
amenable to pious worship. The understanding here was that there were to be no more
displays of organ virtuosity.126 The wording of the fourth article also had some potential

to incite criticism from French composers, sin ce it recommended as models for

polyphonie musie only works by artists working in Roman chapels:

In the genre of polyphonie works, the musie of Pier-Luigi de Palestrina and those
who imitated him is worthy before God; as is chromatic music that has been
cultivated until now by respected masters of the various Italian and foreign
schools, and in particular by the music directors of Roman chapels, whose works
have been frequently recognized by competent authorities as truly religious.127

Although Philip Dowd has interpreted the regulations that issued from the 1894 Sacred

Congregation of Rites as an indirect sign of approval for Bordes's work, the actual

articles take no particular notice of either hi m, or ev en the French Catholic church.128

The regulation issued by the Sacred Congregation of Rites in 1894 appears to

have been ignored to some extent in France. Bordes confirmed this for at least one

diocese in one of his letters to Solesmes. 129 Resistance to the regulation was also

mentioned in a book with a rather pointed title published in 1897, La Musique sacrée telle

que l'Église la veut. Commissioned by the cardinal of Paris and written by the Abbé

125 Reproduced and translated from the Latin in Eugène Chaminade's, La Musique sacrée telle que
la veut l'Église, 7.
126 Ibid., 58.
127 Ibid., 23. "Dans le genre des chants polyphones, la musique de Pi er-Luigi de Palestrina et de
ceux qui l'ont imité est digne de Dieu; comme aussi on reconnaît digne du culte divin la musique
chromatique qui a été cultivé jusqu'à nos jours par des maîtres respectables des différentes écoles
italiennes et étrangères et en particulier par les maîtres de chapelle romains, dont les
compositions ont été plusieurs fois reconnues par l'autorité compétente comme vraiment
religieuses."
128 Philip Michael Dowd, "Charles Bordes and the Schola Cantorum of Paris," "A decree of the
SCR in 1894 confirmed the principles and practices of Bordes and his group in the years 1892-
1894."
129 In his letter to Solesmes dated September 1895 by another hand, Bordes says that "silence" is
the order of the day where the Sacred Congregation of Rites decree of 1894 is concerned. See the
transcription of this letter in Bernard MoUa's "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 195-96.
 276

Eugène Chaminade, this book instructed French Catholic churches to comply with the

1894 regulation in no uncertain terms. 130 Chaminade came to the point rather quickly in

his preamble:

In a word, there is a pronounced atmosphere of skepticism about us: a rebellious

uproar corrupts the masses. Armed with the rights of Man, the son rails against
his father; the worker against his employer; the member of the congregation
against his priest; the member of government against his constituency; the
journalist against the whole world. For our part, submerged in this climate, we
make fun of our bishop and pay little heed to the criticism of our bishops,
cardinal s, Sacred Congregations, and even the Pope himself, which does not
prevent us from, on occasion-inconceivable contradiction!-venting ourselves
in our little areas of power through indefensible acts of tyranny. For there are no
worse despots with respect to their subordinates than those who refuse to submitto
the authority of their legitimate superiors!131

For Chaminade, defiance over sacred music takes on a broader meaning in the context of

the clerical disobedience from earlier in the de cade noted in previous sections of this

chapter. His calI to order may be directed as muchtowardsthe Frenchchurchingeneralas

French church musicians in particular.

The Work of the Schola as Sacred Music Reform-Charles Bordes

When Charles Bordes undertook his crusade to reform sacred music, he drew

extensively on ideas that had been raised in previous debates. By founding a school for

sacred music and engaging actively in the dissemination of Solesmes-style chant, Bordes

was only furthering ideas put forward by Antoine Dessus in the early 1880s. Sorne of

Bordes's ideas reach back even further: the effort to insure that priests receive musical

130 Philip Michael Dowd, "Charles Bordes and the Schola Cantorum of Paris," v.
131 Eugène Chaminade, La musique sacrée telle que la veut l'Église, 4. "En un mot, il règne autour de
nous une atmosphere de scepticisme; un ferment de rebellion corrompt toute la masse. Armés
des droits de l'Homme, le fils raille son père; l' ou vier son patron; le paroissien, son curé; le
député son électeur; le journaliste, la terre entière. A notre tour, flottant dans cet air ambient,
nous nous gaussons de notre évêcque et nous passons au van de notre critique frondeuse,
évêques, cardinaux, congrégations romaines et le pape lui-même, ce qui ne nous empêche pas, à
l'occasion, -- ô inconceivable contradiction!-de nous ériger, dans notre petit domaine en
insupportables tyranneaux! Car il n'est pires despotes vis-à-vis de leurs subalterns que ceux qui
refusent soumissions à leurs supérieurs légitimes!"
 277

training and the founding of a periodical devoted to sacred music date from d'Ortigue

and the congress of 1860. The promotion of Palestrina' s music alongside chant was a

much more difficult fit. At least in Ellis's interpretation, chant was the domain of radical

Ultramontane Catholics, while Palestrina's music thrived in the secular world of

Romantic composers and moderate Ultramontanes. 132 Bordes also came to these two

repertoires at a time of renewed idealism. Mayeur and Reberioux point very clearly to a

questioning of positivism after 1889, the publication of Edouard Schuré's Les Grands

Initiés, a "fashion for spiritualism" and "recrudescence of religiosity in various circ1es."133

Someone closely associated with the Schola during the 1890s, Ferdinand Brunetière
converted to Catholicism in the same year that the Schola was founded. The
announcement of his conversion published in the Revue des Deux Mondes, which he

directed, appeared less than three months after Bellaigue' s article on Palestrinap4 And

while Brunetière' s defense of Catholicism using the methods and arguments of

postivism may seem strange and inimitable, it was a philosophical point of view that he

shared with other thinkers during the last decade of the centuryPS Together with

Bellaigue and Robert, and later Eugène Chaminade, Bordes believed in an overarching

essence for sacred music, be it chant or polyphony. But there was a concession to

positivism here, for alongside the model of idealist discourse came a positivist recourse

to analysis, to breaking music down into specifie elements. For Bordes this element, the

middle ground between chant and Palestrinian counterpoint, was Pothier' s rhythm. But

as we saw earlier in this chapter, Pothier's ideas about rhythm were firmly rooted in

idealist thinking, a matter of instinct rather than science.

132 For a detailed explanation of this phenomenon, see Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical
Pas t, 193-200. 1 also provide more information on Palestrina reception in Chapter 5.
133 Jean-Marie Mayeur and Madeleine Reberioux, The Third Republic, 121-22; 199.
134 Ferdinand Brunetière, "Après une visite au Vatican," La Revue des deux mondes (1 January
1895): 97-118.
135 Thomas Loué has provided the context for Brunetière's melding of Catholic faith and positivist
approach in "L'apologètique de Ferdinand Brunetière et le positivisme: Un bricolage
idéologique, généreux et accueillant," Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 87/1 (Winter
2003): 101-126.
 278

Through articles dating from the earliest issues of La Tribune de Saint-Gervais and

participation in assises or congres ses devoted to religious music, the Schola showed clear
support for the restoration project undertaken by the Benedictine monks of Solesmes.
Bordes's articles for the Tribune are inevitably focused on Renaissance polyphony, but he
makes important connections between this repertoire and Pothier' s theory of text-based

rhythmic interpretation. For Bordes' s ideas should be viewed as a synthesis of the many

opinions on sacred music that had unfolded since 1860, many in support of Solesmes,

which 1 summarized earlier in this chapter.

One of the first publications where the synthetic character of Bordes's thought
emerges is found in an early issue of La Tribune de Saint-Gervais, where he published an
article on the use of polyphonie music in the church. This article spoke as much to

debates over chant rhythm as it do es to the suitability of Palestrinian music for liturgieal

use. Reiterating one of the articles of the Schola' s mission, Bordes reminded readers that

polyphony should be reserved for special occasions. He maintained that Gregorian

chant should be the charge of men and boys within the maîtrise, performed alongside the

congregation as an ordinary matter. A separate society drawing on members of the

community should bear responsibility for the performance of musique figurée

(polyphony), in the choir loft, and on an exceptional basis. Bordes also reports on the

agreement in principal ratified at the sacred musie conference in Bordeaux to tolerate the

use of women' s voices in the choir loft. 136

Writing about the use of polyphonie masses in a liturgical context, Bordes

suggested that these types of works should be performed in a much faster tempo than
was current for his time, and recto tana (Le., without variation in expressive nuance).137

This recalls Pothier' s advice to chant singers to immobilize their faces and bodies for the

production of this repertoire-something that must certainly have limited expression.

136 Charles Bordes, "De l'emploi de la musique figurée spécialement de la musique palestrinienne
dans les offices liturgiques," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (April 1895), 5-11.
137 Ibid., 9.
 279

But the same was not true for the motet, which had no specifie function, where Bordes
advised quieker tempi in combination with a high degree of expressivity to convey the
sentiments of the text. 138 He provided seven rules for the execution of this repertoire.
Four are related to rhythm and two emphasize the importance of understanding the
text-an absolute necessity for a rhythmic interpretation guided by words. Much like
Pothier's privileging of the text as a source for true rhythmie interpretation, Bordes
prefaced his performance rules by telling readers that "only in the text are the secrets of
expression, movement, and nuance of a Palestrinian piece revealed .... Singing with the
sentiment of the text is the surest means of performing a motet we11.,,139 Moreover, he
referred to this type of work as a chant palestrinien, perhaps with reference to a
peculiarity of d'Ortigue's criticism (he referred to aU music up to Palestrina as plain-

chant). It may also be that Bordes wished to suggest that the pieces were polyphonie
versions of chant and not independent polyphonie compositions built, at times, on

plainsong. 14o
The first of Bordes' s rules gave primacy to text accentuation. He told readers to
"Pay special attention to articulation, to the accentuation of the Latin, according to
Gregorian principles."141 Here he established a connection between his work and that of
Solesmes, for his instructions make sense only if we understand "Gregorian principles"

as "practices codified by Solesmes." In the second he stressed the importance of

avoiding hammering, which was something that Solesmes also advocated in chant
performance: "Constant legato is necessary in chant/ singing [le chant]. Hammering and

138 Ibid.,ll.
139 Ibid.,10. /ILe texte seul donne le secret de l'expression, du mouvement, des nuances d'une
pièces palestrinienne.... Chanter avec le sentiment du texte, c'est le sûr moyen de bien
interprêter un Motet."
140 Sylvia L'Écuyer outlines this particular habit of d'Ortigue's in Joseph d'Ortigue, 126-27.
141 Charles Bordes, /IDe l'emploi de la musique figurée," 10. /11) Apporter un soin tout particulier
à l'articulation, à l'accentuation du latin, selon les principes grégoriens./I
 280

glottal stops must be avoided." 142 Bordes's fourth rule also strongly suggests his kinship
to Solesmes in its firmly anti-mensuralist position:

Disregard the bar lines except as a visual aid to divide the chant/ music [le chant]
in equal parts and not at aU as a means of introducing periodic returns of the
down beat. Palestrinian music, like gregorian music [musique], is a purely rhythmic
and not a metrical type of music. Emphasizing the first beat as a matter of course in
Palestrinian musie seems a barbarous form of modernity to us-like mensurally
rhythmie realizations of plain chant. 143

In the foUowing year, Bordes expressed himself with greater precision, in an

article tracing the history of polyphonie music from the Middle Ages to the out set of the

Renaissance {which, like d'Indy, he placed at the beginning of the seventeenth

century).144 The necessity of free, text-based rhythms again formed the platform for the

discussion and firmly guided Bordes's view of musie history: vocal counterpoint

[contrepoint vocal] descended from organum purum, not from measured discant. In
Bordes' s history, Franconian rhythms spawned discant and the" dismemberment" of

themes."l45 Palestrina "bought it back from its original sin," but not without the

mediation of fifteenth-century Flemish masters Pierre de La Rue and Josquin des Prez.146

142 Charles Bordes, "De l'emploi de la musique figurée," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (April 1895),
10-11. "2) Un lié constant est nécessaire dans le chant. Il faut éviter le martellement et le coup de
îosier." (emphasis his)
43 Ibid., 10-11. "4) Ne considérer les barres de mesures que comme guide visuel pour diviser le
chant en parties égales, sans aucun souci d'introduire des retours périodiques de temps fort. La
musique palestrinienne, comme la musique grégorienne, est une musique purement rythmique et non
metrique. Accuser de parti pris le 1er temps dans la musique palestrinienne nous paraît une
barbarie moderne-tout comme la mensuration du plain-chant." (emphasis his). Bordes other
rules include "3) Bien rythmer le chant, en accentuant tous les ictus des rythmes, généralement
indiqués par une syllabe accentuée ou un signe> dans les éditions annotées; 5) Une grande
liberté de débit, beaucoup de souplesse, de légèreté et en général un mouvement animé; 6) Se
pénétrer du sentiment du texte, presque toujours admirablement exprimé par les maîtres anciens.
Le maître de chapelle doit traduire et commenter les paroles latines aux chanteurs avant l'étude
de tout motet; 7) Éviter toute affectation, toute exagération de nuances, toute recherche de l'effet.
Nous n'avons pas à parler des difficultés vocales, des obstacles techniques, imaginés par ceux qui
sont réfractaires à toute réforme. Ces difficultés n'existent pas. Une voix souple et une attention
soutenue suffisent pour la bonne exécution du chant palestrinien." (aH points of emphasis his)
144 Charles Bordes, "La Musique figurée de ses origines à la décadence de l'École Romaine," La
Tribune de Saint-Gervais (April 1896): 49-52, and later (May 1896): 68-72; aune 1896): 84-86; August
(1896): 113-17; (September 18986): 129-31. For Bordes's dating of the Renaissance as beginning in
the seventeenth century, see p. 84.
145 Ibid., 68.
146 Ibid., 68-69. "Telle est la naissance assez barbare assurément de notre musique figurée.
Palestrina, heureusement, la rachètera un jour de ce péché originel ...."
 281

Under these composers, vocal counterpoint flourished with the relaxation of rules
through a,

less scholastic approach, ready to follow aIl the impulses of the human soul. It is
the wonder that the se fifteenth-century Flemish masters would later accomplish
by creating vocal counterpoint. Like the flowering, scented vine that embraces the
century-old tree and the majestic monument, vocal polyphony would also
flourish entwined around plainchant."147

For Bordes, the artistry of Josquin and de La Rue derived from a return to plainchant,
unfettered from discant to become "continuai melody in aIl is expressive force and

superior declamation,"148 and only then able to express profoundly religious sentiment.149

During the lecture recital on which the article is based, Bordes' group performed
Josquin's "Ave Maria ... Virgo Serena," prefaced by a hearing of the monophonie chant.

In the article, Bordes reproduced the chant in Pothier' s version as weIl as the opening

measures from his own edition, whieh carefully reproduces the monk's text underlay.

Bordes later told his readers that this example and another by Pierre de La Rue proved

that the music was guided to sorne extent by the laws of discursive accent, and not by
those governing meter, though he acknowledges the presence of meter at cadences. ISO
Though fifteenth-century masters are imperfect in Bordes' s overall view, composers

such as Josquin are nonetheless the conduit for aIl that is essentially sacred in music:

rhythmic liberty based on speech patterns. Palestrina inherited this tradition and

perfects it, but in Bordes's words "he did not work for the future. It appears as though

he wanted to immobilize it in time, crystallize imperishable forms and at the same time

147 Charles Bordes, "La Musique figurée de ses origines," 72. "Scolastique plus libre, prête à
suivre tous les élans de l'âme humaine. C'est le prodige que les maîtres flamands du XVe siècle
vont accomplir en créant le contrepoint vocal. Comme la liane toute fleurie, toute parfumée, qui
embrasse l'arbre séculaire et l'auguste monument, la polyphonie vocale va s'épanouir autour du
~lain-chant."
48 Ibid., 85. "C'est la mélodie continue dans toute sa force expressive et sa déclamation
supérieure."
149 Ibid., 114. "La mélodie se dégage des règles scolastique et exprime une émotion profondément
religieuse."
150 Ibid., 114. "Il est évident que ces fragments doivent être régis par les lois de l'accent du discours
et non par celles de la mesure rigoureuse. C'est fragments exécutés avec liberté feront un
contraste heureux avec les conclusions métriques des cadences."
 282

place them beyond the reach of the profane."151 Thus for Bordes, the value of Palestrina's

music lay in its qualities as a repository for the accomplishments of previous, Franco-

Flemish composers.

Palestrina' s music for the mass ordinary also emerged in Bordes' s discussion as

the close relative of chant, if properly performed. For he viewed the music as

enveloping liturgical text in a style that, once executed by singers, involved very little

physical expression (Pothier's frozen lips and Bordes's furied recto tono delivery), and

much musical and spiritual abstraction. It was in the motet, the domain of Josquin and

others, where "['homme se [ivre," returning to the freedom of organum purum. The

clamp on human expression necessitated by the liturgical context of music for the mass

ordinary clattered to the ground in extra-liturgical works such as the motet. Still, Bordes

maintained that the composer's only consideration in this type of work was word accent,

which is something of a contradiction sin ce proper text delivery was also central to

Pothier's treatise on chant-most of which had liturgically specific functions. 152 It was

perhaps this contradiction that caused d'Indy to make small changes to Bordes' s theories

in the Cours.

Beyond these articles, in Bordes's many conseils d'exécution he returned to the idea

of rhythm in both Renaissance and pseudo-Renaissance chur ch music of the nineteenth

century with great frequency. When he did not approve, he resorted to derogatory

terms such as petit casiers and abus de carrure. Works with these qualities could not

engender the "supple," "living," "organic," and "arabesque" qualities that he valued in

151 Ibid., 116. "Palestrina n'a pas travaillé pour l'avenir. Il semble qu'il ait voulu fixer à jamais,
cristalliser des formes impérissables et en même temps les mettre hors de toute atteinte profane."
152 Ibid., 117. "Dans les pièces de l'ordinaire de la messe, l'art palestrinien évite l'expression trop
humaine ou pittoresque, enveloppe le texte liturgique d'une musique abstraite et sacramentelle.
Dans le motet, au contraire, l'homme se livre, la piété s'attendrit. Tels motets ont la grâce des
fioretti franciscains. Dans le répons, tout est subordonné à la déclamation: aux dessins
contrapuntiques, qui se croisaient, succèdent les harmonies verticales, les accords transparents,
pour chaque parole du Christ agonisant soit entendue de tous les fidèles. Ici le souci de la
déclamation est tel, que le maître revient à une sorte de diaphonie libre, conduite par l'accent seul
du discours."
 283

Palestrinian music. 153 Not only was it important to Bordes that a melody be rhythmically

free; it should also contain no trace of formulaic compositional procedures. He also

placed a high value on motives that were "undeveloped, but circled around the accented
syllable."I54

Bordes's concept of ideal melody depended on expressivity. Only melody,

particularly mélodie continue, had the ability to convey the conceits of a religious text. 155

Once trapped in the scholasticism of discant, melody freed of rhythmic formulae

evolved into mélodie continue. Josquin's motets were cast as "pure" not because they

were good examples of counterpoint, but because they best illustrated melodic genius à

la Clément at once free and expressive because in its lack of learned regulation. 156 When
Bordes compared Vittoria to Palestrina, the former emerges as more "musical" because

his work was more "horizontal" or melodic. 157 Even in his discussion of contemporary

works by the Venetian Schola Cantorum director, Lorenzo Pero si, Bordes reiterated "the
necessity of line in music, without which there is no work of art.,,158

It is important to separate Bordes the writer from Bordes the performer. If we

look back over the kinds of music he performed, it is obvious that he did not always

conform to his own dicta. His choices aiso frequently departed from the rules that

Chaminade laid down in 1897, even though this same writer referred directly to
performances by the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais as a model for his ideas. Unlike the

original articles of the 1894 regulations from the Sacred Congregation of Rites,
Chaminade provided a specifie technical description of ideal religious music. He

prescribed what he called the style lié, in which inter-related voices moved continuously:

153 Ibid., 8. "Rien n'est plus flexible, vivant, organique, que la musique alla palestrina. C'est
l'arabesque qui vient fleurir la pure ligne grégorienne."
154 Charles Bordes, "Dum aurora findem daret," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (September 1897), 144.
155 Charles Bordes, "La Mélodie continue dans la musique religieuse et dans le drame musical,"
La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (February 1898), 39.
156 Charles Bordes, "La Musique figurée de ses origines," La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (August
1896),113-14.
157 Ibid., 192.
158 Charles Bordes, La Tribune de Saint-Gervais (June 1899), 154. "S'enflammant alors sur la
nécessité de la ligne en musique, sans laquelle il n'y a pas d'œuvre d'art .... "
 284

"the style incorporates the frequent use of suspensions, prolongations, syncopation,

imitation and all forms of canon. On the other hand, it should not contain the various
rhythms that are characteristic of the piano.,,159 Again, the spectre of Pothier's

immobilized lips and chest springs to mind. Chaminade also betrayed a link to Clément,
by insisting that melody remain the most important part of the work, and restraint be

shown in the use of triple and compound triple meters that may have associations with

dance. 160 On the authority of the Parisian Schola Cantorum he argued that the more a

composition resembled plainchant, the more it approached ideal religious music. 161

Thus while the technical description might lead sorne observers to identify Palestrina as

the model behind these particular musical characteristics (mainly imitative counterpoint
with a high degree of rhythmic flexibility), Chaminade made it clear that the

fundamental source or model was actuaIly plain chant. In this his views are very close

to Bordes' s.

The works that Bordes performed with greatest consistency at religious events

(identified in Chapter 1) vary considerably in style, and thus reflect Chaminade's

descriptions only to a limited extent. The responsories attributed to Palestrina that were

given consistently during Holy Week are overwhelmingly homorhythmic (Le., not

imitative or canonic) in texture, and the same is true for the "Stabat Mater." Most of the

movements of the Missa Papae Marcelli tend to this type of texture as weIl, though the

Missa Brevis is much more imitative. Bordes's choice of works by Vittoria conforms to a
greater extent to Chaminade' s texturaI desiderata, though the composer might be

viewed as a less ideal example since sorne works have sections in triple meter, which the

author discourages ("0 Magnum Mysterium", Missa 0 Quam Gloriosum and the Saint

John Passion). In the case of "0 Magnum Mysterium" an elided cadence tums an

159 Eugène Chaminade, La Musique sacrée telle que la veut l'Église, 19. "Il comporte l'emploi
fréquent des retards, des prolongations, des syncopes, des imitations et de toutes les formes
canoniques: il rejette au contraire les divers rythmes caractéristiques du piano, tells que le rythme
actif, le rythme divisionnaire, le rythme à temps forts et à temps faibles et le rythme arpégé."
160 Ibid., 47-48.
161 Ibid., 11.
 285

everyday tierce de picardie into something that sounds more like the kind of sud den
modulation Chaminade is anxious to avoid. 162 Still sorne of the works that Bordes
programmed for religious events might have been the basis for Chaminade' s
observations, but neither was composed by Palestrina: Aichinger's "Factus est Repente,"
and Gabrieli' s "Angeli, Archangeli." The latter includes a number of pronounced
syncopated entries, and suspensions that Bordes was careful to underscore in his edition
with tenuto lines. Nanini's "Hodie Christus Natus Est" also has a predominantly
contrapuntal texture that can be very imitative, though not canonic. Still, in addition to a

short lapse into triple meter, the many runs in individual voices over a span of sorne
twenty measures might have made this motet appear more theatrical (like operatic
bravura) than sacred to observers who adopted Chaminade' s position on sacred music.
Rooted in issues that reached back to much older debates about chant and the

suitability of Palestrina's music for liturgical use, Bordes's writings are very much, as
Katharine Ellis has noted, a conciliatory effort to make sacred music of the Renaissance

acceptable to Ultramontane supporters of chant. l63 Bordes' s strategy for achieving this

was to draw distinct parallels between Palestrinian polyphony and the kind of text-

based rhythmic interpretation promoted by the Solesmes movement. Eugène

Chaminade was actually responsible for the emphasis on counterpoint, with his pointed

prescriptions to use "linear" textures (Le., imitative and canonic textures), but he

reinforced Bordes's ideas by advising composers to introduce elements that would

assure a sense of rhythmic flexibility, such as syncopation and melodic suspensions.

Beyond Chaminade, Bordes' s translations of ideas inherited from Clément and Pothier
may have also informed sorne of the ideas expressed in the Schola's composition

textbook, Vincent d'Indy's well-known Cours de composition musicale.

162 See Bordes's edition of "0 Magnum mysterium" (m. 10), found in his Anthologie des maîtres
religieux primitives des Xve, XVIe et XVIIe siècles vol. 2 (New York: Da Capo Press, 1981), 13-16. This
is a reprint of the Durand et Fils edition dated 1893.
163 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 201.
 286

Sacred Music Reform and d'Indy's Cours de composition musical

In the historical imaginations of Félix Clément, Charles Bordes and Vincent d'Indy there
occurred a moment in history when melody was lost. For Clément it was the fifteenth
century with the advent of suffocating "harmonies." For Bordes and d'Indy, it was the
seventeenth century and the introduction of vertically conceived sonorities. 164 This
demonizing of harmony lies behind one of the more memorable passages in Vincent
d'Indy's Cours de composition musicale, in which he told readers, "musically, chords do

not exist, and harmony is not the science of chords. The study of chords for their own
sake, from a musical point of view, is an absolute aesthetic error, because harmony
derives from melody and must never be practiced apart from it.,,165 Thus d'Indy

condemns harmony for its own sake, much as we saw in Chapter 3, with Louis de

Serres's response to Henri Gauthier-Willars in 1905. Readers of 1902 may have viewed
this "anti-harmonie" position (though it is not really against harmony) as sympathetic to

Camille Bellaigue and Gustave Robert's idea that sacred "impersonalism" could result

from a musical style rooted in counterpoint. At the same time, d'Indy made no direct

connection between impersonalism and counterpoint in the Cours, though he

acknowledges the idea as important to an understanding of Medieval music and as an
idea he had taken from the sacred art historian Émile Mâle. 166 He most certainly did not

single out Palestrina as the consummate model of this impersonalism, which was the

case for Bellaigue. In fact, d'Indy tells readers that Palestrina's music contained

164 On Camille Bellaigue as the source for Bordes and d'Indy's dating of the Renaissance in the
seventeenth century, see Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 203-05. She also
demonstrates that Bellaigue's views were derived from those of August Wilhelm Ambros.
165Vincent d'Indy and Auguste Sérieyx, Cours de composition musicale vol. 1/2 (Paris: Durand et
Fils, 1912): 91. "Musicalement, les accords n'existent pas, et l'harmonie n'est pas la science des
accords. L'étude des accords pour eux-même est, au point de vue musical, une erreur esthétique
absolue, car l'harmonie provient de la mélodie, et ne doit jamais en être séparée dans son
aRplication."
1 6 Ibid., 214-15.
 287

chromatic harmonies that were later used in Italian opera (which Robert viewed as

overly personal for use in the church).167

In other chapters of the Cours, d'Indy returns to ideas that are strikingly similar

to those of Clément. Part of Clément' s very definition of art in general as "variation

within unity" can be found in d'Indy's chapter on melody. After describing the three

conditions of melody, we learn that "once these three conditions are met, Melody truly

answers the goal of Art, which is Variation within Unity.,,168 The medieval hymns

endowed with regular rhythms that so violated text accentuation and became the basis

for secular compositions in Clément returned first in Bordes, and later in d'Indy as genres

populaires that were rooted in dance music, and which led to an era of syllabisme
métrique. 169

But to return to the idea of melody, there is one important difference between

Clément and d'Indy. For Clément it was the source of beauty tout court. For d'Indy it

derived from something more elemental-the rhythm of speech, which prior to the

seventeenth century was the essence of sacred music. 170 In d'Indy's words: "in the

course of the first two stages of music history (the rythmo-monodic and polyphonie

periods) the art of speech rhythm was found in religious music, while the art of the gestural

rhythm moved almost exclusively into the domain of secular music."l7l In these ideas
d'Indy more nearly approaches Bordes' s writings of 1896, which emphasize text

rhythm s, and aiso resonate with those expressed in Mathis Lussy's Traité de l'Expression

Musicale. Published prior to 1874 and reissued in various editions over the next thirty

167 Ibid., 166.

168 Ibid., 43. "Lorsque ces trois conditions sont remplies, la Mélodie répond vraiment au but de
l'Art, qui est la Variété dans l'Unité."
169 Ibid., 73.
170 Ibid., 29. "Dans toutes les langues humaines, la prononciation successive des syllabes et des
mots est caractérisée par certaines variations de durée, d'intensité ou d'acuité; cette application de
la rythmique au langage constitue l'accent . ... Le langage musical et le langage parlé sont, en
effet, régis d'une façon identique par les lois de l'accent. Les groupes rythmiques, nous l'avons
constaté, sont l'image musicale des syllabes, dont la succession engendre les mots et les phrases."
171 lbid.,2S." Ainsi, au cours des deux premières époques de l'histoire musicale (époque rythmo-
monodique et époque polyphonique), l'art de la parole rythmée se retrouve dans la musique religieuse,
tandis que l'art du geste rythmé est passé presque exclusivement dans la musique profane."
 288

years, it was the official textbook for the Brussels conservatory and won prizes at several

international exhibitions prior to 1882. Most of this treatise was given over to rhythm,

which has three distinct types of accent: accents métriques that could be sensed by musical

instinct; accents rhythmiques that appealed to musical intelligence; and accents pathétiques

that stirred the musical sentiment. 172 Of the three, the pathetic accent took precedence

for Lussy, and in addition, could not be apprehended or performed without a sou1.173

These ideas betray a hierarchy of rhythm in Lussy' s concept that placed meter in a very

low stratum and reserved the most important type of rhythmic accent for the spiritual, if

not expressly sacred, musician and listener. Moreover, Lussy c1assified melodic phrases

according to the types of rhythm they contained.174

If precedent for d'Indy's conception of rhythm existed in both Lussy and

Pothier's theories of chant rhythm, he did go a step beyond these thinkers. D'Indy

reproduced André Mocquereau' s the ory of ancient neumes as ideographic

representations of the natural rise and faU of musical syUables (arsis and thesis), and thus

the actual accentuation within the language that forms the basis for rhythm. 175 This was

important for d'Indy, because he wanted to establish the rooting of mots musicaux in

chant, not in the music of his day. He wrote that, /lit would be an error to think that this

application of music to text is a purely modern invention, and that Gregorian chant, the

father of our dramatic music, is devoid of this expressive characteristic which endows it,

on the contrary, with its main attraction. 176 By stepping beyond Pothier's less precise

indications and emphasis on the role of instinct in reading neumes, d'Indy also put one

foot in the material world of positivism: the neumes meant something that could be

analyzed, not simply understood instinctively as Pothier urged in his own work.

172 Mathis Lussy, Traité de l'expression musicale. Accents, nuances et mouvements dans la musique
vocale et instrumentale 2nd edition (paris: Heugel, 1882), 11-12.
173 Ibid., 92.
174 Ibid., 39-4l.
175 Vincent d'Indy and Auguste Sérieyx, Cours de composition musicale vol. 1, 48-50.
176 Ibid., 74. "Ce serait une erreur de croire que cette application de la musique au texte est toute
d'invention moderne, et que le chant grégorien, père de notre musique dramatique, est dépourvu
de ce caractère expressif, qui fait, au contraire, son principal attrait."
 289

D'Indy shared Bordes's vision of the role of discant in shaping the counterpoint
of liturgical music. 177 As we saw in the younger composer's vision of the motet, d'Indy
assigned a place of prestige for this genre. For him it was the pinnacle of contrapuntal
composition that led to the development of the responsory setting, like those composed
by Vittoria and Ingegneri (then attributed to Palestrina) that had made Bordes's Holy
Week services so popular. In d'Indy's mind, the motet later developed into the
instrumental fugue, which became the basis for the symphony. This was because the
motet proceded, in principle, from Medieval monody even though it incorporated part

of the technical outgrowth of mensuraI rhythm in its cadential gestures:

As for the motet's music, be it a paraphrase of a Gregorian theme or the

manifestation of a more personal art, it proceeds no less, in principal, from
Medieval monody, to which the composer added the effect of his own personal
emotion, through the use of expressive accent and ornamentation of the melodic
period. 178

The implication is similar to Bordes's chant palestrinien-the motet is a polyphonic

version of monophony with free, unmeasured rhythms. These are also the rhythms of
speech, and so based in word, the motet emerges as a consummate form of drama. 179 1
have already noted that d'Indy displaced the dating of the Renaissance in his Cours, and
this allowed him to dissociate the music of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries from

what he believed to be the "egoism" of the age of humanism, and that this was largely
the influence of Camille Bellaigue. 18o This reinterpretation of history that we also saw in
Bordes's writing was essential to d'Indy's depiction of the motet as a precursor to

modern drama, a genre no less sacred for its secular function. l81

177 Ibid., 146.

178 Ibid., 147. "Quant à la musique du motet, qu'elle soit la paraphrase d'un thème grégorien ou la
manifestation d'un art plus personnel, elle n'en procède pas moins, en principe, de la belle
monodie médiévale, à laquelle le compositeur vient ajouter l'effet de sa propre émotion, par
l'emploi de l'accent expressif et l'ornementation de la période mélodique."
179 Ibid., 150.

180 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 203-05

181 D'Indy tells readers that motets are constructed on essentially dramatic principles that involve
a rigorous adaptation of the text. He also values the constructive principles of this genre because
it involves no filler parts [aucun partie de remplissage comme on en rencontre dans les chœurs
 290

D'Indy' s interpretation of medieval rhythm is central to his theory of the

motet-indeed of aU music. Rhythm is essential to melody, without which vocal
counterpoint could not exist, and by extension harmony. Without an exact transmission
of accent, frozen in the ancient chant manuscripts of France, the motet could not be built
on something deeply rooted in medieval French culture. In the broader context of
musicalfin-de-siècle Wagnerism, the need to establish this culturallegacy was imperative:
hence a momentary stretch to the methods of positivism, to reclaim the essence of
dramatic music for artistic idealism.

Conclusion

The most important ideas that l have explored in this chapter inc1ude the notion that the
Schola's relationship to the Church as an institution was complex, and that Bordes and

d'Indy's ideas about sacred music were rooted in a long history of debate that was itself
tinged with contemporary philosophical debates. The Schola's relationship to Parisian
Gallican Catholics was nowhere near as strong as its commitment to the Ultramontane
monks of Solesmes and, probably, to its work in select provinces where Ultramontanism
prevailed. This made the Schola somewhat undesirable, for the work of Solesmes, as l
have shown, was not acceptable to aU Catholics. The history of the Schola in Paris is

plagued with troubles that arose out of its problematic relationship with the chur ch in
that city: Bordes's "act first; ask later" politics with regard to the Parisian archdiocese;

the hostile reception accorded the society (not necessarily the Chanteurs) in Paris; the

incident over Jewish singers at the Institut Catholique noted in Chapter 3; and the inner
quarrels and discontent with its maison de famille that led to discontent in the provinces.
Whatever ties between the Schola and the church in Paris that remained in 1900 were
surely and decisively cut with the firing of Guilmant (1901) and Bordes's very public
departure from Saint-Gervais in 1902.

d'écriture harmoniques]. These are undeniably aesthetic desiderata closely linked with the work of
Wagner. See the Cours de composition musicale, 148; 150.
 291

Reading through the issues that informed the debates about sacred music from
the 1860s onwards, and particularly reading the recommendations that issued from
various congresses, and even Pius X, seems to draw the reader into an endlessly
repeating circ1e of ideas. And that is not far from the mark. The kind of reform that
Bordes was attempting to achieve in sacred music was not very original. But when Pius
X issued the first motu proprio in 1903, he made sure that his work was interpreted that

way in the Tribune de Saint-Gervais. Until a thorough study of papal congratulatory

briefs to specific musicians following the issuing of the two motu proprios is undertaken,
Bordes's brief will certainly stand out. A list of all the musicians whose work in sacred
music reform was recognized (but not publicized) by the Pope would surely dispel this
stubbornly enduring myth.
What changed from decade to decade in the debate over sacred music and chant
was how the message of reform was communicated. If Clément saw no other form of
teaching than through the idealist illustration of models, Pothier' s Les Mélodies
grégoriennes genuflects to mounting positivism, by making small concessions to variance
in notation and Latin pronunciation. But the monk stands idealistically tall and firmly
on a single, anti-materialistic, anti-corporeal reading of chant rhythm and performance,

and it was not until Mocquereau's seventh volume of Paléographie musicale (1901), that

Solesmes channeled the bulk of its arguments in a positivistic approach. Bordes and
d'Indy were more aggressive in this respect, with the creation of sacred music histories
told through specifie stylistic elements.
If the movement to reform sacred music had any effect on Schola programming,

it was surely rather negative. For debates over sacred music culminated in the removal

of most polyphony from the liturgy with Pius X. Whatever kinds of traditions that
Bordes may have been trying to create with the Missa Papae marcelli for Christmas, or
Vittoria and Ingegneri/Palestrina responsory settings for Easter, he must surely have

realized the complete incompatibility of such ventures with the main goal of the Schola.

But that was really after the fact: Bordes's success in performing polyphony at Saint-
 292

Gervais came before the founding of the Schola. The fit between Schola theory and
Chanteurs practice was not a very good match. As 1 suggested in the body of this

chapter, Bordes's musical choices rarely reflect the kinds of ideal music prescribed by
thinkers such as Chaminade. In the end, the Schola founders who disagreed with
identifying the new society for sacred music too dosely with the Chanteurs, who

hesitated to calI the Schola's mouth-picce La Tribune de Saint-Gervais, were probably right

to dissent: as the voice for a wide range of works given largely outside the church, by
1894 these singers were already too greatly at odds with the "school for singing" that

was built on the success of their performances.

 ChapterS

Context for Early Music: Nation, Class, and Gender1

On 22 December 1894, Captain Alfred Dreyfus was wrongly convicted of sharing French
military secrets with Germany. He was sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil's

Island. The documents that hadbeen used to convict Dreyfus were later revealed as
inauthentic, and forged by Hubert-Joseph Henry. A little more than four years later,
Émile Zola published his celebrated condemnation of the military cover-up in an issue of
the newspaper Aurore (13 January 1898). In the faU of 1899, Dreyfus was given a new
trial, and though he was again found guilty of treason, was officially pardoned by the
newly elected ministry of Waldeck-Rousseau. The fierce debates that surrounded this

five-year period and the seven years that foUowed it are weU-known to students of
French cultural and political history as a period of intense ideological conflict and
violent questionings over what it should mean to be French, or at least a Frenchman?
Much of France was cast into a disturbing identity crisis. During this period, the
Catholic church was aligned with the military in the public's consciousness as "anti-
Dreyfusard." As a Catholic institution, the Schola would have been identified as anti-

Dreyfusard. Even though its early music revival got off to a start before the widespread
public awareness of Dreyfus' s unfair trial, the Schola' s ties to the church were reinforced
at the outbreak of l'Affaire in 1898, when it became the Institut Catholique de Paris's fine

arts department.

1 Substantial portions of this chapter have been taken from my "Nationalism and Early Music at the
French fin-de-siècle: Three case studies," Nineteenth-Century Music Review 1/2 (2004): 43-66, with the kind
rermission of Ashgate Publishing.
The literature on the Dreyfus affair and its impact on French society is vast For basic information see
George R. White, The Dreyfus Affoir: A chronological history (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005). For an
in-depth examination of the link between thi::: crisis and a concomitant questioning of gender
identification in France, see Christopher Forth, The Dreyfus Affoir and the Crisis of French Manhood
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004). See also Pierre Bimbaum (ed.), La France et l'affoire
Dreyfus (Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1994); Christophe Charle, La Naissance des "intellectuals" 1880-1900
(Paris: Éditions du Minuit, 1990).
 294

Jane Fu1cher views the Dreyfus Affair as an important issue that had a direct
effect on every aspect of the Schola's curriculum and activities, including its public
lectures and historical-pedagogical concerts.3 Her arguments have merit, yet it is also

important to remember that this heated affair was, itself, the product of national soul
searching that extended back to the 1870s. Likewise, nationalist issues that affected what
types of early music were revive d, and how the se repertoires were received, also had
roots in the early Third Republic. Looking into how "nationalist" issues may have

swayed Schola programming of early music thus requires sensitivity to a larger time
period. At the same time, there is one trend in the Schola's early music programming
that coincides significantly with the intensification of the French nation's identity crisis
(brought on by the Dreyfus Affair after 1898) and this is an increase in the amount of
ancien régime music that was programmed. Sorne of this music, particularly works that

were composed during the reign of Louis XIV, might be viewed as escapist art for anti-
Dreyfusard music loyers-or at least certain segments of the right wing.
Despite this coincidence between the explosion of the Dreyfus Affair and the

programming of ancien régime music, it is also important to accept that there may be a
disparity between the ory and practice-the kind highlighted in Chapter 3, and
particularly Chapter 4 of this dissertation. Katharine Ellis has also drawn attention to the
discrepancy between theory and practice where the nineteenth-century revival of French

Baroque opera is concerned. She has also pointed out that early nineteenth-century
French historians treated another repository of musical Frenchness, fifteenth-century
Franco-Flemish composers, to laudatory biographies even though they either ignored or
reviled their music. 4 Ellis' s insistence on what she terms the" disjunction between

3 Jane Fulcher, French Cultural Polities and Music, 28-35.

4 Katharine Ellis points out that the works published by Théodore Michaëlis after 1877 in his Chefs-
d'oeuvre classiques de l'opéra français were by and large not the ones that were performed during this time
period. She also tells readers that French music historians prior to Julien Tiersot lauded fifteenth-century
Franco-Flemish composers even though they rejected their music. See her Interpreting the Musical Past,
136-41; 152-53.
 295

culture and practice" or, the gap between what is written about and what is performed,
is a waming to any scholar. 5

Secular Communing: A Harmonie Palestrina for the Social Elite

Charles Bordes's performances of music by Palestrina were different from mainstream

renditions of single mass movements that were executed by the Société des Concerts du
Conservatoire and other organizations as curiosity items alongside nineteenth-century

pieces. First, Bordes programmed a greater variety of works by this composer, even
though the ones that were most often heard-the Holy Week responsory settings-were
almost uniformly homorhythmic in texture, and not actually by Palestrina. Second, the

masses and other events for which Charles Bordes provided music at the Église Saint-

Gervais in the 1890s appealed to a wider audience demographic. It is this second point

that is most salient here: in the decades prior to Bordes' s performances, audiences could

only hear Palestrina' s masses and motets at select venues, the Niedermeyer school, and a

very small number of churches that had state funding for training a children' s choir or
maîtrise (in Paris and in the provinces). Palestrina was a composer for a small elite prior
to 1890.
The masses and most of the concerts at Saint-Gervais were open to the general

public, moderately priced, and according to Gustave Robert, brought together music

lovers from almost every social c1ass. 6 This should not come as a surprise: Saint-Gervais

was not a top, wealthy church like the Madeleine or the Trinité. During Bordes's tenure

as music director, no celebrated organist held an appointment at Saint-Gervais. Its

actuai instrument dated back to the eighteenth century and was in a dismal state of
repair for the entire time that Bordes served as music director. Moreover, as 1 pointed

5 Ibid., 255.
6 Gustave Robert, La Musique à Paris 1895-96, Études critiques sur les concerts, programmes, index de noms
cites vol. 2, (Paris: Librairie Fischbacher, 1896),202-05.
 296

out in my introduction, the crowd that Bordes enjoyed for his 1891 Maundy Thursday
performances of Palestrina and Allegri may have come more for the lecture by
Ferdinand Brettes, who was popular with the working classes, than for the music.

Further research into the speakers who gave sermons for Bordes's Holy Week services
may turn up more examples of this.
Although at least Holy Week events were attended by the upper classes,
Palestrinian music at Saint-Gervais lacked the kind of exclusive cachet that marked

events such as a projected series of three concerts planned by the choir of the Sistine

Chapel for the winter of 1888. The price of admission to the first was advertised at a

staggering fifty francs, the second still rather hefty at twenty, and only the third touted

as "affordable"-though given the other prices, it is difficult to imagine what the

organizers believed to be economica1. 7 Prior to Bordes' s first major performance of the

Missa Papae Marcelli , it was given by a choir of fort y voices on three occasions in the
spring of 1892. But for a limited audience of three hundred, paying twenty francs each, at

the Salon de la rose-croix.8 Through events such as this, and performances given by the

beau monde of amateur societies and other once-a-year Renaissance polyphonists,

Palestrina came to the 1890s as an early music composer for the limited few.

Wagnerism was also an important factor in the reception of Palestrina' s music.

Katharine Ellis has recently shown how pre-1890 performances of Palestrina by

musicians such as Joseph Régnier, Louis Niedermeyer, and Charles Vervoitte, with

singers occasionally hidden from the audience, executed in extremely slow tempi,
pianissimo dynamics, staggered breathing within parts, and massed choral forces would

have appealed to a Wagnerian aesthetic. From Ellis we also learn that nineteenth-

century French performance practices produced a sense of monumentality that was

remarked upon by critics as early as 1868 by Paul Lacombe (L'Art musical), and later in

7Unsigned, Le Ménestrel, (15 Apri11888).

notice for the 1892 season at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Opéra; and Le Ménestrel (13
8 Original
March 1892).
 297

1875 by Maurice Crista1.9 Clothed in the nineteenth-century excess of the massed choir,
Palestrina may have appealed to sorne audiences of the 1890s as a Renaissance man in
Romantic dothing. lndeed, in Bordes's time, the critic Camille Bellaigue made a direct
comparison between what he believed to be the "mainly harmonie, if not exdusively
harmonie" style of Palestrina and the work of Riehard Wagner. lO At the same time,
Bellaigue's brand of Wagnerism does not appear to have induded a value for the kind of

monumentality that characterized mid-nineteenth-century performances of Palestrina's

music: he prized the immateriality and mystery of hidden voices, but he emphasized

that performances of this music required only a few singers. ll This attitude may derive
from Bordes' s performance practices. Except for special occasions, and more
consistently as the decade progressed, Bordes's choral resources were normally reduced

to between twenty-five and fort y singers. Moreover, the evidence of breath marks

indicated in Bordes's published versions of this repertoire preduded staggering within

parts. lndeed, these breath marks were religiously adhered to as a means of highlighting

the text, as were a variety of expressive nuances, induding rj(rinsforzando).12 This

makes it unlikely that Bordes's performances produced the massive hushed sounds

9 Katharine Ellis, "Palestrina et la musique dite 'Palestrinienne' en France au XIXe siècle: Questions
d'exécution et de reception" in La Renaissance et sa musique au XIXe siècle, edited by Philippe Vendrix,
(Paris, 2000): 169-70. See also her Interpreting the Musical Fast, 192.
10 Bellaigue, "Trois maîtres d'italie, Palestrina," La Revue des deux mondes (October 1894): 867-68. "Cette
musique est austère parce qu'elle est surtout harmonie, sinon harmonie seulement, et que de la musique
l'harmonie est l'élément sérieux et grave par excellence.. . Enfin, L' œuvre de Wagner plus que toute
autre offrirait de nombreux spécimens de beautés exclusivement harmoniques."
11 Ibid., 861-62. "Quelques voix lui suffisent, et quelques voix cachées. Elle n'attire l'attention et ne
trouble la piété par aucun spectacle mate riel. Elle n'interpose entre l'autel et la nef ni un groupe
d'étrangers ni un amas d'instrumens [sic]. Elle ne souffre pas que la silhouette agitée d'un batteur de
mesure rompe la noble perspective de l'église, et dérobe aux yeux de la vue des rites sacrés, des gestes
~ui bénisSent et consacrent"
1 Sorne of the instances actually occur in the responsory settings for Holy Week. See Bordes edition of
the responsory settings for Maundy Thursday, "Tristis est anima mea" (mm. 9-11) and "Ecce vidimus
eum" (mm. 7; 27; and m. 6 of the verset. There are actually more instances of rinsforzando entries in
Bordes's editions ofVittoria's Holy Week responsory settings, but his version ofPalestrina's motet
"Coenantibus Illis" is literally peppered with these explosive accents (see mm. 8; 11-13; 16-18; 47-48; 56-
57;62; 74-75; 81-83). These works are found in Bordes's Anthologie des maftres religieux primitifs vol. 2, 21-
31. There is a commonality between Bordes's dependence on the text for interpretive guidance, and use
of varying dynamics and earlier established South German practices. The latter conventions have been
discussed by James Garratt, "Perforrning Renaissance Church Music in Nineteenth-Century Germany:
Issues and Challenges in the Study of Performative Reception," Music & Letfers 83/2 (May 2002): 187-
236.
 298

reminiscent of, perhaps, Parsifal.

Audience members who came to Bordes's concerts with expectations shaped by

"Wagnerian" performances of Palestrina's music-either by Bordes on more momentous

occasions, or by other societies-may have found something other than what they had

anticipated. This may explain why Holy Week performances, with their greater

numbers of performers, had longer staying power than the musical services that Bordes

scheduled during the off season, and why they generated so mu ch revenue. But even if

Bordes' s performances were more Wagnerian than his published scores indicate, by 1898

a wave of anti-Wagnerian/ anti-German sentiment had begun to form amongst sorne

musicians, music lovers, and criticsP If performance quality was not an issue at the end

of the 1890s, perhaps Wagnerian associations were. 14

Flagging Palestrina performances may also reflect public distaste for sorne of the

rhetoric that surrounded executions of this composer's music in the earlier part of the

decade. Writing for the right-winged Revue des deux mondes, Bellaigue's emphasis on the

"harmonic" aspect of Palestrina' s music had roots in earlier commentary about this

composer. In the decades prior to Bordes's performances, counterpoint (a defining

feature of much Renaissance sacred polyphony) was associated with artistic self-

aggrandizement and very directly with the Renaissance, as anti-religious. 15 Under the

reign of Leo XIII, Ultramontane Catholics increasingly favoured communitarian ideals for

which the high and leamed style of Palestrinian counterpoint could never be a

13 Scott Messing asserts that the reaction against Wagner after the 1890s was swift, and accompanied by
a perception that the decadent, "bloated" nature of nineteenth-century French music had been the result
of too much German influence. See his Neoclassicism in Music: From the Genesis ofthe Concept through the
Schoenberg/Stravinsky Polemic (Ann Arbor: UMl Research Press, 1988),6. Steven Huebner has discussed
the demise of Wagner as a musical icon in France after the premiere of Claude Debussy' s Pelléas. See his
French Opera at the Fin-de-siècle, 478-79. Myriam Chimènes has pointed out that even those members of
the social elite who had been fervently devoted to Wagner in the 1880s and early 1890s had, by the tum
of the century, found other objects of devotion. See her "Elites sociaIs et pratiques wagnériennes" in Von
Wagner zum Wagnérisme: Musik, Literatur, Kunst, Politik edited by Annegret Fauser and Manuela
Schwartz (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitatsverlag, 1999), 196-97.
14 Allan Gillmor rnaintains that the Chanteurs and the Schola were actually founded in a spirit of revoIt
aJ?;ainstWagner. See his Erik Satie, 6.
1 See Félix Clément, Histoire générale de la musique religieuse, 329-30 as weIl as my discussion of sacred
music debates in Chapter 4. Ellis has also raised the issue of individualism and egoism (see fn 15).
 299

metaphor. But mu sie that seemed like harmonized chant might be. 16 Bellaigue's

argument for a harmonic Palestrina may have also reminded readers specifically of

Camille Saint-Saëns' s assessment of this same composer, especially since Saint-Saëns was

such a visible presence in French musicallife. For this composer, a harmonie Palestrina

meant less that the mu sie was suited to communitarian ideals and more that his work

was indicative of an intellectually superior culture or social elite. He believed that those

enslaved to melody were somehow inferior, and this inc1uded entire races and nations of

people,

who, by their inferior organization, [were] not able to elevate themselves to the
conceptuallevel of harmony . . .. Su ch were the ancient societies, su ch are the
orientaIs and the blacks from Africa. The latter' s music is infantile and without
interest. OrientaIs have pushed melodie and rhythmie experiments to the limit,
but know nothing of harmony.17

Almost two decades after the original publication of Saint-Saëns's "Harmonie et

mélodie," BeIlaigue also declared Palestrina's music both harmonic and superior to a

culturalother:

It is almost exclusively harmony that makes up Palestrina's music. It is extremely

rare that we are able to detach anything from this polyphony where the parts
gain meaning above aU through their reciprocal relationships, by contrast and by
symmetry, by imitations, responses, and intertwining of counterpoint. The music
of Palestrina knows nothing of solos. The melody is constantly enveloped,
involved in the harmony. Never is any one voice accompanied by the others,
rather aIl the voices sing together and accompany each other... Melody
undoubtedly belongs to the realm of primitive music, as it is the most accessible to the
ignorant, to children, and the general population. There are popular melodies, but popular
harmonies do not exist. Melody is the aspect of the music which is most sensitive,
sometimes sensual, being in sorne ways external to art; harmony is the part of
music that is more internaI and rational, and if it is not true that aIl melodies are

16 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 182; 186; 190-205. Here Ellis provides a detailed discussion
of the problems of "harmony" and" counterpoint" in Palestrina reception and ideology throughout the
nineteenth century in France.
17 Camille Saint-Saëns, Hannonie et mélodie, (Paris: Calmann Lévy, 1885), 13-14. "Il se compose d'abord de
tous les peuples qui, par leur organisation inférieure, ne peuvent s'élever jusqu'à la conception de
l'harmonie; cela est une évidence incontestable. Tels étaient les peuples antiques, tels sont les orientaux et
les nègres de l'Afrique. Ces derniers ont une musique enfantine et sans intérêt Les orientaux ont poussé
très loin la recherche de la mélodie et du rythme, mais l'harmonie leur est inconnue."
 300

light and frivolous, it is most certainly true that most frivolous and light musie is
melodic. 18

The harmonie nature of Palestrina's music rendered it non-populi st and serious, and also

marked it as ideal for the communal expression of a chosen (and perhaps predominantly

rationally male) few. Bellaigue's reasoning is that since the polyphonic is necessarily

collective and the vocal human,

Palestrina's mu sie is not the music of one of us but of all of us ... no voice
dominates or imposes itself upon the others, pride and the sense of self
are eradicated here. None says, "My Father, who is in heaven." AlI say together,
Our Father. 19

The operative word here is "us." For Bellaigue's scorn for "the ignorant, children and

the general population" highlights a necessary "other" for his communal, but elite group

of (possibly all male) musie loyers, composers, and musicians.

In his review of Bordes's performances for Holy Week in 1892, the composer-

critic Paul Dukas appeared more concerned with establishing Palestrina as a "serious"

composer than confirming him as a communal harmonist. He told readers that while

modern music may have developed from harmonie research and orchestral colouring, it

was actually very far behind Palestrina and Bach in terms of counterpoint. In Dukas's

view, composers would benefit from studying this technique as weIl, for he believed that

the virtues of counterpoint in Palestrina's mu sie lay in its ability to grant smaller groups

18 Camille Bellaigue, "Trois maîtres d'Italie, Palestrina" La Revue des deux mondes (15 October 1894): 868.
"Eh bien, é est presque uniquement d'harmonie qu'est faite la musique de Palestrina. Il est extrêmement
rare qu'on puisse rien détacher de cette polyphonie où les parties valent surtout par leurs relations
réciproques, par l'opposition et la symétrie, par les imitations, les réponses et l'entrelacement du
contrepoint La musique de Palestrina ne connaît pas le solo. La mélodie y est constamment enveloppée,
impliquée dans l'harmonie. Jamais une seule voix n'y chante accompagnée par les autres; mais toutes les
voix y chantent ensemble et s'accompagnent entre elles ... La mélodie est à coup sûr l'élément primitifde la
musique, le plus aisément accessible aux simples aux ignorants, aux enfonts et au peuple. Il y a des mélodies
populaires, mais des harmonies populaires, cela n'existe pas. La mélodie est la forme la plus sensible, parfois
sensuelle, la forme en quelque sorte extérieure de l'art; l'harmonie en est la forme plutôt intérieure et
rationnelle, et s'il n'est pas vrai que toute mélodie soit légère et frivole, il est en revanche certain que
toute musique frivole et légère est mélodie." (emphasis mine)
19 Ibid., 869. "Polyphonique et par conséquent collective, vocale et par là foncièrement humaine, la
musique de Palestrina n'est pas la musique d'un de nous, mais de nous tous... Dans le fraternel concert
dont elle est faite, aucune voix ne domine ou ne dédaigne les autres; l'orgueil et le sens propre s'effacent
ici. Nul ne dit Mon Père, qui est aux cieux; tous disent ensemble: Notre Père, et voilà comment la
polyphonie palestrinienne est l'une des plus admirables expressions par la musique, non seulement de la
foi, mais de la charité."
 301

a distinctive melodic contour. For Dukas, each voice also had the potential to emerge

from the choral mass in harmonic autonomy?O Still, Dukas's real interest in this

repertoire was its value as self-sustaining, "serious" music. In a world of decadent art,

he called for a revival of works of the past, music that "welled up spontaneously," as

opposed to lyric pieces written to order. The national extraction and even the historical

period were of lesser importance for Dukas: he insisted that both Palestrina and Bach

could teach the same lesson, which was that music should be viewed as a serious

enterprise. He counseled readers that a journey into the musical past would provide an

experience in,

the sense of monumentality with which the ancient masters practiced an art that
has been too often degraded since; it is the faith in the higher ideal held by these
composers in the breadth of music; it is, in a word, the respect for a tradition
made so greatly manifest in these corn po sers from the earliest history of music,
that we can, in turn, continue to uphold.2 1

While Dukas saw little difference in the message and value of the music of Bach

and Palestrina, it is clear that the conceptual complex of music as serious, autonomous in

being, and highly suited to the communal experience of elite individuals was a defining

feature of Palestrina's music for him. For this Renaissance composer provided elite

communities with the opportunity to express their difference, and to come together in

shared appreciation, as they would, for instance, at private airings of Wagner's music, or

in the course of pilgrimages to Bayreuth undertaken by only the few and enlightened.

For the musically elite, Palestrina also came to represent an ideal composer of self-

sufficient musical works that were independent of the performer?Z There was almost no

room for this kind of elitism in French Roman Catholicism of the late nineteenth century,

20 Paul Dukas, "Les Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais -- Saint-Saëns," La Revue hebdomadaire aune 1896),
reproduced in the Les Écrits de Paul Dukas sur la musique, (Paris: Société d'éditions françaises et
intemationals, 1948),332. "... et l'effet de ces masses vocales dialoguant par groupes ayant chacun leur
autonomie harmonique et leurs mouvements mélodiques particuliers."
21 Paul Dukas, "Les Auditions de Saint-Gervais" in Les Écrits, 23-24. Originally published in La Revue
hebdomadaire aune 1892).
22 In addition to Palestrina's nineteenth-century reception as an elitist product of the Renaissance,
Katharine Ellis has also discussed the characterization of rus music as "absolute." See her Interpreting the
Musical Pas t, 193.
 302

which was moving increasingly towards less Tridentine models, as l mentioned earlier
in this dissertation. There was also very little space for a Palestrina who signified

cultural chauvinism after 1898, and less after Alfred Bruneau' s celebrated report on
French music of 1900 held up Gustave Charpentier's Louise as ideal music because it
provided a service to a social cause.23 Bordes was able to programme sacred Renaissance

music for the Concerts Lamoureux and Colonne: but it was the work of Josquin and
Vittoria, not Palestrina, that audiences heard.

Musicological Interpretations of French Nationalism

There is some form of cultural chauvinism at work in the reception of Palestrina, but is

this a type of nationalism? After aU, there is no appeal to a sense of Frenchness in the
writings of Bellaigue, Saint-Saëns, or Dukas. Can the Schola' s shift away from the music
of Palestrina after 1900 be viewed as a reaction fuelled by nationalist sentiment? This is

of course complicated by the secularization of the Schola's educational activities at

around the same time. For much like the French nation of the tumultuous years that

followed 1898, the Schola was very much in the process of redefining itself at the tum of

the century: Palestrina was too closely associated with Catholicism, and as we saw in

Chapter 4, the appropriateness of his music for the Catholic liturgy was highly debated
within the church. These circumstances made Palestrina a poor representative of what
the new Schola stood for. But the kind of attitudes associated with him, and which were

later projected unto J. S. Bach, remained: his was a music that could serve as an emblem
of social difference, and even one type of French identity. This kind of Frenchness was

not inclusive. It required the foil of an "other" in order to be defined, which the political

philosopher Charles Taylor identifies as a feature of a specific type of nationalism that

23 lbid.,242. See also Fulcher, French Cultural Politics and Music, 44.
 303

arises amongst former elite members of a nation as they attempt to define themselves as
" different.,,24

Frenchness as "difference" is not new: in his assessment of French nationalism,

Richard Taruskin daims thatfin-de-siècle musical Frenchness was defined in direct
opposition to what was perceived as artistic Germaness. And like Anya Suschitzky,

Taruskin daims that the emblem for this national difference was the music of Jean-
Philippe Rameau:

As the last great composer of the ancien régime, Rameau was held to have been
the last exemplar of those innate French qualities that had recently been obscured
by Wagnerism and the unwittingly Teutonizing work of the Société nationale. A
short list of these qualities, as described by aIl the editors (but most
enthusiastically by Debussy) -lumière, clarté, classicisme, gout - easily reveals how
deliberately they were constructed against the nocturnal Romantic virtues
(virtues, ab ove aIl, of unconscious "lore") that were claimed
by the Germans, thus presciently forging a link between French nationalism and
what would later be known as neo-dassicism.25

But neither Taruskin nor Suschitzky has extended the idea further, along Taylor' s line of

thought, to think of the "other" not as German, but as another French person or social

group, or to look for other sources of national musical identity. Taruskin and

Suschitzky's ideas represent a trend amongst musicologists to view nationalism infin-de-

siècle France as "ethnic-linguistic" in kind, or, as a mass movement towards

homogenization that is rooted in ideal visions of race, and manifested in language. If
"nationalism" must be defined as a search for cultural essentials by the whole nation-in

Taruskin's case lumière, clarté, classicisme, goût-then of course the "other" must be a

different country.
This is not to say that musicologists have universally conceived of Third Republic

French nationalism as an anti-German, anti-American, or anti-English idea specificaIly.

Jane Fulcher views French nationalism from the post-Dreyfus era as very much a clash

24 Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity" in Theorizing Nationalism edited by Ronald Beiner
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999),219-45.
25 Richard Taruskin, "Nationalism" in Grave Music Online, <www.grovemusic.com> (accessed 12 June
2006). See also Anya Suschitzky, "The Nation on Stage," 153-54.
 304

between visions of Frenchness amongst the nation' s people: a Monarchist, Scholiste,

anti-Dreyfusard impulse against a Republican, Conservatiste, Dreyfusard movement.

Yet to understand Fulcher, one must assume that nationalism is rooted in essentialist
and racist ideals. Katharine Ellis' s discussion of nationalism gives sorne truth to Fulcher,
for she tells readers that even though French nationalism of the early nineteenth century

appears to be based on ecumenical ideals (Le., anyone can be French by assimilation or

reinterpretation), the notion of race increasingly dominated nationalist thought in

musical and cultural writings by the end of the century?6 For Ellis, nationalism should

be taken as a realm of ideas "in which one dignifies one' s own culture at the expense of
someone else' s, and in which concepts of purity and purging of the Other are close
neighbours."27

For her definition, Ellis owes sorne debt to the work of Carlo Caballero and

Annegret Fauser?S Caballero views nationalism as something exclusive, as opposed to

patriotism, which he classes as an inclination towards inclusiveness. The first operates

from a sharpened sense of ethnicity; the second does not. Both depend on the idea of
"collective memory.,,29 For Caballero as well, at the turn of the century nationalism

became something increasingly exclusionary and dependent on race (or

ethnographically-oriented).30 This is central to his argument, for he views Fauré as

eminently patriotic (not nationalist) because he valued the Germaness and other foreign

qualities in the works of sorne nineteenth-century French composers.31 Caballero also

argues for a patriotic Fauré on the basis of his international, inclusive programming

tendencies during his tenure as president of both the Société nationale and Société

26 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, xx.

27 Ibid.
28 Carlo Caballero, "Nationalism or Patriotism? Fauré and the Great War," Journal of the American
Musicological Society 52/3 (Autumn 1999): 593-625; Annegret Fauser, "Gendering the Nations: The
ideologies of French discourse on music (1870-1914)" in Musical Constructions of Nationalism: Essays on the
History and Ideology of European Musical Culture 1800-1945 edited by Harry White and Michael Murphy
(Cork: Cork University Press, 2001), 72-103.
29 Carlo Caballero, "Nationalism or Patriotism?," 594-96.
30 Ibid., 597.
31 Ibid., 605-06.
 305

musicale indépendante. 32 For my purposes, the importance of Caballero's study lies in

his ascription to Fauré of a patriotic sentiment that favoured the inclusion of other
cultures because it cornes fairly close to Ferdinand Brunetière's ideas of the Latin Genius,
which 1 discuss further on in this chapter. For Brunetière, Latinité resulted from a
tendency to welcome and transform other cultures, including those of invading nations.
Annegret Fauser has also described late nineteenth-century French conceptions

of nationalism as a desire to depict the nation as a vessel for other cultures. She reveals
the pervasiveness of the idea of translatio studii in the writings of Julien Tiersot, who

viewed Frenchness in music as the embodiment of ancient Greek and Latin culture:

Tiersot introduced the foundation of French culture through Greece and Rome
and set France at the head of this "Greco-Latin" cultural field. France, he
continue d, was unique because it not only assimilated the two different genres of
Greco-Roman music (theatre and religious music) and the truly Latin forrn of
North ltalian popular music ... but also because the French were able to
amalgamate these influences with their "Celtic" heritage and its "particular
artistic instincts. ,,33

Fauser reminds readers that Tiersot considered artistic clarté and simplicité as essentially
French, sui generis, and not as characteristics that underlay works of the French

Renaissance. 34 Yet she also points to the early music revival as part of this same trend to
construct France as the new Rome, which was underpinned by the idea of translatio
studii. She asserts that printed collections of early music would later "constitute a
'canon' of French musical heritage-whether of the 'race' or of a cultural
association-and create a French tradition of referential masterpieces.,,35 Her reference

here to France as both a race and a cultural association is important here, for it reveals

her sensitivity to two streams of thought in French nationalism: one in which the nation

was viewed as descendent from a family or group related by blood, and another in

32 Ibid., 611-15.
33 A1U1egret Fauser, "Gendering the Nations," 82.
34 Ibid., 84.
35 Ibid., 86.
 306

which it was conceived of as the coming together of like-minded individuals?6 Overall,

however, Fauser's article is really a discussion about how Frenchness became
essentialized as male in nineteenth-century discourse about music. And so we are back
to the idea that French nationalism for musicians and music loyers involved defining
French identity as something that the whole nation had in common. Reading the
reception of the early music revival, and bearing in mind that sorne of the rhetoric may

indeed be about masculinizing the French nation, 1 also feel that it is important to get

beyond the idea of nationalism as a mass movement driven by a desire for a unified

identity.

Nationalism in Theory, Nationhood as Difference

Musicologists have good reason to think of French nationalism as a mass movement

towards ethnie and/ or linguistic homogenization. One of the more famous precedents

for thinking about nationalism as a mass movement to homogenize a country is found in

Ernest Renan's 1882 essay "What is a Nation?" For here Renan defined the nation as a
single "soul," or aggregate of individuals possessed of a collective memory and a desire
to live together. This can clearly be interpreted as an expression of "ethnic-linguistic"

nationalism, for Renan's single "soul" strongly suggests a single national essence. The

elements of Renan's collective hold in common a value for the past as well as a moral
conscience?7 Renan's ideas are also directly related to the early music revival, since

individuals such as Bordes (and Niedermeyer, Choron, and Fétis before him) had power
over what parts of the musical past would be presented to the collective to be canonized.

Still, we should bear in mind the advice of the modern historian Walker Connor, who

36 lbid.,73-74. Fauser identifies the two nationalist streams as that of the nation-contrat (contractual
identity) and the nation-génie (spiritual nationality). But she refers to race as weIl in her discussion of
Maurice Barrès.
37 Ernest Renan, "Qu'est-ce qu'une nation?" translated by Ida Mae Snyder in Nationalism edited by John
Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith (Oxford and New York, 1994), 17-18.
 307

warns against too great a dependence on what he calls, "the musings of elites whose
generalizations concerning the existence of national consciousness are highly suspect.,,38
What this means is that Bordes and other early music revivers may not have been
creating a past for the whole nation.
There is sorne reason to question the idea of nationalism in France as a mass

effort to homogenize the whole country in the work of Liah Greenfeld, who argues that
the French nation should be considered, "an ambivalent case (its nationalism was
collectivistic and yet civic)."39 Greenfeld also warns against broadly equating
particularism with nationalism, although she admits that every type of nationalism
draws on indigenous elements of the country in which it develops. The early music
revival in France is certainly problematic with respect to any sort of nationalist emphasis
on "indigenous" musical elements. As Ellis has rightly pointed out, the French did not

al ways draw on the music of their own past in their attempts to define the nation

musically. The case of the appropriation of Handel between 1868 and 1875 as a musical
symbol of a unified, masculine and powerful French Republic is an excellent case in
point. 40 Bordes's emphasis on Lassus chansons and Louis XIV music is a good example
of particularism in service to nationalism-but the two repertoires have wildly opposing
cultural associations in France. One could be viewed as polyphonic versions of music

for the people, the other could be associated with the monopolies imposed upon culture
by one of the most powerful French monarchs in the nation's history. The Schola's

appropriation of the music of Rameau-Taruskin's wellspring of lightness and

clarity-could also be viewed as a nationalist emphasis on the particular. But as we shall

see in the case studies, issues of genre, gender, and class cloud the reception of his
music. And so it is impossible to say with any certainty whether or not this composer
represented something essentially French that the whole nation could aspire to.

38 Connor Walker, "When is a Nation?" in Nationalism, 157.

39 Liah Greenfeld, "Types of European Nationalism" in Nationalism, 168.
40 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 210-33.
 308

If at the turn of the century the Schola's early music revival was not entirely

about defining the nation's musical essence for the French masses, part of it did serve as
a remedy for a crisis of identity in French art that intensified after 1898. This last point is
important, because Greenfeld believes that identity crisis is the root cause of
nationalismY In her view, nationalist movements that arose in the past in response to an

identity crisis led to envy and hatred, and ultimately resulted in "the emphasis on the

elements of indigenous tradition-or the construction of a new system of values-hostile

to the principles of the original nationalism."42 We can think of Bordes's "original"
nationalist tendencies as rooted in his performances of Lassus chansons in the early
1890s. Aiso "original" is the Rameau project, which was already underway by the time
of the Dreyfus Affair and so pre-dates the French identity crisis that set in after 1898. But

Schola performances of seventeenth-century music had very little precedence prior to

the Dreyfus Affair. And so part of its more deliberate emphasis on things French
(Greenfeld's elements of indigenous tradition) from the years between 1898 and 1903

may indeed be viewed as a reaction to the identity crisis of those troubling years.

To move away from the ide a of nationalism as a mass movement or even as one

single thing, l would like to return to Taylor and propose that it may also be conceived

of as a movement spearheaded by a deposed social elite, as a means by which this group

may establish its uniqueness or difference.43 The revival of early music tells us that there

could be a striving towards "nationhood" that was more complex than simply coming
up with a set of essential qualities that were "French" and which could subsequently be

impressed upon the nation as part of a process to homogenize its people. lndeed, Taylor

reminds us that nationalism may also be bound up in the propagation of "high" culture

41 Liah Greenfeld, "Types of European Nationalism," 169.

42 Ibid., 171.
43 Discussed in greater detail further on. See rus "Nationalism and Modemity," 233. Taylor's invitation
to think outside the box is compelling: "Maybe we're making things even harder for ourselves by
assuming that there is something called 'nationalism' that is the same wherever people make demands
in the name of ethnic/ cultural self-determination, so that Bosnian Serbs and Québécois are placed in the
same category ... One-line theories of nationalism are as bad as such theories invariably are in social
science." (p. 219)
 309

by modern societies, and the formation of "canons" that accompanies this movement. 44

Reviving early music surely goes along with the formation of at least a musical canon.
The idea of identity cri sis also plays a central role in Charles Taylor's conception
of nationalism, though this political thinker and philosopher also draws freely on the
work of Ernst Gellner and has partialIy adopted his view that nationalism may be

economically motivated. For Taylor, society homogenizes because it adopts a common

language in order for the economy to function: so far this sounds like "ethnic-linguistic"
nationalism. He also brings arguments to bear on the notion that the communities in

question are "imagined" or, rooted in unified vernacular languages that are read but not

spoken and which have no real basis in geographicallocation. These are ideas that come

from the work of Benedict Anderson.45 Taylor insists that nationalism is a modern, not a

Romantic conceit, though he defines modernity as "the emergence of a market-industrial

economy, of a bureaucratically organized state, of modes of popular rule." 46 Defined as

such, Taylor's modern period seems applicable to France of the nineteenth century, even

though musicians and musicologists continue to categorize this entire century as

"Romantic."
Where Taylor's conception stands apart from "ethnic-linguistic" nationalism is in

his location of the sources of nationalism in the social elite, and not the masses. He

writes that:

there is a "calI to difference" felt by "modernizing" elites that corresponds to

something objective in their situation. This is part of the background to
nationalism. But there is more. The calI to difference could be felt by anyone
concerned for the well-being of the people involved. But the challenge is lived by
the elites concerned overwhelmingly in a certain register, that of dignity.47

Admittedly, Taylor is speaking here of the former social elites of colonized nations and
not the deposed aristocracy and upper social strata of Third Republic France. But his

44 Ibid., 221-22.
45 Benedict Anderson, "Imagined Communities," in Nationalism, 89-96.
46 Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," 232.
47 Ibid., 233.
 310

ideas appear particularly applicable, for these classes were very much alienated from the

political process in the Republican-dominated 1880s of Renan's essay and in the anti-
clerical and radical Republican governments of Waldeck-Rousseau and Combes at the
turn of the century.
Taylor refers indirectly to Greenfeld's idea of identity crisis, and he proposes that
"modern nationalist politics is a species of identity politics."48 For Taylor, the identity of

the social elite is compromised, because of the displacement of the dignity of individuals

in a modern society. Once rooted in lineage, dignity is re-stratified into new social

categories, and also cornes to depend on the existence of an "other.,,49 Taylor argues that

nationalism is conceived of and felt, "not just as a matter of valuable common good to be
created but also viscerally as a matter of dignity, in which one's self-worth is engaged.

This is what gives nationalism its emotive power. This is what places it so frequently in

the register of pride and humiliation."so Through Taylor's lens, the "othering" of

individuals from within the Frenchman's own nation-for Bellaigue, "the ignorant,

children, and the general population" who cannot understand Palestrina-makes mu ch

more sense. This is because in Taylor's conception, nationalism emanates primarily

from, "the refusaI of incorporation, [arising] from the felt need for difference in the

context of modernization, but lived in the register of dignity, of an identity potentially

threatened in its worth, and in a growing space of recognition."sl What this means is

that Bellaigue' s totem, Palestrina, could be emblematic of Bellaigue' s own difference, not

from the Germans, the English or any other nation, but from the French people around

him. Bellaigue is a case in point for Taylor's assertion that "nationalism is not only the

motor behind the homogenization of modern societies; it can also sometimes be the
upshot."s2

48 Ibid., 236.
49 Ibid., 235.
50 Ibid., 234.
51 Ibid., 236.
52 Ibid., 229-30.
 311

With the help of Taylor, it is possible to conceive that nationalism may be

implicated in a process whereby the social elite distinguishes itself from the masses, and
that the rhetoric emanating from the intelligentsia may represent only a sub-section of
society. In other words, nationalism need not be populist in orientation. Extrapolating
from Taylor, it is feasible that this sub-section does not really desire the complete
homogenization of society, at least in terms of language: it is likely fighting against it,

striving to redefine itself as a new elite deserving of greater dignity than the social

"others." For these reasons, 1 feel it is important to maintain a constant multi-focal view

of cultural events such as the Schola's concerts of early music, because they were
received and promoted through more than one type of "nationalist" mindset, and by
social groups who may have held a vastly different view of the nation and "Frenchness"

than the would-be new elite. In effect, writers such as BeIlaigue are speaking to their

own crowd, and it is conceivable that they might not necessarily want "other"

individuals to join in their opinion.

As much as it was influenced by the general poli tics of culture in France and may

certainly reflect nationalist propensities, dis course surrounding the early music revival is

difficult to read from a strictly political point of view. Critics reporting on early music

events frequently appear conflicted. Perhaps these individuals were less conflicted and

more a reflection of their time, visible signs of a decade in which positivism became

almost a religion,53 and when Catholics sought out legitimacy through aspects of
positivism. It was also during this period that women made great strides in terms of
access to professionallife, and personalliberties such as the right to initiate a divorce.
Coupled with a declining birth rate, these new women or femmes nouvelles came under

tremendous scrutiny, and were often ridiculed in the press. The faIl out of early French

feminism was a highly gendered language that often draws on misogynist rhetoric for

negative criticism-the upshot of the masculinizing tendencies that Fauser has

53 On positivism as quasi-religious, in which a love of God was replaced by a love and worship of
hurnanity, see The Columbia History o/Western Philosophy edited by Richard H. Popkin (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1999), 573.
 312

identified. Added to anti-semitic and other racial invectives associated with the Dreyfus
affair, between competing philosophies and anti-feminism, it is often difficult to

understand the nationalist position of early music critics. This makes it necessary to
consider the many issues at play in commentary surrounding these concerts: Frenchness
is a concern, but so are class and gender. With these ideas in mind, 1 want to proceed
with a look into the schola's performances of seventeenth and early eighteenth-century
French music.

From the Vatican to the Court of Louis XIV

Aside from social and ideological reasons, the almost complete abandonment of sacred
Renaissance polyphony around 1900 has a very obvious and practical cause: a sharp
decrease in documented religious events. Sin ce Bordes almost ne ver programmed this

sort of music outside the church, criticism of this repertoire published after 1898 may
have had only limited potential to affect programming in a reactionary way. Perhaps it

was not really about Palestrina, or even sixteenth-century sacred polyphony. It may be

that this moderate Ultramontane society dedicated to la musique palestrinienne, in the ory,

had shifted its interests away from this repertoire, in practice, to music with decidedly

Gallican associations. These bodies of works were previously rejected ancestors of French
music: pieces associated with Louis XIV (la musique française) and Franco-Flemish
polyphony.54

Recalling Ellis's warning, the ten-part article on Josquin des Près that Félicien de
Ménil published in La Tribune de Saint-Gervais between August of 1897 and December of
1898 may not reflect an increased interest in performances of this composer' s works. The

smaller number of documented early music events for the end of the decade complicates
matters. But what we might observe from the data collected so far is that Josquin made a

comeback to Bordes's Holy Week programming in 1896 and 1897. His music was

54Katharine Ellis refers to French Baroque music as la musique française throughout her chapter on this
repertoire. The expression is derived fromJean-Jacques Rousseau's condemnation of this music in rus
1753 Lettre sur la musique française. See her Interpreting the Musical Past, 125.
 313

significantly not included in a lecture-recital held at the Société Saint-Jean entitled

"Mélodie populaire et chant religieux" given by Julien Tiersot.55 It was also not
programmed for Pierre Aubry' s "L'Inspiration religieuse dans la poésie musicale en
France du moyen âge au Révolution."56 For sorne reason, this composer who had been

claimed for France by French music historiographers from the time of Fétis, was set
aside by two important musicologists of the late nineteenth century. But Josquin's
religious music actually made its way onto programmes for more public events that the
Chanteurs participated in: one of Colonne' s Thursday matinees (26 January 1899), and

the annual concert of the Société des concerts de chant classique (28 April 1899).
Likewise, the small flurry over Elzéar Genet (Carpentras) in the Tribune of 1899
appears completely unrepresentative of Paris performances. Contributions on this
composer in the Schola' s mouthpiece included an article in the July issue by Henri

Quittard and a two-part contribution by Julien Tiersot in the months that followed. In
Avignon, Carpentras's Missa A ['ombre d'ung buissonet was performed during the

Schola's 1899 regional assises, on the feast of Our Lady of the Snows (5 August), which

marks the fourth-century appearance of the Virgin Mary to a Roman nobleman and his
wife. 57 Later that year, this same Carpentras mass was sung for the liturgically unrelated
AlI Saints Day in Paris-its only recorded performance in that city.
The published prominence of Josquin and, to a lesser extent, Carpentras at the
end of the de cade seems to outweigh actual practice. Still, if these publications are
viewed together with articles and performances highlighting the music of Louis XIV's

court and chapel, the whole may be considered an attempt to appeal to a French
nationalist hunger for musical ancestors. An article on seventeenth-century French

organists (published between June and October of 1898) by the French musicologist
André Pirro was only a run-up to the publication of Michel Brenet's (pseudonym Marie

55 This event nonetheless included excerpts from masses by Dufay, Sermisy, and Goudimel.
56 This lecture-recital included works by Vittoria, Nanini, and Jannequin.
57 A sudden snowfalileft an outline to indicate where the Saint Mary Major Basilica should be built.
 314

Bobilier) lecture for the Institut Catholique de Paris on sacred music during the reign of
Louis XIV in March and April of 1899. This lecture highlighted the topic in no
ambiguous way. Other articles reinforced the subject of Brenet' s lecture: notes on the
Chapelle Royale and a brief contribution on Jean-Baptiste Moreau's Esther and Athalie
were published with Brenet's first installment. Henri Quittard's article on early French
organs figured alongside the second half of Brenet's lecture text, and was quickly

followed in May by André Hallays's "Racine, poète lyrique." Related articles appeared,
and within a few months the Tribune had published pieces on Louis Marchand (January
1900), and Marc-Antoine Charpentier (March 1900).
On one hand, a lack of documentation for the lecture-recitals that the Schola put
on at the Institut Catholique de Paris may make it appear as though this press onslaught
of Louis XN musical subjects had no basis in practice. On the other hand, the fact that
Jean-Baptiste Moreau's Esther was programmed both before and after the move to rue

Saint-Jacques is telling. For as 1 pointed out in Chapter 1, very few early music works
survived this great divide. Aside from Bach cantatas, the only other works to be
performed in both the 1890s and 1900s were the Lassus chansons, which functioned as a
longstanding monument to musical Frenchness. 58 The admittedly small group of
concerts of Louis XN music given at rue Saint-Jacques also included works carried over
from the previous century, and this circumstance makes it just as significant as if there
had been large numbers of performances. Indeed, Esther was performed at the Odéon in
1902, at a time wh en all of the known Bach cantata concerts were held at rue Saint-
Jacques. Moreover, the post-1900 early French music events were accompanied by a
twenty-five part article on Henry Du Mont by Henri Quittard, and shorter contributions

on Chambonnières and François Roberday by other authors. All of these circumstances

indicate that in the years immediately preceding 1900 the Schola took a serious interest
in this previously ignored repertoire.

58 See Ellis's Interpreting the Musical Fast, 156-63.

 315

Katharine Ellis makes no clear distinction between music composed for Louis
XIV and works that came into being during the reign of Louis XV. But it may be very
important to keep musical repertoires from these two different periods of time separate:
for one signified a golden era of French cultural and political domination; the other
spelled its downfal1. 59 From a different point of view, one represented a period of artistic
enslavement, the other, relative freedom. For Lully was bound in service to Louis XIV
for most of his career; Rameau became Louis XV's composer only very late in life. The

naturalized Lully entertained audiences of Louis XIV's time with music for comie plays
by Molière; the Dijonnais native Rameau held forth in rational debates about music with
contemporary mathematicians and philosophers. But for Ellis, aIl music of the French
Baroque falls under the umbrella of la musique française. If it were not for the frequent

exclusion of Rameau operatie works from the French musie concerts in early 1900, and
the collaboration in the Avignon assises of Ferdinand Brunetière-someone who
idealized the language of Louis XIV and rejected the culture of reason that followed
him-research on the Schola might lead to the same generalization. Together with the
persistence of the Lassus chansons, these concerts tell us that there is more than one kind
of nationalist conscious underlying the institution's revival.

The Schola, Ferdinand Brunetière, and the Louisquatorzesque

By 1907, Bordes's performances had become a rare occasion in Paris. But the myth of his

work and the kind of image he projected could still be clearly articulated. As readers
learned from Pierre Lalo, Bordes was different from other revivers of the period, and

59 Ceri Crossley discusses the views of early nineteenth-century traditionalist historians Joseph de
Maistre, Louis de Bonald, and Félicité Lammenais, who aIl considered the Enlightenment and
eighteenth-century rationalism an abomination that had led to the French Revolution Jules Michelet's
later history of the French Revolution (1847-53) provided the French with an interpretation of the
Revolution as a movement towards peace, love and unity gone wrong after July of 1790. Edgar Quinet's
study of 1865 concluded that the Revolution had been a failure. See French Histonans and Romanticism:
Thierry, Guizot, the Saint-Simonians, Quinet, and Michelet (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 6; 238-
40;249.
 316

that while "it [hadj been possible to hear, in a variety of historical concerts, works that

have little to recommend them other than their date of composition, and which were

thoroughly boring and absolutely insignificant," his repertoire was al ways sure to

please, guided as it was by "his delightful, his unfailingly sure choices and sense of

taste.,,60 On this same occasion, Lalo singled out Clérambault's Héra et Léandre for special

praise, drawing the reader's attention to its "charm" and "delicious tenderness":

Each instrument is deployed to exploit its best and most exquisite expressive
qualities, individual voices intertwine with such grace and precision, the ideas
are so pure, so beautiful, so nobly affected. AU is perfection, composed with such
order and harmony, felt with great intensity, expressed with great discretion, that
it becomes impossible not ta think of Racine: it is the same sound and delicate
art, firm but flexible, refined and profound. It is an admirable ex ample of the
power of taste and the French Wit. 61

lndividual nouns, adjectives and catch-phrases leap from this excerpt, words

with a history in early music criticism, words that evoke a very specific vision of the

French wit: grace and precision; ideas so pure and nobly affected; great discretion; sound

and delicate; and of course, the power of taste. The agréments of grace and precision

[grâce et justesse], both pleasing mannerisms, coupled with a physically delicate, flexible
and refined state may mark the music in part as Feminine in a pejorative sense, From a

nineteenth-century French point of view, that would have women essentialized as

irrational, child-like, and lacking in the profundity necessary for true genius. Hence

delicacy and flexibility coupled with superficial behaviours, exterior effects or

60Pierre Lalo, Le Temps, (2 April 1907). liOn a vu récemment, dans maints concerts historiques, des
ouvrages qui n'avaient d'autres titre à cet honneur que la date de leur naissance, dont l'ennui était
accablant et l'insignifiance absolue ... é est l'heureuse, é est l'infaillible sûreté de son choix et de son
oût."
~ Ibid. liMais dès que commence le prélude, on trouve que c'est assez et qu'il n'est besoin de rien de plus
pour tout dire. Chaque instrument est employé avec un sens si juste et si exquis de sa vertu expressive,
leurs chants s'entrelacent avec tant de grâce et de justesse, les idées son si pures, si belles, si noblement
émues, tout cela est d'une perfection si achevée, composé avec tant d'ordre et d'harmonie, senti avec tant
d'intensité, exprimé avec tant de discrétion, qu'il est impossible de ne point songer à Racine: c'est le
même art ferme et délicat, le même art serré et souple, fin et profond; c'est un exemple admirable du
pouvoir du goût et de l'esprit français."
 317

ornaments. 62 Yet here Lalo clearly intended these "feminine metaphors" to convey a
high form of praise: his woman was not an "other."
This strongly positive use of words that might otherwise have negative
connotations is something that was actually fairly common, as we shaH see in the section
devoted to the reception of works by Jean-Philippe Rameau. It may be that feminine
metaphors had more than one layer of meaning for Lalo' s readers-that they also refer

in a positive way to the intangible, elusive je ne sais quoi of the French nobility. This
segment of the French population shared a value for understatement, ceremony, and

politeness (aH irrational qualities associated with outward conduct), even as they prized
reason (a quality viewed as quintessentially "masculine" trait during the period under
discussion), as an eminently noble characteristic.63 Moreover, one of the chief concerns
of this social elite was the upholding of their status as "different.,,64 This latter point will
become increasingly relevant in the remainder of this chapter, but what matters here is

that "irrational" virtues such as taste and charm can be as much desirable markers of
nobility as devaluing feminine metaphors in nineteenth-century France. Furthermore,
for critics addressing a noble sensibility, this "irrationalism" does not necessarily exclude

reasoned reflection.
But to continue with Lalo, in his praise of Clérambault' s Orphée, the polarization
of the essentiaHy "French" and the "German" also cornes to the critical fore, which may

be viewed as a form of ethnic-linguistic nationalism. Clérambault' s work is hailed as a

"marvelous perfection of taste and choice," in direct comparison to the German Gluck's

62 For a discussion of late nineteenth-century French images of women in the context of musical
endeavour, and particularly the construct of the femme fragile see Annegret Fauser, "La Guerre en
Dentelles: Women and the Prix de Rome in French cultural politics," Journal ofthe Ameriean Musieological
Society, 51/1 (Spring 1998): 83-129. The pejorative implications of "precision" in musical performances by
women and the imposition of the jeux lié which precluded robust or "ungraceful" gestures in
performances by women pianists, see Katharine Ellis, "Female Pianists and their Male Critics in
Nineteenth-Century Paris," Journal of the American Musieological Society 50/2-3 (Summer / FallI997): 353-
85.
63 For the gendering of reason as male during the nineteenth-century, see Jann Matlock, Seenes of
Seduction: Prostitution, Hysteria, and Reading Diffrrence in Nineteenth-Century France (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1994).
64 David Higgs, Nobles in Nineteenth-Century France: The Praetice of Inegalitarianism (Baltimore, 1987).
 318

work, which is dismissed as "something thick, confusing and barbarous by comparison."

Moreover, in Lalo's view, eighteenth-century French works invariably overshadowed

Gluck's music: German music conveyed "an admirably strong expression of a common
sensibility," while the French lyric art exuded "a profound and choice expression of an
ex qui site sensibility." Thus was one of music history's most important figures reduced
to an admirable but fumbling clod, in a review that provides us today with a very clear
example of a complex French nationalist conscience at work in the reception of early

music during the later years of the Belle Époque. Lalo' s transfer of German stereotypical
and essential physical qualities to musical works of art gave voice to ideologies of
"ethnic-linguistic" nationalism. At the same time, Lalo's nationalism was multi-
dimensional: for his Frenchmen were defined by mannerisms, by noble qualities of

grace, purity, discretion, and an alI-important sense of taste. That these irrational,

immaterial attributes were connected with Clérambault is not surprising. That they
were viewed as quintessential markers of the French wit and intelligence in general
(almost as racial characteristics) may mean that the number of true Frenchmen for Lalo
was rather restricted.

Classic Frenchness for the Few-Ferdinand Brunetière

The idea of an exclusive French essence-Frenchness that was not for the whole
nation-is something that Lalo shared with the literary critic Ferdinand Brunetière,
whose work focused on the court of Louis XIV. As an editor for the Revue des deux
mondes, Brunetière's politics were predictably positioned to the right. His research
interests reveal him as an "ethnic-linguistic" nationalist, or, as an individual concerned
with linguistic homogenization. As we know from the work of Gilles Boulard, through

his scholarship, Brunetière promoted the idea of seventeeth-century French as

 319

classique-immutable, artful, and communal. 65 He criticized eighteenth-century thinkers

for reducing French vocabulary and distorting its syntax, and found the efforts of

nineteenth-century Romantics to restore or improve the nation' s impoverished language

misguided. For this generation had looked to the Middle Ages and foreign countries
instead of the court of Louis XIV. 66 In Brunetière's mind, abandoning the classic style

was tantamount to putting the nation in danger, and he felt that it was important to rid

the French language of individual and regional patois. 67 Women were to have an

important role in reviving classic French, for in their ignorance of ancient languages they

had conserved "national usage" to become "involuntary vessels of a national truth":

hence the potential for the kind of positive feminization that we saw earlier in Lalo's

review. 68

Philosophically, Brunetière made several attempts to reconcile Catholic idealism

with positivism, which Thomas Loué describes as a trend that was not limited to the

nationalist Action française or right-winged Royalists at thefin-de-siècle. 69 Here again,

seventeenth-century France becomes a sort of paradise lost: its science was good because

it emphasized method, as opposed to eighteenth-century science, which became a

religion. 70 If Brunetière looked to a hard science like Comtian positivism, it was, as Loué

has emphasized, to support his ideas of the negation of the individual.71 And this

certainly makes sense given Brunetière's position on the French language as communal.

Brunetière is important to our understanding of the Schola's nationalist stance

because his views on language as communal have a musico-critical analogue in

Bellaigue' s ideas of musical impersonalism. Bellaigue also published articles in the very

65 Gilles Boulard, "Ferdinand Brunetière et le classicisme, ou la conjonction des nationalismes," Revue

d'histoire littéraire de la France 100/2 (2000): 217-35. See especially pp. 223-25 and 229.
66 Ibid., 226-27.
67 Ibid., 228-29.
68 Ibid., 225-26.
69 Thomas Loué, "L'Apologétique de Ferdinand Brunetière et le positivism: Un bricolage idéologique
'~énéreux et acceuillant'," Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 87 (2003): 104.
7 Ibid., 107.

71 Ibid., 110.
 320

journal that Brunetière directed. We should also recall here that Brunetière collaborated
directly with the Schola for its assises in Avignon, and given the elitist undertones of his
ideas about language, the near violent opposition he met in Avignon is hardI y
surprising. From another point of view, Brunetière should have been weIl received at a
conference about sacred music, because he was a recent and visible Catholic convert.
His lecture for Avignon was given amidst sorne disturbance, but later published in full
in the Tribune. The text, ilLe Génie latin," was underpinned by a strong sense of

Ultramontane communitarian prindples, and he described the Latin genius as rooted in

its longevity. Still, ancestry was less important for Brunetière than the ability to absorb
and transform other cultural practices. He maintained that true Latins were univers al,
and this was the fulcrum for his vision of Latinité. 72 Brunetière was no radst in the strict

sense, though he was considered an anti-Dreyfusard-that is why he was run out of

Avignon. He was about the very same kind of inclusion that Caballero describes in
Fauré. True Latins were proud mongrels for Brunetière, adept assimilators, not
descendent from any particular family, group, or andent race. His value for linguistic
homogenization should be viewed within this context, even though his desire for a
classic language may be interpreted as a fine example of ethnic-linguistic nationalism, it
also displays a healthy level of elitism. Brunetière's idea of a Latin gift for masterful

assimilation is something we will see later with the French appropriation of J. S. Bach.

Brunetière' s lecture was also no simple enumeration of essentially Latin

characteristics; the second half was shot through with a strong sense of crisis. Here he
railed against what he perceived as a climate of self-hatred amongst the French:

There is a sort of conspiracy amongst the inheritors of the Latin genius, and for
sever al years ... we have had only Germany and England in our sights and on
our lips ... , Let us not be self-contemptuous or lose pride [déprisons] too greatly,
out of a fear of eventuaIly believing in ourselves, and let us not attempt to

72 Ferdinand Brunetière, "Le Génie latin," La Tribune de Saint-Geroais (September 1899): 225-31, continued
in (October 1899): 257-63. Of Latin universality, Brunetière writes, "Ce n'est pas assez de dire que la
tendance à l'universalité fait un des caractères éminents du génie latin, mais il faut dire qu'elle en est le
caractère essentiel."
 321

transform ourselves into something that we have neither certain means nor good
reason to be?3

Given the historical placement of his speech, Brunetière may well be referring to the
crisis and re-examination of French society that followed the Dreyfus Affair. Yet he also
drew attention to projects to abandon the study of Latin in French educational

institutions throughout his speech. 74 This may have been much more of a specific

aggravating factor for Brunetière than any of the caUs for social change that marked the
years of the Dreyfus Affair. lndeed, this speech is a case in point for Greenfeld and

Taylor: Brunetière's impulse to essentialize the Latin genius as homogenously serious,

law abiding, communal, infused with military and civic energy, and other qualities may

weU be the upshot of crisis arising from great changes to education-not the cause?5 As a

literature professor mainly given over to then old fashioned (non-positivist) forms of

research, Brunetière may also be viewed as one of Taylor's deposed elites, striving to
define his difference from the "others" around him.

The Schola connected to enthusiasts of Brunetière's seventeenth century when it

revived Jean-Baptiste Moreau's (1656-1733) Esther and Athalie (both short oratorios). At

the same time, the programming of these works aUowed the institution to take part in

official celebrations of a great Frenchman. The texts for both of these works were written
by Jean Racine (1639-99), which gave Moreau's music legitimate entree to the Racine bi-

centenary festivities in 1899. Excerpts from Esther were performed as musical

illustrations for André Hallays's "Racine, poète lyriqe," (2 February 1899) at the Institut

Catholique, and in collaboration with the Société des concerts de chant classique for its

annual concert (28 April 1899). The Chanteurs also traveled to La Ferté-Milon with

singer Jeanne Raunay to perform the work as part of the town's Racine celebrations.

73 Ibid., 261. "Il existe une espèce de conjuration des héritiers du génie latin contre eux-mêmes, et depuis
quelques années... nous n'avons que l'Allemagne ou l'Angleterre sous les yeux ou à la bouche .... Ne
nous méprisons ou ne nous déprisons pas trop, de peur de finir par nous croire, et n'essayons pas de nous
transformer en ce que nous n'avons ni de moyens sûrs, ni de bonnes raisons d'être."
74 Ibid., 258.
75 Ibid., 257. Here Brunetière gives a list of characteristics.
 322

Excerpts were again given for an aU-French music concert at the Schola in 1901, with a

complete performance at the Odéon in 1902. Moreau's short-lived connection to Racine

and Louis XIV are significant in light of Brunetière' s arguments for a return to the
language of that era, which he characterlzes as classique.

A month before the "Racine, poète lyriqe" event, Michel Brenet (pseudonym

Marie Bobilier) gave a lecture on sacred music under Louis XIV, which included works

by Jean-Baptiste Boësset (1614-1685), Henri Du Mont (1610-84), Jean-Baptiste Lully (1632-

87), Michel Richard de Lalande (1657-1726), Jean Mignon (1640-1707), and Marc-Antoine

Charpentier (1643-1704). This event is actually the first surviving record of a

performance of Charpentier's music, whose works were given on five other occasions

before Bordes's stroke in late 1903. This may not seem like a large number, but

considering that two of the works were dramatic motets requiring five and eight voices

respectively, the concentration of performances between 1901 and 1903 seems

significant. 76

Table 1-Charpentier Works Performed to Oecember 1903

28 February 1901: o Amor! 0 Bonitas! 0 Chari tas

- (motet 3vv)
16 May 1902: Le Reniement de Saint-Pierre
- (dramatic motet/ oratorio)
28 May 1902: o Amor, 0 Bonitas, 0 Cari tas
- (motet 3 vv)
13 November 1902: Le Reniement de Saint-Pierre
- (dramatic motet/ oratorio)
5 November 1903: Le Peste de Milan
- (dramatic motet/ oratorio)

lndeed, a brief look at trends in the programming of seventeenth-century music after

1899 reveals a particularly marked interest in this repertoire, especiaUy sin ce these

events would have stood out significantly against the aU-Bach concerts. While there is

76 Performances of La Déscente d'orphée aux enfers and Le Reniement de Saint-Pierre given 21 January 1904
were probably organized by Bordes for his series of French music concerts.
 323

one surviving record for one performance of music by Louis-Nicholas Clérambault

(1676-1749) in the years prior to 1899, and recognizing that Katharine Ellis characterized
him as a favourite of Guilmant' s, this composer should also be viewed as a new
introduction to the early years at rue Saint-Jacques, as weIl as Jacques-Champion
Chambonnières (1601/2-72). Not aIl seventeenth and early eighteenth-century
composers made the grade. Performances of works by François Couperin (1668-1733)

actually fell off after November of 1900. Jean-Baptiste Lully (1632-87) is a somewhat
different case. Three pre-1899 performances date from 1893 and 1894. Two were given

at the Concerts d'Harcourt and one at the Chanteurs' first annual concert. But between
1900 and 1903, his name appears only twice (in 1901, for French music concerts)?7 The

reluctance to incorporate Lully's works in events tinged with classique overtones is odd

in the context of Brunetière's characterization of "Le Génie latin" as not racial but

cultura1. 78 The case of Couperin is much different, however, and may be partly
explained by a female gendering of the repertoire (discussed further on in this chapter).

A Different Rameau

Looking to the ideas that swirled around French music composed after the reign of Louis

XIV, and specifically Rameau's, reveals a much different and more diverse array of

nationalist and cultural associations. As the publisher Durand embarked on a project to

provide French citizens with the complete works of another great Frenchman, Jean-
Philippe Rameau (1683-1764), the Schola also attached itself to this more widespread
cause. Changes in programming at the Schola for Rameau are more subtle than what we

have just observed for Charpentier, Clérambault, and others. There was no sudden

77 There is record of a performance of an unspecified Lully pie ce, given 21 January 1904.
78 Ferdinand Brunetière, "Le Génie latin," 261. "Les races ne sont point des races au sens physiologique
ou scientifique du mot, et ce qu'elles sont, elles ne le sont point à cause de la qualité de leur sang, ou de la
conformation de leur crâne, ou de la couleur de leur peau. Mais, quelle qu'en soit la première origine, il y
a des formations historiques définies, il ya des groupements qui se sont faits dans des conditions
particulières et déterminées, dont le temps, malheurs subis en commun, l'hérédité de joies ou de
tristesses, ont cimenté l'union. C'est ce que l'on appelle les génies nationaux."
 324

break or beginning for works by Rameau around 1900. Up to 1900, however, the Schola
and Chanteurs gave a greater variety of music, inc1uding opera excerpts, harpsichord
pieces, trios and the secular cantata Le Berger fidèle (their Il pastor fido). This last work
made the transition to rue Saint-Jacques, with four documented performances between
1901 and 1903. But every instance appears tailored to the appearance of the soprano
Marie de La Rouvière. Likewise the harpsichord pieces and trios that Louis Diémer

(1843-1919) gave with the Schola and Chanteurs on almost dozen documented occasions
in the 1890s almost completely disappear during the new century. The only recorded

instances after 1900 are isolated performances of two or three single harpsichord pieces
played by Gabriel Growlez (19 December 1901) and Wanda Landowska (12 November
1903). This sharp decrease in the small, instrumental genre was accompanied by a
tripling in the number of operatic excerpt performances after 1900. In the summer of

1903, the Schola also gave a complete performance of the one-act La Guirlande.

The increased preference for Rameau operas alongside French composers who
worked during Louis XIV' s lifetime seems like a contradiction. One composer had
Republican associations with the new edition that Camille Saint-Saëns was directing.
The others represented the period in French history that Brunetière had idealized, as a
time of depersonalization and linguistic c1assicism. The impression is certainly
confusing, unless we break the institution down into its people: Bordes never

programmed entire acts or scenes from Rameau operas for his French music concerts.

For these events he chose small keyboard works, Le Berger fidèle, or isolated arias. And

when he programmed something substantial, it was not from the tragedies lyriques, but
rather a sentimental one-a ct comedy featuring ballet performances. What this tells us is
that either Bordes preferred works by Rameau that highlighted individual performers,
or that the Schola was catering to more than one segment of society, with more than one
vision of the nation, but not always simultaneously.
 325

Adolphe Jullien and Rameau

Critical reception of Rameau also varied tremendously both before and after the
founding of the Schola. In reviews for the Journal des débats dating from the mid-1890s
unti11910, Adolphe Jullien regularly drew attention to performances and editions of the
works of Jean-Philippe Rameau. His writings serve as strong basis for comparison to
those of other critics, and he addresses almost every major issue affecting the reception
of Rameau's works during the period in question. Jullien's views are important to this
study because along with Pierre Lalo and André Hallays, he was one of the critics that

d'Indy believed would support the Schola (see Chapter 3). Thus we can assume that
there were at least sorne points of commonality between his views and musical values
and those of d'Indy if not Bordes. In his writing on Rameau, Jullien also displayed an
uncommon level of critical awareness for the repertoire and its audiences. He had an
extensive knowledge of eighteenth-century theatre and opera, evidenced in publications
on the topic that dated back to the early 1870s.
A recurring theme in Jullien's writing on Rameau was the public's failure to

recognize what he viewed as the composer's creative inconsistency, though he generally

held him in great esteem. Jullien attributes the public's lack of discrimination to
ignorance fuelled by the overly developed snobisme of the late nineteenth century, which
he equates with fashion?9 His contempt for socially elite audiences of early music in
general was particularly marked, for example, in his condemnation of those in
attendance for the four-concert series of the Société des instruments anciens at the Salle

Érard in 1896, who were harshly taken to task for their unmitigated zeal for mediocre
works and performances-enthusiasm that rendered them, in his view, not unlike a paid

claque. They were mocked as, "amateurs who wagged their heads to and fro and never
once appeared to sleep, for they did not let a single work pass without a burst of

79Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats (5 July 1903) for a review of the Schola Cantorum's Fêtes
vénitiennes concert. "Ah! qui nous délivrera jamais de ce qu'on appelle aujourd'hui le 'snobisme' et de ce
qu'on appelait autrefois la mode, du snobisme ou de la mode en n'importe quel sens?"
 326

applause. This at least shows that Bach and Rameau-old as they may be-are now the
latest thing."so

The turn of the century brought no moderation to Jullien's contempt for what he
viewed as frivolous concerts and recitals of works by Rameau and his contemporaries.
He concluded his review of a performance by the Société Rameau in the winter of 1902,
dripping with sarcasm, with a reference to the champagne lunch that followed the event,
and suggested that a fireworks display and boat cruise were aIl that lacked to complete
the whole. 81 The publication of Les Fêtes d'Hébé by Durand in 1904 elicited only acid

remarks from Jullien about the public's uncritical and "fashionable" appreciation of
Rameau's music. In the following year, he responded to two recitals of excerpts from the
operas of Rameau and Lully, organized by the widely admired singer and composer
Reynaldo Hahn, by accusing the singer of pandering to public whimsy.82 The al fresco
staging of La Guirlande at the Schola Cantorum alongside works by Campra and Duni in
June of 1903 was a unique event in its history ta that date, and one undertaken
specifically for fund raising. But these exceptional circumstances had little mitigating

effect on Jullien, who condemned La Guirlande as so much bergerie, and the Schola as so

many dilettantes for performing it. He went on to mock the audience as a body that had

been repeatedly coached to reinforce current trends. They were written off as

hypocritical, prepared to mask boredom for the sake of fashion. 83

La Guirlande was not the only Rameau piece to fall short of Jullien's favour:

80 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats (24 May 1896). "Amateurs qui dodelinaient de la tête et ne
dormaient cependant pas, car ils n'ont pas laissés passer un seul morceau sans fort applaudir. Ce qui
Erouve au moins que Bach et Rameau pour vieux qu'ils soient, sont aujourd'hui du dernier bateau."
1 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats (2 Feb. 1902). "Il nous manque encore un feu d'artifice avec la
~romenade en bateaux."
2 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats (4 June 1905). For a Concert of excerpts from operas by Lulli and
Rameau, organized by Reynaldo Hahn. "M. Reynaldo Hahn, mis en goût par le succès que sa restitution
minutieusement exacte de Don Giovanni eut l'année dernière et sentant que la mode aujourd'hui tourne
du côté des vieux maîtres de l'opéra français, vient de donner à l'Athénée deux séances où il faisait
entendre diverses pages empruntées aux plus beaux opéras de Lulli et Rameau, et cette curieuse
tentative, qui arrivait bien à son heure, a été couronné du plus vif succès."
83 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats, (5 July 1903). For the Schola Cantorum's Fêtes vénitiennes concert.
"Vous méritiez dix fois qu'on vous signifiât à l'avance, en suivant l'engouement du jour, à quels airs
vous deviez vous pâmer. N'était-il pas entendu que, s'il convenait de se risquer certains soirs en ces
parages lointains, c'était pour applaudir Rameau, Rameau tout seul, et non pas Duni?"
 327

despite an obvious admiration for the works he considered worthy, the mediocre rarely

escaped his unfettered scorn, couched in terms and phrases such as "full of grace,"
"noble," or any other descriptor evoking either feminine charm or the irrational noble
character. In this Jullien drew on a common turn-of-the-century French literary practice
in which words appeared encoded as feminine and concomitantly depreciatory. This

literary practice was most vividly brought to life in Romain Rolland's Jean-Christophe,
where the music of Claude Debussy and his imitators was summarily dismissed as
unapproachable, unintelligent, vapid, and generally lacking in genius. These composers
were also strongly associated with the domestic, prone to "simpering parlour tricks" and
vulnerable in the sense that they required the protection of a cri tic or father figure:
"vi si tors were requested not to touch" in the house of the Debussyst. Likewise Camille

Mauclair described this group as emotionally unstable and insular. He discarded them

as a bevy of sonorous flirts and teases, who avoided all eloquence in music as though it

were "an intruder in the house," and further informed readers that the Debussyst was

the musical equivalent of a neo-impressionist, unable to distinguish between a carpet

and a canvas. 84 Thus through allusions to the domestic sphere, these writers established
a clear connection between the feminine and the irrational, the child-like, and the

artistically superficial that was sometimes more subtle in other critics.

Jullien invokes this same type of negative critical discourse in passages relating

to keyboard and dance works, reserving praise for major vocal and operatic pieces.

Operatic and large vocal works were regularly gendered male, for example, as in his

assessment of excerpts of Hippolyte et Aricie performed at the Société des concerts in

April of 1902. Here he proclaimed the choir's declamation "vigorous" and the music of
the dances and rigaudons "solidly written and orchestrated" but qualified by genre, as

84Romain Rolland, Jean-Christophe vol. 3 translated by Gilbert Cannan (New York, 1913), 60-67 and
Camille Mauc1air, "La Jeune musique française," La Revue 89 (1910): 319. For further reading on
gendered discourse in the reception of music and other forms of art in late nineteenth-century France,
see Annegret Fauser, "Gendering the Nations," 72-104. Fauser also refers to the well-established work of
Marcia Citron, Katharine Ellis, Jeffrey Kallberg, Jann Pasler, Deborah 1. Silverrnan, and Tamar Garb in
her "La Guerre en Dentelles," 83-129.
 328

bearing either great "force" (for the choral numbers) or "grace" (for the dance pieces).
This suggests that even though Jullien considered aIl of Hippolyte et Aricie as issuing from
the "powerful genius" of its composer, there was a hierarchy of genres at play in
Jullien's critical outlook. The instrumental was somewhat devalued through the
invocation of feminine metaphors considered depreciative at the ftn-de-siècle, the kind
invoked to describe works of poor quality, such as "Les Sauvages" from Les Indes
galantes. Jullien lambasted this work as a "type of galant bergerie, trt1.ssed up in foreign
garments," the main attraction of which was the "grace and charm of its orchestration."8S

Jullien's hierarchy of genres and contempt for audiences was integral to his
conception of musical value. He believed that works that immediately captivated a large
following had less value than those that required study and time to ripen in the public
conscience. While writing in 1903 on the strengths of Castor et Pollux, Jullien made

deliberate mention of La Guirlande, "this mediocre and lifeless score," and in the same

breath reminded audiences that it was one of the few works by the composer to be

regularly performed. 86 This contempt for immediate appeal as a manifestation of artistic

degeneration emanated clearly from a review of the new Durand edition of Hippolyte et
Aricie in 1901. He took care to point out that Rameau was as a late bloomer, an
individual who had to overcome a number of obstacles that had been placed in his way
by others. As a composer whose success was in no way easy, "he was shunned and

ignored by many of his contemporaries who judged him without even listening to [his
works]."87 Of course, Jullien may have been writing here about any number of

composers of his own time, including Vincent d'Indy and other Franckistes.

Jullien also projected this historical attitude onto audiences of the belle époque. In

85 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats, (15 January 1905). For a performance of excerpts from Les Indes
galants given by the Concerts Colonne. "C'est la fin de cette entrée, de cette sorte de 'bergerie' galante
affublée d'oripeaux étrangers... Par l'audition de ces deux scènes des Sauvages, c'est surtout de la grâce
et du charme de son instrumentation que nous avons pris connaissance."
86 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats, (11 October 1903). A review of the Durand edition of Castor et
Pollux.
87 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats, (26 May 1901). "11 fut nié et bafoué par beaucoup de ses
contemporains qui le condamnent sans l'écouter."
 329

his view, they had judged the work of Rameau without putting in the effort to study and
understand the work. But reflecting back on Jullien's contempt for Rameau fashion, it is
implicit his censure applied not onl y to the ignorant negative critic, but to the over
enthusiastic irrational snob as well. He gave full vent to his opinions in an article that
appeared at the same time as the new edition of Les Fêtes d'Hébé, a work he clearly
classed as secondary, "charming" excerpts of which, he reminded readers, had long been
celebrated, particularly the musette and tambourin. Readers leamed that the

recrudescence of public taste for Rameau at the tum of the century was in no way

surprising, sinee, in Jullien's view,

frivolous works and pieces in mixed genres invariably please a mass audience
more quickly than compositions of a higher order. Moreover, it is the natural
order of things, and what was true for Rameau has become subsequently true for
an great musicians, that works destined to stand the test of time, to survive the
ages, were initially mu ch less well-received than the slightest of pieces that were
more pleasing, less demanding, easier to appreciate, and applauded in their
day.88

The kind of artistic conception revealed in Jullien's criticism puts quite a bit of

distance between composer and audience, and considerable tension as well: to have

artistic integrity, any artist from any time must sacrifice public opinion. And what of the

performers who mediate between the two? At least for Jullien, they too often emerge as
irrationally exclusive or artistically compromised: the convenient butt of Jullien's
sarcasm. Mme Ribeyre's performance of the solo cantata Le Berger fidèle was pronounced
"clean and tidy" but given a failing grade for text delivery.89 Colonne's presentation of

excerpts from the Indes galantes was ridiculed for its inclusion of "a lengthy aria where

88 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats, (3 July 1904). For the publication of the Durand edition of Les
Fêtes d'Hébé. "Il n'y a rien qui nous doive étonner dans ces revivrements du goût public, car nous savons
fort bien--combien d'exemples ne le prouvent-ils pas dans l'histoire--que les ouvrages légers et de demi
caractère plaisent toujours plus vite à la masse des auditeurs que des oeuvres d'un ordre plus relevé;
bien mieux, il est tout à fait dans l'ordre naturel des choses-et ce qui s'est passé pour Rameau s'est
reproduit par la suite pour tous les grands musiciens-que les créations destinées à braver le temps, à
subjuguer la postérité aient tout d'abord des destinées moins brillantes que les maintes oeuvres plus
plaisantes, moins sévères, plus faciles à comprendre et dont les années ont aussi plus rapidement
raison."
89 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats, (2 February 1902).
 330

the voice of Zima conquers aIl with trills and strident trumpet caUs" and a performance

by "Mlle Lindsay, who se crystalline voice, so inclined to trills, was well-suited to this
prickly music." Likewise, Jullien believed that even the tenor Maguère had given a poor
performance he ha d, "also benefited from our current benevolence for Rameau.,,90
Of course Jullien was only one voice in the critical reception of Rameau at the
tum of the century. His views require context to be fully appreciated. For instance, as we
shall see, snobisme was also a factor in the reception of Bach during the 1890s, and is
referred to in connection with French works of the eighteenth century throughout the

early 1900s. 91 But something more fundamental to Jullien's critical outlook, his
Wagnerian contempt for public opinion and "popularity" in general, and his invocation
of a hierarchy of genres privileging major vocal and operatic works, is part of a larger

tradition in the reception of Rameau that would have the composer viewed as an

autodidactic genius, who se hard work was little recognized in his day: a vision that is
clear in Fétis, in Pougin' s biography of 1876, and by Marmontel, Malherbe and Brenet.92

These same artistic values appear to have increasingly informed programming at

the Schola after 1903, and not without coincidence, after the departure of Charles Bordes.

Other Rameau Critics

Other critics display an awareness of Rameau's popularity with tum-of-the-century

audiences, but attitudes towards the easy success of sorne of this composer's music

90 Adolphe Jullien, Le Journal des débats, (15 January 1905), for a performance of excerpts of Les Indes
galantes atthe Concerts Colonne. "Un grand air où la voix de Zima lutte par ses trilles avec les stridents
appels de trompette... Mlle Lindsay, dont la voix cristalline et propre aux trilles convenait fort bien à
cette musique épineuse, et le ténor Maugère ont également bénéficié de nos bonnes dispositions à
l'égard de Rameau."
91 See, for example, G.R., Le Guide musical, (6 December 1908). For a performance of Destouches's Issée at
the Schola. "Tout snobisme mis à part trop de choses s'opposent à ce que l'intérêt ne faiblisse pas durant
toute l'audition. C'est d'abord la sonorité déconcertante ... En second lieu, de trop fréquentes analogies
de procédés."
92 Arthur Pougin, Rameau: Essai sur sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris: G. Decaux, 1876), 141-5;. See also A.
Marmontel, Symphonistes et virtuoses (Paris: A. Chaix et cie., 1881); Charles Malherbe, "Notice
biographique" in Jean-Phillipe Rameau, Pièces de clavecin edited by Camille Saint-Saëns (Paris: Durand,
1895); Michel Brenet, La Jeunesse de Rameau (Torino: Fratelli Bocca, [1902]).
 331

varies from critic to critic. Writing in 1896, Arthur Pougin stated very clearly that
Rameau had become "bon marché," though this was not to imply any deficiency in the
composer. 93 Charles Malherbe, who had a major hand in the Rameau edition, published
a multi-part article on Rameau's religious music in Le Monde musical in which he
expressed the same type of contempt for facile public acceptance as Adolphe Jullien.

Malherbe pointed out that the motet In Convertendo was poorly received in Rameau's

day, but that only time could reveal genius: "the joke is on those who were not able to
appreciate the magnitude of their contemporaries.,,94 This is not the kind of snobisme of
fashion, but rather a form of intellectual elitism.

Similar values informed the critic P. V. Baycard, who reminded readers that
Hippolyte et Aride had been poorly received in its time, and implied that this indicated
that the work had great artistic value and integrity. But Baycard was not willing to
alienate readers with a value for a noble sensibility of music, though his comments in no

way feminized the work as we saw with Jullien. Baycard told readers that the effect of

the music was both immediate and noble: "we quickly grasp the beauty of this music,

the sentiment of which is ever noble, the tone always sound and true.,,95 Michel Brenet's

evaluation of Castor et Pollux in the following year appealed to a similarly noble and

unfeminized conception of Rameau' s opera, and she pointed readers attention towards,
"the degree of nobility, of grandeur, and intensity in the expression of tragic sadness,
achieved by the eIder Rameau in these pages of noble splendor." This type of judgement
not to be confused with the kind of aesthetic appreciation that Brenet showed for the

performance of an ariette from Les Fêtes d'Hébé, described as "nothing more eighteenth-

century, more Watteau, more Marivaux" and sung "with aU the delicate and pretty

93 Arthur Pougin, Le Ménestrel, (24 May 1896). A review of a recital by the Société des instruments
anciens. "L'une des gloires les plus éclatantes et les plus solides de cette noble école musicale française,
dont certains font bon marché aujourd'hui et qui n'en reste pas moins l'honneur de ce pays."
94 Charles Malherbe, Le Monde musical, (30 October 1899). "On rit plus tard de ceux qui n'ont pas su
mesurer la taille de leurs contemporains."
95 P.V. Baycard, Le Courrier musical, (1 January 1902). "l'on saisit bientôt la beauté de cette musique dont
le sentiment est si noble, l'accent toujours juste et vrai."
 332

elegance in [Mlle Legrand's] possession.,,96 In this case she feminized Rameau's work,
but still in a positive way.

The discourse that Brenet applied to Les Fêtes d'Hébé appears to draw on writing
styles established by such critics as Arthur Dandelot, whose invocation of the feminine
also seems in no way a deliberate attempt to depreciate. In reviewing performances of
Le Berger fidèle in concerts organized around the Chanteurs de Saint Gervais in 1896,
Dandelot described this solo work as a "ravishing intermezzo" and further proclaimed

that the second and third sections possessed "charm that has not diminished over the

years.,,97 Three years later in his review of a recital given by the Société des Instruments

Anciens, Dandelot returned to the" charming" metaphor in reference to this same

cantata, and refered to Diane et Actéon as" a lovely work; ['air gai . .. is absolutely

delicious; l'air vif . .. is very pleasant." He praised the singer Marcella Pregi as having
very likely surpassed a celebrated performance of the work at the concert spirituelle of
1828, and reported that she was "deliciously" accompanied by Boucherit, Delsart and

Diémer. 98 There is no sarcasm here.

Rameau and N ationalism

It is no coincidence that the works glossed by critics as positivel y feminine were for the

most part shorter, sm aller works intended for smaller, exclusive audiences, at smaller,
sometimes private venues. Dandelot, Bouyer, and de Curzon are not writing for a mass

readership, the likes of which Jullien would have reached in the Journal des débats, or for

96 Michel Brenet, Le Guide musical, (6 March 1903). For Castor et Pollux. "le degré de noblesse, de grandeur
et d'intensité dans l'expression d'une tragique douleur, atteint par le vieux Rameau dans ces pages d'une
souveraine splendeur... Rien de plus XVIIIe siècle, de plus Watteau, de plus Marivaux, que l'ariette
d'une suivante d'Hébé, chantée avec toute l'élégance mièvre et jolie qu'elle comporte par Mlle Marthe
Legrand." Anya Suschitzky has commented on the links between a fascination for Rameau and an
appreciation for Watteau in tum-of-the-century France. See her "Debussy's Rameau: French Music and
its Others," The Musical Quarterly 86/3 (Fall2002): 398-448.
97 Arthur Dandelot, Le Monde musical, (15 June 1895); and Arthur Dandelot, Le Monde musical, (30 March
1896). "Ravissant intermède.. ont un charme que les années n'ont pu amoindrir."
98 Arthur Dandelot, Le Monde musical, (30 May 1899). "Oeuvre aimable; l'air gai ... est la plus délicieuse;
l'air vif... très plaisant."
 333

the mass audiences of the Trocadéro, the Concerts d'Harcourt, or events at other large

venues. These writers may well be directing their criticism to an elite sub-section of
society-musicians, composers, and above all, amateurs from the notable classes of
society-who by and large attended the select events at venues such as the Salle Erard.99
Katharine Ellis has observed similar rhetoric surrounding the recitals of Louis Diémer
and the Société des instruments anciens, and convincingly argues that these events
provided escapism for the upper classes, and the opportunity for insulation from
changing forms of musical production. Moreover, in Ellis' s interpretation, the music at

these events was in no way received as an expression of the essentially French, but
rather as purely pleasurable. lOo These smaller works were also by and large
representative of one understanding of la musique française, as this genre of music was

understood by early Third Republic audiences: as dance numbers and music to

accompany theatre pieces at the Comédie-française. lOl

The behaviour of socially elite audiences and the rhetoric emanating from them

might be described as conservative, and apolitical. But it may also be viewed as an

impulse towards seclusion, towards the preservation of identity by an elite minority,

marking itself as different. And while there was indeed an absence of essentializing
discourse in sorne Rameau criticism-a tendency not to describe the music as typically

"French"-one could assert that the reception of these events by the press nonetheless

betrays a subtle form of political ideology. Music for cri tics such as Arthur Dandelot

was represented as an irrational form of art, as the manifestation of moeurs or modes of

con du ct that reflect the moral values of a society, in this case grace, elegance and

tastefulness. Moreover, music from Dandelot's perspective appeared as a socially

99 It is important to note that even the mainstream concert societies had limited seating capacity.
Subscriptions to the Société des Concerts were difficult to obtain and the smallness of the hall is a source
of frequent complaint in the press.
100 Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Pas t, 94-96.
101 Ibid., 131; 138-145. See especially page 145 where Ellis points out that the reception of Rameau was
split along genre lines. Critics in her interpretation championed Rameau's dramatic music, but not his
works in dance genres. In my opinion, this makes it probable that the link Michaëlis strove to create
through Destouches between Lully and Rameau was largely fashioned on dance genres.
 334

subordinate or servile activity, the musician silenced: the criticism was arbitrary, subject
to the irrational, indefinable taste of the chosen few. And when music appears
"spontaneous," when performance seems effortless, the individuals who deliver it may

also seem devoid of humanity. They act as automatons, as organic instruments who are
present but need not actually be an integral part of an event. They become discreet
servants who make pleasure appear unobtrusively, as though by magic. A portrayal of
music and musicians as such may be viewed as an expression of a political ideal, for the

musician-as-servant trope dated back to a time when there was a hierarchical

arrangement of society rooted in absolutes-the ancien régime. The essentially "French"

had no place in this sub-culture, for that would be far too inclusive. What mattered here
were ingrained modes of conduct, mannerisms that could not be learned, which sprang
from the moral substance of the person, or, the ineffable style that underscored elite
difference.

Concerts given at the small auditorium of the Schola Cantorum after 1900 may

have provided a venue for this type of audience, particularly the French music concerts

and the performance of La Guirlande in the summer of 1903. But 1 would argue that in
the case of most Rameau events, (not performances of his music with Charpentier's or
Clérambault's), there was a different kind of exclusivity at work at the Schola, not social
but intellectual, and by the same token, not irrational in its appreciation of music, but

rational. Vincent d'Indy was clear in stating that the aim of Schola concerts was to

provide a forum for rarely heard music, and moreover, to educate. He had a simple

principal argument-the hall was too small to render a profit. 102 D'Indy's hall was a

small room for a small audience, in se arch of works that were at least officially obscure,

an eclectic repertoire that could mark them as intellectually superior. In the politics of
French culture, Rameau's operas had more cultural capital than keyboard and dance

pieces, because as large-scale, texted works, they fell into a higher category of

102 Vincent d'Indy, "Une Lettre de M. Vincent d'Indy," Le Guide musical (3 January 1904).
 335

"authored" work. 103 Moreover, there was less reference to the dance or any other genre
that could easily be labeled "charming," like the keyboard or small ensemble music co-
opted by the social elite. 104

Of course there were overlapping audiences for Rameau, and the Schola should
be considered one such case where the intellectual and social elite could meet, at least for
concerts given in the very early 1900s. Yet since the hall could seat only a few hundred

(on church pews at that), it is possible that members of the social elite in attend an ce for

these events might have identified themselves more strongly with the intelligentsia. For

the Schola did not offer high-paying subscribers (Les Amis de la Schola) comfortable

loges or separate entrances to the hall as insulation from the rabble. lOS Outside this
institution, however, there was a clear division that can be attributed to differences in

visions of the ideal French nation. As a servile composer of keyboard works and dance
music performed in small series by prestigious virtuosi during the off-season (e.g., Louis

Diémer), Rameau fulfilled the needs of the socially elite, a class that clearly would not

wish for a mass movement of Rameau appreciation. At the same time, the very

irrational qualities of, for instance, grace and elegance that this segment of the

population valued in Rameau could be raised in criticism as an indication of artistic

weakness by writers who used these same qualifiers as depreciative, "feminine"

metaphors rooted in French nineteenth-century perceptions of women. Finally, cast as a

composer of "serious" music whose work could only be appreciated over time, and

103 French copyright laws ensured that works in vocal genres had more protection from the law until the
1890s. Article 428 of the penal code protected only works with text from unauthorized performances
until the international agreement drawn up at the Convention of Berne in 1886 put absolute music on
equal footing with texted works. The International Convention for the protection of literary and artistic
works was signed at Berne on 9 September 1886 and later ratified in Paris on 4 May 1896. A series of
articles entitled "Les Abus de la Société des auteurs, compositeurs et / diteurs de la musique," appeared
in the Guide musical (published both in Brussels and in Paris) in 1897, in which question of paying
rcerformance royalties to composers was hotly debated.
04 Further discussion of this kind of position is discussed in Anya Suschitzky's "The Nation on Stage,"
151-74. Suschitzky devotes much space to figures associated with the Oeuvres complètes, including
Debussy. However, she interprets their "classicizing" of Rameau as part of an ethnic-linguistic
nationalizing tendency, not as part of an elite movement to establish its difference.
105 The situation may have changed in the next few years, for in 1908, the Schola began repeating its
monthly concerts at the more public and spacious Salle Gaveau.
 336

particularly as a composer of operatic or vocal music that could more readily be viewed
as a "language," Rameau provided the intelligentsia with a model for the place of music

in French society. For critics like Jullien, this place was a very high pedestal that allowed
the composer much distance from his or her audience, and even interpreters. And while
they positioned themselves as a small, elite community, they might conceivably have
wished for a mass movement in favour of this idea.

Johann Sebastian and Jean-Sébastien

The Schola's connection to the works of Johann Sebastian Bach was strengthened
through its association with Alexandre Guilmant and his longstanding concert series at

the Trocadéro. Although the Trocadéro concerts listed in Appendix 2 show no particular
trend for programming Bach cantatas, we know from the material presented in Chapter

2 that Guilmant was involved in the performances organized by the Wagnerian-Bachian

Comte de Chambrun, and that this wealthy patron was a longtime member of d'Indy's
circle. From the "inside" at de Chambrun's private hall, to the "outside" at the

Trocadéro's Salle des Fêtes, a nominally Wagnerian Guilmant gave the Schola one of the

strongest justifications for championing this repertoire. By 1900, the wave of aU-Bach

concerts at the Schola couid be interpreted as extending an oider tradition that reached

back to Guilmant, and had continued through Bordes with the two series given at the
Concerts d'Harcourt in 1894 and 1895. It was carried on with a single series at the
Théâtre du Champs-Élysées in 1896 under the patronage of the Duchess of Aleçon, and
reinforced in the period between 1893 and 1899 through the Chanteurs' appearances at

Guilmant's Trocadéro series. 106

The Schola had another connection to Bach, and this came through nineteenth-

century interpretations of Palestrina as the Leipzig cantor's musical father. The line that

106 See the records in Appendix 1 for concerts on these dates: 1893 06 00, 18940419,18950400,189505
02,1896 0517, 1899 0426.
 337

sorne music historians drew at the time began with Palestrina, passed through Bach, and
culminated with Richard Wagner. Thus it should be absolutely no surprise to find
individuals committed to Wagner's work and aesthetic just as intensely involved with
the music of Bach and Palestrina. Even though Bach's sacred music was mostly written
for Lutherans, as Ellis has pointed out, this composer' s works were reclaimed as Catholic
after 1885 by thinkers su ch as René de Récy, Camille Benoît, and William Cart. l07 But
recalling here that Bordes very rarely programmed Bach for religious events, and then
usuaUy only for spring and summer services, it is important to think of this
historiographical conception as valid only in the secular world. Bach could never replace
Palestrina in moderately Ultramontane Catholic churches, but he could at a school that
had newly transformed into an institution that provided the French nation with an
alternative form of generalized music education.

Years before the new Schola opened its doors at rue Saint-Jacques, it had grown
clear to at least one critical observer that performances of music by Johann Sebastian
Bach were attracting a larger public than in previous years. Writing for the Revue illustrée
in 1895, Gustave Robert commented at length on this phenomenon, pointing to the
popularity of Eugène d'Harcourt's series of historical concerts (instituted in the faU of
1893) and also singling out the performances of Bach cantatas given at the same venue

by Charles Bordes and the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais. Robert considered several

explanations for Bach's success with Pari sian audiences, and reasoned that public
musical taste could hardly have become more "purified," and that an 1890s increase in
"enlightened" amateurs must only be slight. 108 Here he may have been reacting to the
ideas of Paul Dukas, who, in his review of the same Chanteurs performances of Bach
cantatas, suggested that audiences had grown more enlightened over the past ten years

and were able to recognize that "science in art cornes not at the expense of inspiration,

107 For a more detailed description of this historical interpretation of Bach in nineteenth-century France,
see Katharine Ellis, Interpreting the Musical Past, 236-37.
108 Gustave Robert, La Musique à Paris 1894-95 vol. 1, 131-32.
 338

but rather infuses the work with life."lo9 Nonetheless, in Robert's view, the craze had
arisen more as a reactionary movement against the" demands" of Wagner' s music and
works by other "descriptive" composers.

A second explanation offered by Robert was that the "snobs" of his time felt
pressured to acquire knowledge of more obscure historical figures. He told readers that

true snobs must now be possessed of a well-rounded education, drawing on the

knowledge of specialists in any given field. We all know young persons who
have no c1early defined career goal, but who are able to astound with the
abundance of detailed knowledge the y possess of this or that eminently
unknown literary figure or painter of a far-flung nationality, or of composers or
even performers. Obviously, for persons of this ilk, admiring Bach, which also
passes for being a learned musician, must be the sure st sign of a being a highly
cultured individual. l1O

There is no particular reason why both of these explanations should not hold true. The
first would be symptomatic of a more reasoned view of the compositional work.

Emotional distance, as proposed by Robert, delivers the work from the realm of the
subjective, allowing for a more intellectual discourse to grow up around the work.

Absolute, subjective predilections count for very little when a work can be explained on

its own terms, and moreover, by individuals other than the elite arbiters of taste. But

learnedness can also be a source of irritation to audiences, who in

previous years had condemned much of Bach's work as boring and overly erudite. 111

This was evident in a critical squabble dating from around 1888 over the merit of

Bach. Although Julien Tiersot was very active in promoting the virtues of a learned

109 Paul Dukas, "Les Cantates d'église de J.-S. Bach," Ln Revue hebdomadaire (February 1894), in Les Écrits,
163. "La science dans l'art ne tue pas l'inspiration. mais qu'elle la vivifie au contraire au point de la
soulever en prodigieux essors, en envolées d'autant plus larges et plus sûres."
110 Gustave Robert, La Musique à Paris 1894-95 vol. 1,129. "Les vrais snobs doivent maintenant avoir une
culture un peu générale et qui affecte en chaque partie des connaissances de spécialistes. Nous
connaissons tous des jeunes gens qui se destinent indifféremment à telle ou telle carrière et qui
surprennent par l'abondance de détails qu'ils possèdent sur tels ou tels des plus inconnus des lettres et
sur des peintres de nationalités très différentes et encore sur des musiciens et même sur des exécutants.
Évidemment, pour des gens de cet esprit, admirer Bach, qui passe pour un musicien savant, doit être la
haute preuve d'une très rare culture."
111 Joël-Marie Fauquet and Antoine Hennion have erroneously argued that Bach's popularity was sealed
as early as 1885. See Fauquet and Hennion's Ln Grandeur de Bach, L'amour de la musique en France au XIX'
Siècle, (Paris: Fayard, 2000).
 339

Bach, the target in the press was more often Victor Wilder, who championed the

composer as an "austere genius," in the face of sorne dismissive critical yawning by

Camille Bellaigue. Bach received more waspish treatment from Théophile Gauthier and

Julien Torchet. The latter brought all the aversion of the tired listener to the fore in his
ridieuling of the fifth Brandenburg concerto:

Thus Bach is an austere genius, this is well understood, but he is also mighty
boring as weIl, if l dare to express myself in this way, notably in his fifth Concerto.
Oh! my friend, what heavy work it is to listen to his endless counterpoint
exercises! It makes me yawn just to think of it. It is strong, very intelligent. .. l
would add my voice to Théophile Gautier's in saying it is better to deify sorne
composers than listen to them. 1l2

Biliousness for the music aside, Torchet was not prepared to denigrate the
performers, and he pronounced the pianist Louis Diémer as "beyond aIl praise," and

possessed of the "abnegation, conscientiousness, and respect that were found only in the
true artist." Torchet's defense of the virtuoso, even as he derided the music, was no
anomaly. The same held true for other crities, including Arthur Landeley, who in his
review of the Concordia Society's performance of the Saint-Matthew Passion in 1888 set

aside special praise for Henrietta Fuchs, as weIl as Alexandre Guilmant and Paul Vidal,

even though it is clear in the passage that follows that he found the work somewhat

trying:

For a long time, this idea of reviving Bach haunted the enterprising mind of [the
society's1 president, Madame Fuchs. Success has crowned her efforts ... Let us
not forget Monsieur Guilmant to whom was entrusted the care of realizing, at his
own risk, the pipe organ part which was indicated only by a figured bass, and
Monsieur Paul Vidal who was charged with rendering the accompaniment on the
portative organ. Solemn events such as these, with three hours given over to pure
art, deliver the performer to a place of honor, not to mention ... the audience. ll3

112 Julien Torchet, Le Monde artiste (10 Feb 1889). "Donc Bach est un génie austère c'est entendu, mais
bien ennuyeux aussi, si j'ose m'exprimer ainsi, notamment dans son cinquième Concerto. Ah! mon ami,
quel rude travail d'écouter ces exercices de contrepoint qui ne s'arrêtent jamais! J'en bâille encore en y
pensant .. je répéterai avec Théophile Gautier qu'il est de certains auteurs qu'on aime mieux déifier
~u' entendre."
1 3 A. Landely in L'Art musical (31 May 1888). "Depuis longtemps cette idée de ressusciter Bach hantait
l'esprit entreprenant de sa présidente, Mme Fuchs. La réussite a couronné ses efforts ... N'oublions pas
M. Guilmant à qui incombait le soin de réaliser à ses risques la partie de grand orgue indiquée par une
 340

Four years later in 1892, a performance of the B minor mass, elicited a similar response

from Amadée Boutarel, who assured readers that "the orchestra and choir did some

courageous homework, and it is only proper to acknowledge it ... AlI merit praise, but it

is certainly due Monsieur Warmbrodt, whose pure voice and polished style delivered a
true sense of wonder in music of a formidable language that is very difficult to grasp.,,114

The idea that the performer has rendered the music palatable returned in a review
written by Léon Schlesinger two years later. He branded Diémer's performance of the F
major harpsichord concerto as the lynchpin of a concert given by Eugène d'Harcourt in
late January of 1894. And this success resulted Diémer' s gift as /la magician; under his

nimble fingers, the most forbidding of compositions acquires an inviting, seductive

aspect.,,115

The reception of Bach as a learned composer, whose music may only be rescued

by an excellent performer has political implications. For the upper social classes, it is

clear that the objection to Bach in the 1880s and early 1890s was not his

nationality-although at this point it could be argued that German art had acquired
connotations of learnedness. It me ans that the "work" of the composer is incomplete

without the performers. Given that access to most performances of Bach's music prior to

the founding of d'Harcourt's concerts in 1893 was fairly restricted, especially where

vocal works were concerne d, it is possible to view these events as rituals that could

reinforce the identity of the socially elite as different. It is this same class of individuals,

with their tendency to view music as a service, that would have we1comed Bach-even a

grossly imperfect Bach-as a respite from the more demanding Wagner. Even when a

simple basse chiffrée et M. Paul Vidal chargé de l'accompagnement au petit orgue. Des solennités
comme celle-là, trois heures consacrées à l'art pur, honorent exécutants et .. auditeurs."
114 Amadée Boutarel, Le Ménestrel (28 February 1892). "Il est certain que l'orchestre et les choeurs ont fait
vaillamment leur devoir, et il n'est que juste de le constater... Tous méritent des éloges, mais ces éloges
sont dus surtout à M. Warmbrodt, dont la voix si pure et le style si châtié ont véritablement fait merveille
dans une oeuvre d'une langue si sévère et d'une compréhension si difficile."
115 Léon Schlesinger, Le Ménestrel (4 Feb 1894). "Le grand succès de la séance a été pour M. Louis Diémer,
qui a joué le concerto en fa de Bach. M. Diémer est un magicien; sous ses doigts habiles, les compositions
les plus austères ont des sourires et des séductions."
 341

work by Bach was positively received, crities frequently assigned irrational

characteristics to it that, in the end, were somewhat demeaning for the composer. This
was the case for Henry Eymieu' s review of the B minor orchestral suite, whieh he
characterized in underwhelming terms as "very tasteful," in its performance by Colonne
and the flautist Cantié in 1891. Arthur Pougin summarized this same work in 1894 as
"charming in its apparent naiveté," while in the same year, Amadée Boutarel consigned
the fifth Brandenburg concerto to a similar aesthetic category as "an charm, grace, and
delicacy, with an ingenuity, a richness of technieal resources to which masters such as

Beethoven, Schumann, and Mendelssohn paid great tribute.,,116 Moreover, both Pougin
and Boutarel make reference to the idea that part of the value of Bach's music derives
from the fact that its learnedness is hidden. Thus the function of this work for these
critics at least, was to serve, discreetly, and without exacting too mu ch effort from the

audience. Henri Barbedette made this abundantly clear in his comments on the concerto
for three harpsichords, following a performance by Diémer and two of his students (on

pianos) at the Concerts Colonne in 1893. The work was to be praised because it did not
tire the listener, whieh arose from the fact that "Bach knew how to make the fugal form
enjoyable and, in his most learned combinations, method is never obvious."l17
As we saw in the reception of Rameau, the social elite must not be confused with

the intelligentsia, even though there was sorne overlap (for example, the more well-
heeled artists of the Petit Bayreuth, and Winaretta Singer, who financed two of Bordes's

116 [Henry Eymieu], Le Monde musical (15 March 1891); Arthur Pougin, Le Ménestrel (29 April 1894).
"d'une des quatre suites de Jean-sébastien Bach suite en si mineur, pour quatuor d'instruments à cordes
et une flûte; cette composition, charmante en son apparente naiveté, a valu un succès personnel très
flatteur à M. Hennebains, le successeur de M. Taffanel comme flûte-solo de la Société."; Amadée
Boutarel, Le Ménestrel (18 Nov 1894). "La perle de ce programme, étincelante et discrète, était le 5e
concerto de Bach pour piano, flûte et violon, exécuté par MM. Diémer, Cantié et Remy. Là, tout est
charme, grâce, délicatesse, avec une ingéniosité, une fécondité de ressources techniques auxquelles des
maîtres comme Beethoven, Schumann, Mendelssohn, ont rendu un magnifique hommage. L'oeuvre et
ses interprètes ont obtenu un beau succès."
117 Henri Barbedette, Le Ménestrel (19 March 1893). "Le concerto pour trois pianos, de Sébastien Bach, si
admirablement dit par M. Diémer et ses deux élèves, MM. Risler et Pierre t, est une véritable merveille.
C'est un morceau amplement développé et que l'on écoute d'un bout à l'autre sans fatigue. Bach savait
rendre la forme fuguée aimable et, dans ses plus savantes combinaisons, la méthode ne fait jamais
défaut. MM. Diémer et Risler ont également joué, mais sans orchestre, un scherzo pour deux pianos de
M. Saint-Saëns, oeuvre intéressante qui a été bien accueillie du public."
 342

Bach cantata series). Here we should recall that Gustave Robert identified those with
pretensions to intellectual pursuits as separate from the social elite, and held them in
sorne contempt. Robert was not al one in identifying them as supporters of Bach. When
the Concordia society presented the Saint Matthew Passion in 1888, Landely made it
clear that only musicians could appreciate the work:

The work of Bach, admirable or immensely interesting to the musician, will only
satisfy purely human interests on the rare occasion. Chaste, the music has no
effect upon the senses; long, and repetitive in terms of its procedures, it tires the
spirit, rarely gaining favour in the austerity of its counterpoint, too rigorously
protestant in its numerous chorales, it barely touches the heart full of intimate
emotions. 118

Tiersot' s presentation of excerpts from the same work at the Cercle Saint-Simon in
December of 1888 drew little comment from the reviewer for L'Art musical, who

nonetheless claimed that the success of the event resulted from the "foule lettrées" in

attendance, and described the society as "the enlightened protector of an of these

interesting attempts to present retrospectives of art.,,119 And the situation continued at

least through the first performance of the B minor mass by the Conservatoire in 1891.

The Monde musical was quick to underline the drawing power of the work, manifested in
the presence of a number of notables. But readers also learned that it was the

"scholastics" who gave it the most demonstratively positive reception. 120 The Monde

artiste was more blunt in its criticism of this concert: "as for the mass itself, it is long, too
long, and musicologists can speak of it at length: an opportunity that our colleague
Monsieur Julien Tiersot was careful not to miss." This periodical also reported that the

audience for the performance was not composed of regular Société members, but that, "a
good quarter of subscribers sold their tickets, by aversion or fear, and, thanks to this

118 A. Landely, L'Art musical (31 May 1888). "L'oeuvre de Bach, admirable ou prodigieusement
intéressante pour le musicien, ne satisfera qu'à de rares intervalles l'attention purement humaine.
Chaste, elle ne saurait impressionner les sens; longue, uniforme dans ses procédés, elle fatigue l'esprit;
rarement insinuante dans l'austérité de son contrepoint, trop rigoureusement protestante dans ses
nombreux chorals, elle touche à peine le coeur avide d'émotions intimes."
119 Ch. G, L'Art musical (31 Dec 1889).
120 E.M., Le Monde musical (28 Feb 1891).
 343

opportunity, a veritable gang of rabid amateurs were able to enter the sacrosanct venue.
The result was a divided audience, the effect of which can be summed up in two
phrases: there was absolute boredom, but there was unbridled applause.,,121

As a musician, music historian, and habitué of the Société nationale and the circle
of Franck' s students, Tiersot' s response to the performance of the B minor mass in 1891

was a predictably positive, five-part article for the Ménestrel. He viewed the occasion as

a great moment in the history of the society, and for aH engaged in the noble combat for

the appreciation of "elevated" or serious art, "works that are great, noble, and advanced
in style."122 In Tiersot' s mind, the greatness of Bach' s music stemmed from the fa ct that
it hid a soul, "a soul that vibrates with a rare power: it is Bach's very own soul.,,123 The

implications of this are fairly weighty. First, Tiersot engaged the idea that the work

existed as an entity separate from performance. Dukas would later echo this idea in his

review of the Chanteurs 1894 performances of the Bach cantatas. Indeed, he was proud

of the fact that this "living" music was so difficult as to defy performance, and was quick

to point out that this "indestructible" work was rooted in science. 124 In this he may have

been relying on Tiersot, who insisted in 1891 that Bach's "science" or intelligence was his

121 Judex, Le Monde artiste (15 March 1891). "Quant à la messe elle-même, elle est longue, très longue, et
les musicologues peuvent en parler longuement: ce que n'a pas manque de faire d'ailleurs notre confrère
M. Julien Tiersot. Mettant à profit les travaux de M. Spitta, un de ces Allemands érudits qui s'identifient
en quelque sorte avec l'idole de leur choix, dissertent gravement sur la couleur de ses bas, vérifient les
comptes de sa cuisinière et se garderaient de croire à l'inutilité d'un infime détail, M. Julien Tiersot a
publié dans le Ménestrel une suite d'articles où l'histoire de la Messe en si mineur est racontée avec la
précision la plus complète. Avis aux curieux que ce genre d'études intéresse ... un bon quart d'abonnés
avait vendu ses places, par aversion ou par crainte, et, grâce à cette porte ouverte, tout un groupe
d'amateurs convaincus a pénétré dans le temple. De là deux courants franchement opposés; l'effet
Eroduit peut donc se résumer en deux proposition: on s'est ennuyé ferme, mais on a fort applaudi."
22 Julien Tiersot, Le Ménestrel (8 March 1891). "Triomphe éclatant pour la Société des concerts,
particulièrement pour ceux qui combattent le bon combat en l'honneur de l'art élevé, des oeuvres nobles
et grandes et des tendances avancées."
123 Julien Tiersot, Le Ménestrel (15 March 1891). "Cependant, si admirable que soit l'oeuvre de Bach au
point de vue de la beauté plastique, elle n'exercerait pas entièrement sur nous son invincible attraction si
elle ne valait que par les formes extérieures. Mais sous l'apprêt des combinaisons infinies, elle cache une
âme, et une âme qui vibre avec une rare puissance: c'est l'âme même de Bach, qui fut bien, certes, une
des plus grandes qui aient existé sur notre monde terrestre; c'est celle de toute une race et de tout un
siècle, qui trouvèrent en lui, sans s'en douter, l'interprète de ce qu'ils ressentaient de plus grand et de
Elus fort."
24 Paul Dukas, "Les Cantates d'église de J.-S. Bach," La Revue hebdomadaire (February 1894). Transcribed
in Les Écrits, 163-64.
 344

only compositional guide. Aside from revealing Tiersot and Dukas as materialist, and
probably a positivist thinkers, the portrayal of Bach as a scientist also reinforced images
of this same composer as a "disinterested" composer, who se works were not written to
please a public but rather as a means of expressing personal feelings. 125 Tiersot' s
portrayal of Bach is part and parcel of a critical tendency to compare Bach with Handel,
to describe Bach as a lonely and hard working hermit in direct opposition to Handel as a

fashionable composer catering to English notables. The view of Bach that we find
expressed by this scholar continues in writings on music throughout the decade.126

It is fairly significant that Tiersot devotes a major portion of the second

installment of his article to portraying Bach as a militant individual, who was often in
conflict with his employers. It is a biographical trope shared with Rameau, who was
invariably described as an ill-tempered individual, a frequent polemicist, and not in the

least disposed to pander to public favour. Though it is never directly expressed in the

press of the 1880s and 1890s, today we would probably say that this kind of personal

behaviour cornes out of a need to preserve artistic integrity. And so part of Tiersot's
article is, like the writings of Jullien, also speaking to a sm aller community of musicians,

whose con cern was more for its own identity, and for establishing the place of music in
French society. That being said, other arguments in Tiersot's article spoke directly to a
larger, French ethnic-linguistic nationalist conceit. Bach' s art is said to be rooted in the
French musical past: it reflects the values associated with the traditions of the French
middle ages, and remains, "the supreme manifestation of music as it was conceived by

the old masters of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the likes of Josquin des Près,

125 Julien Tiersot, Le Ménestrel (15 March 1891). "Ne cherchant pas à plaire au public, Bach se bornait
donc à exprimer ce qu'il sentait, et il le faisait d'autant plus spontanément et naturellement que lui non
plus n'a point 'légiféré' et qu'il semble, en écrivant, n'avoir obéi qu'à des prinàpes vagues et obscurs de
son génie, bien plutôt que sa volonté a puissamment illumines."
126 See for example, Gustave Robert, La Musique à Paris vol. 2, 185. "Ne pourrait-on pas... se demander si
cette différence de vie et de caractère n'expliquerait pas l'absence de ce je ne sois (sic) quoi qui fait que
cette fleur de vie qui nous enchante dans beaucoup, sinon dans toutes les oeuvres de Bach, fit défaut bien
souvent dans les oeuvres d'Haendel?" For more reviews in this vein, see A. Landely in L'Art musical (31
May 1888); Auguste Mercadier, Le Monde musical (30 January 1899); Henry Barbedette, Le Ménestrel (15
January 1899); Amadée Boutarel, Le Ménestrel (22 January 1899); A. Dandelot, Le Monde musical (15
March 1898); A. Dandelot Le Monde musical (15 April 1899).
 345

Palestrina, and Roland de Lassus." The only difference between these fifteenth and

sixteenth-century contrapuntists and Bach is that the latter transformed their work into

an instrumental genre. Like Dukas, Tiersot has invoked the idea that by looking to the

past, an artist is able to survive into the future. 127 Moreover, the model for this success

was displaced in part from the ltalian Palestrina to the reclaimed French Josquin. And

so Bach, as an artist who had survived into the late nineteenth century, could be more

than acceptable to ethnic-linguistic French nationalists because his survival was

portrayed as the result of his respect for mainly French musical traditions à la

Brunétière's génie latin. Bach's identity transformed from the German Johann Sebastian

to the French Jean-Sébastien.

Richard Taruskin has also identified a French predilection for the Gallicization of

Bach, though he has not placed this tendency in the context of Brunetière' s ideology of

latinité. Still, his comments resonate with the idea that like the Rameau revival, the Bach
revival was also an elitist impulse. Taruskin tells readers that the French

retour à Bach was an attempt to hijack the Father, to wrest the old contrapuntist
from his errant countrymen (who with their abnormal "psychology" had
betrayed his purity, his health-giving austerity, his dynamism, his detached and
transcendent craft), and restore him to a properly elite station. 128

Taruskin also unwittingly engages the idea of an Andersonian "imagined community"

that may have been formed through the musical equivalent of a "standard" and

homogenizing vemacular-the French version of Bach. He writes, "French Bachianism

meant purity: the renunciation of all national character in favour of a musical Esperanto

with a lexicon heavily laced with self-conscious allusions to the perceived fountainhead

127 Julien Tiersot, Le Ménestrel (15 March 1891). "Il demeure, l'on peut dire que son oeuvre est
l'expression dernière, la suprême manifestation de la musique comme l'avait conçue les vieux maîtres
du XV e et du XVIe siècle, les Josquin des Prés, les Palestrina, les Roland de Lassus. Seulement, de son
temps, l'instrument s'est perfectionné et enrichi; à la polyphonie vocale qui seule était pratiquée dans les
temps antérieurs vient se joindre un élément instrumental qui en double la richesse et la puissance. . .Et,
tout en s'appuyant sur le passé, l'oeuvre de Bach rayonne sur l'avenir, et avec quelle intensité, nous le
savons."
6
128 Richard Taruskin, ''Back to Whom? Neoclassicism as Ideology," 19 '-Century Music
16 (Spring 1993): 293.
 346

of "universal" musical values.,,129 Of course, Taruskin's timeframe is really the 1920s,

but the similarities with respect to Bach are certainly striking.

The debates over Bach that preceded the rush of alI-Bach performances at the
Schola reveal not only that the composer could be appropriated within different types of
nationalist mindsets, but also that the same hierarchy of genres that operated in Rameau
reception applied to Bach as weIl. The instrumental could be feminized, though this
same genre of music could also be portrayed as a reflection of the same type of
Frenchness more closely connected with Lully, Louis XIV, and dance. Bach's choral

works could be viewed within the same proto-Republican mindset that embraced
Rameau's operas through recourse to Tiersot's "science./I lndeed, the most highly prized
genre of many individuals who rose up to champion Bach in both public and private

ventures were large-scale vocal works-pieces with giant choruses that could be
emblematic of the nation.

From Pot-Pourri to Grand Concert

The kind of valuation for large-scale vocal works that is evident in the reception of both
Rameau and Bach may have also played a role in the change in concert structure for the

Schola's public events after 1904. The idea that bigger is better is certainly not very
popular in many contemporary cultures, but it seems to have functioned with sorne
consistency for sorne aspects of the early music revival in turn-of-the-century France.

Even though the Schola played host to numerous multi-item concerts by individual
artists throughout the first de cade of the twentieth century, as events that most often

featured soloists, they should not be compared to any sort of choral or large-scale work
event. Further study may weIl reveal an increased preference for monumentality even
in the multi-item recitals, considering that at least in Blanche Selva's case, these events

129 Ibid.
 347

involved presenting complete works in a given genre by a single composer, or in-depth

historical surveys. But the concerts that were supported by Les Amis de la Schola, as a
private series comparable to any one of a dozen other private concert societies of the
time, were grands concerts involving large-scale works that were usually vocal. For this
kind of concert represented the massing of performance resources, enabled by the
marshalling of support from onlookers-not the success of individual

entrepreneurialism in drawing a paying crowd to gaze down on a single or a small

group of performers.

Musical entrepreneurialism was as corn mon in turn-of-the-century France as it

was in most nations during the nineteenth century. Church organists, as we saw in the
case of Guilmant, actually had a number of opportunities for entrepreneurialism,
simultaneously composing, performing, organizing concerts, teaching, and acting as

spokespersons for instrument builders. And organists like Guilmant rarely relinquished

any of these forms of employment: like César Franck (Ste-Clothilde), Charles-Marie

Widor (Saint-Sulpice), and Eugène Gigout (Saint-Augustin), Guilmant stayed on at the

Trinité even after he was appointed professor at the Conservatoire. Likewise composers

worked at a variety of jobs, for example, Gabriel Fauré. This composer is most often
portrayed as a victim of circumstance for having to work simultaneously as a school
inspector and church music director, but in this respect, his actual work load probably
differed very little from d'Indy's, who also did a lot of his composing in the summer,
when he was free from the obligation to conduct choirs and orchestras, arrange and edit

music, and accompany groups and singers on the organ and piano. Like Fauré, d'Indy
and Bordes were also involved in the salon scene, which constituted yet another drain on

time resources
Through the recent work of Sylvia Kahan, Myriam Chimènes, and Jann Pasler,
we have come to understand the importance of the musical salon and private patronage
 348

at the tum of the century.130 Kahan and Pasler have been mu ch more forthcoming with

information that relates to the payment of musicians than Chimènes: Kahan tells us that
Winaretta Singer (who supported Fauré and used Bordes to organize events) was not
very generous, and fought Bordes even on union rates. Pasler has shown Greffulhe as
an extremely generous patron in her early years, who later undertook major, public
projects, sometimes with the help of d'Indy. Chimènes has described the activities of

Marguerite de Saint-Marceaux in sorne detail, but gives no indication as to the level of

pecuniary support that this well-known mécène may have lent to the musicians and

corn po sers who frequented her salon. The benefits derived from networking at this
salon were of course inestimable.

Given this flurry of activity, it is not surprising that the majority of composers
and musicians also became entrepreneurs to varying degrees. Guilmant' s concerts at the
Trocadéro should be viewed as an entrepreneurial venture: after 1878, he had to commit

his own funds, or solicit seed money from a group of subscribers to cover operating
costs. Guilmant's Trocadéro series was also tied to the instrument industry (which were

among his subscribers and who gained tremendous exposure through the events). Jann
Pasler has pointed out the Countess Greffulhe's Société des grandes auditions musicales

should also be viewed as an entrepreneurial undertaking, because she offered

guaranteed retums to those who subscribed. l3l And as we saw in Chapter 3, sorne

onlookers thought that the Schola's Bach cantata concerts of 1900 to 1903 constituted
entrepreneurial endeavours as weIl.
By the 1890s, events organized by individuai entrepreneurs or small groups of
like-minded musicians were increasingly held in the spring, after Easter, during the off-

season (May and early June), and in short series of three to six concerts. Early music
performances were only one kind of event held at this busy time of year, but they had

130 Sylvia Kahan, Music's Modern Muse; Myriam Chimènes, Mécènes et musicens; Jann Pasler, "Countess
Greffulhe as Entrepreneur," 221-47.
131 Jann Pasler, "Countess Greffulhe as Entrepreneur," 223.
 349

something different to offer. For during the main season, early instrumental music

performed by major societies was normally confined to openers, like the Bach B Minor
Suite (which was a vehicle for solo flautists of the time), or single dance pieces excerpted
from Rameau operas. Bach's concerti for multiple instruments were an exception,
including the double violin concerto (a favourite of Eugène Ysaye's), the one for three
harpsichords, and the fifth Brandenburg. These monumental works by Bach were given
as vehicles for solo displays of virtuosity and were almost inevitably performed on
modem instruments (e.g., pianos instead of harpsichords). Normally framed by more

modem works, the use of modern instruments at mainstream faH and win ter events may
have resulted from practical considerations: larger halls require more resonant
instruments, and switching to modern instruments for other works might have entailed
moving around any number of pianos (recall here the Bach concerti for multiple
keyboards) .
Still, in the mid-1890s, the harpsichord, gamba, vielle and other su ch instruments
represented exotic diversion for springtime audiences. This was probably why the piano
was mainly used for the Bach cantata and other early music concerts at the Schola

between 1900 and 1903. For already combined with a low position on the artistic food

chain, instrumental music given on period instruments might remind audiences too
much of the more entertaining ventures that entrepreneurial musicians organized in the
spring. These instruments also made the connection to la musique française from the reign
of Louis XIV (or French Baroque dance) more explicit, and functioned like the costumes

that were used to reinforce the connection to the ancien régime at the Opéra' s historical

concert series. Costumes, like period instruments, were tangible representations of the

past. As Annegret Fauser has explained, old instruments could become objects of

fascination and fetishes. J32 Understanding these kinds of values also help us understand
how d'Indy' s move to concerts of large-scale works such as Bach' s B minor mass and

132 On period instruments as fetishized objects, see Annegret Fauser "Creating Madame Landowska,"
Women in Music: A Journal ofGender and Culture 10 (2006), in press.
 350

Beethoven' s Missa Solemnis may have been appreciated by the onlookers of his time. For
increasingly over the 1890s, major vocal works such as the Bach B minor mass were

given by major societies in toto, in a place of honour as season closers or Good Friday
concerts, and received great attention in the press both before and after the event. Given
the kinds of musical values revealed in the reception of Rameau and Bach, it is clear that
d'Indy had no desire to make the Schola's monthly concerts a refuge for the sort of

listeners in search of la musique française.

Conclusion

In this chapter, 1 have looked at ways that ideas of nationalism and a striving towards
Frenchness may have affected the Schola' s programming, and have put the reception of

its performances of works by Rameau and Bach in the context of the wider revival. But
it is diffieult for me to leave this chapter without opening up at least one avenue for

further research into why Bordes, d'Indy and others involved with the Schola may have

opted, at times, to attach the institution's musical activities to national concerns. It has
grown out of a collection of impressions, of vague ideas gathered from writings and

circumstances dating from the French fin-de-siècle. Overriding them is the idea that

music at the time was perhaps not quite the exalted art that the Wagnerites and
Baudelaireans proclaimed it to be. Of course these groups hailed musie as the highest of

aU art forms. But was that reaUy a widespread conception? We know that at least
Romain Rolland considered the French Republic hostile to musie, from the concluding

passage of his well-known Musidens d'aujourd'hui:

In spite of the advance of the democratic spirit, musical art-or at least aIl that
counts in musical art-has never been more aristocratie than it is today. Probably
the phenomenon is not peculiar to music, and shows itself more or less in other
arts; but in no other art is it sa dangerous, for no other has raots less firmly fixed in the
sail of France. And it is no consolation to tell one self that this is according to the
great French traditions, whieh have nearly always been aristocratie. Traditions,
great and small, are menaced today; the axe is ready for them. Whoever wishes to
live must adapt to the new conditions of life. The future of art is at stake. To
continue as we are doing is not only to weaken music by condemning it to live in
 351

unhealthy conditions, but also to risk its disappearing sooner or later under the
rising flood of popular misconceptions of music. Let us take warning by the fact
that we have already had to defend music when it was attacked by sorne of the
parliamentary assemblies; and let us remember how pitiful the defense was. We
must not let the day come when a famous speech will be repeated with a slight
alteration-"The Republic has no need of musicians.,,133

Rolland's attitude may be shaped by his conservative tastes in music-perhaps the

precarious state of music was only a figment of his imagination. Still, his comments

seem reasonable in the context of at least one odd circumstance. In 1904 the
management at the Théâtre Sarah-Bernhardt put on what it described as a production of
Racine's Esther that was "faithful in every respect to the original." That faithfulness to
the original was nonetheless restricted to the spoken drama: they hired Reynaldo Hahn

to compose new music to accompany it. 134 Clearly there were forms of early music that

could never be part of the post-Dreyfus French nation, could never serve in the

formation of an identity for a people in search of Frenchness-there were works that

could slip back into collective forgetfulness as easily as they had emerged from it.

133 Romain Rolland, Musicians ofToday translated by Mary Blaiklock (London: Kegan Paul, [1914]),
321-22.
134 Le Ménestrel (24 January 1904).
 Summary and Conclusion

As an undergraduate English student, it was brought to my attention that the plural

form of "person" was not "people" but "persons." Times change and so has common
English usage, yet it is an important idea to bear in mind. In the process of completing
this dissertation, l have had ample time and opportunity to reflect on this, and to realize
the importance of recreating that web of individuals who made up the "people" who ran
the Parisian Schola Cantorum. These persons also lived and worked within an even

larger group of individuals bound together by national association. But if l concluded

my dissertation with a view of the nation, it was not because l believe its shifting cultural
politics had the greatest effect on Schola programming. It was because getting at the
nation first required understanding at least sorne of its persons and sorne of its smaller
associations of individuals.

It is to these persons that l would now like to return, for l believe that the
community of artists, intellectuals, and patrons that surrounded Bordes, d'Indy, and
Guilmant probably had the greatest determining effect on their early music
performances. The letters exchanged between Bordes and d'Harcourt reproduced in
Chapter 2 provide an excellent example of the role of personal poli tics in French fin-de-
siècle music making. Indeed, further study of the "Schola's" early music revival will
surely require a closer look at documents such as these to better understand the
individu al members of the Schola founders' community. In Chapter 2, l referred only
very briefly to the Comte de Chambrun, who underwrote performances of Bach's music
in the 1880s, and Maurice Bouchor, who translated the texts for a number of Bach
cantatas and Handel oratorios. In the future, a careful reading of their correspondence
and other documents related to their personal networks and artistic endeavours may
indeed tell us a great deal not only about the revival, but about musical1ife in general.
Octave Maus, and Henry Cochin appear to have been central figures in d'Indy's
 353

network. Likewise Paul Poujaud held a place of importance for both Bordes and d'Indy.
All three truly cry out as subjects for further investigation.
At the end of my lengthy discussion about the relationship between changes to
the Schola's mandate and administration and the Schola's concerts of early music in
Chapter 3,1 mentioned that its revival was interpreted in the 1920s as an erudite or
intellectual undertaking.! Indeed, the discourse surrounding Bordes, d'Indy, and

Guilmant's revival should be considered a reflection of late nineteenth-century attempts

to reconcile religion and science, as 1 discussed to varying degrees in my introduction

and final two chapters. But here again the individual pers on demands attention, for that
intellectual trend was expressed through unique personal voices for Bordes, d'Indy, and
Guilmant, which belonged to persons who lectured at Schola-related early music events.
Here 1 am referring to Ferdinand Brettes (see my introduction), and Ferdinand
Brunetière (Chapters 4 and 5). Only a more careful study of the relationship between

these individuals and the Schola founders will reveal a greater understanding of how the

early music revival participated in the development of this intellectual trend. Another

voice for ideas of the time was Julien Tiersot (Chapter 2), whose lecture-recitals for
various learned societies between the late 1880s and the early 1900s (sorne listed in

Appendix 2) might tell us much more about Schola politics than d'Indy's inflammatory
inaugural address ever may.
Much like their connection to French fin-de-siècle intellectual currents, Bordes,

d'Indy, and Guilmant' s connections to the Catholic church were persona!. In Chapter 4,

1 summarized a number of letters that Bordes wrote to the Solesmes monks Joseph
Pothier and André Mocquereau, and 1 observed that Pothier' s outlook in Les Mélodies

grégoriennes seemed to have informed the writings of Bordes and d'Indy. In this same
chapter, 1 also looked at the idea of "impersonalism," as expressed in the writings of

Camille Bellaigue (a member of d'Indy's circ1e) and Gustave Robert. That distancing of

! La Schola Cantorum en 1925, 135.

 354

the self from music also seemed important to Pothier, for his ideal manner of chant

performance involved denying the body its natural outward movements-his singers
became the same kind of wooden-faced puppets that Maurice Bouchor so valued in his
theatre works, and the kind of vehicles for (non) expression that Bordes prized for the
execution of strictly liturgical music. Is it so surprising then to find sorne observers
commenting on the emotional toning down of Schola performances of Bach after 1904, as
l discussed in Chapter 3?

There is something very "modern" about this denial of the body that reaches

beyond Catholic, anti-corporeal ideology ... but that would be another dissertation.
Nonetheless, aside from ideas that concerned performance habits, sorne of the attitudes
about sacred music that l reveaied in my fourth chapter do indeed speak to a desire to
separate the body from music at the level of the composition. Gustave Robert expressed
distaste for solo religious music as overly personal, Chaminade proscribed dance-like

rhythm s, and both viewed counterpoint (which cannot be executed by a single voice) as

a hall mark feature of sacred music. As l aiso pointed out, much of the music that Bordes

chose for religious occasions failed to match the criteria that Chaminade set, and with

good reason. Bordes had a persistent habit of recycling works that came before the

theories, sorne of which already had a performance history: he re-edited music from
older editions (see Appendix 3), reintroduced them in performance at Saint-Gervais and
other venues, published them in an expensive anthology, and reissued them at bargain
basement prices as single sheets after the motu proprio of 1903 (Tra le sollicitudini). He

was no expert on sacred music, but he knew how to spin the pope's generalized
approval for the work of sacred music reformers into an endorsement of his own efforts

in particular (see Chapter 4).

The contradiction between theories of sacred music and practices reminds us that

when they were not changing the world and contributing to grand ideas, Bordes, d'Indy,

and Guilmant were aiso working at various jobs as professional musicians and

composers. For sorne, l suspect the comforting glow of Bordes' s halo dimmed to the
 355

point of near imperceptibility upon reading his description of Holy Week services in

Chapter 2 as "six offices coup sur coup dans leur monotonie à des heures imbéciles." 2 Yet
therein lies the importance of digging into the persons involved in the thinking-not just

into the ideas they may have published, but into their every day lives and habits-and

keeping a grip on a detailed portrait of each individual through the exploration of larger
concepts.
ln my final chapter 1 shared sorne of my interpretations of select reviews and

commentary that accompanied the early music revival at the turn of the century. The

goal of that chapter was to try to understand how the dissemination and performance of

the repertoire may have contributed to the formation of a French identity at the turn of

the twentieth century, at a time of pronounced national identity crisis. In it 1 concluded

that early music was co-opted by different kinds of nationalists, who fashioned different

views of Frenchness from it-perhaps a predictable conclusion given my bias towards

the individual. But what can be said in the end about the "Schola's" politics, and about
its vision of Frenchness as expressed through its own choices? Again it is important to

return to the individual.

During the 1890s, the major force behind Schola concerts of early music was

Bordes, who often collaborated with Guilmant and d'Indy. Guilmant's own, more

populace-oriented series at the Trocadéro was already a fixture of springtime

programming when Bordes began his performances in earnest after 1892. Combined
with the mixed crowds of the Concerts d'Harcourt and the Église Saint-Gervais, Bordes' s

efforts seem to have been aimed at a large segment of the population. Moreover, as 1
pointed out in Chapter l, he introduced an enormous amount of music up to 1896 (over

350 works). This reveals an "eclectic" spirit of sorts, eager to entertain with new and

different works. At the same time, in Chapter l, 1 also established canon-forming

tendencies with the consistent return of responsory settings by Vittoria and Palestrina

2 Undated letter to Paul Dukas, transcribed in Bernard Molla, "Charles Bordes" vol. 3, 158-59.
 356

for Holy Week. Bordes aiso created a myth out of his Bach cantata concerts of 1894 and

1895, upon which he and d'Indy built series upon series of this same genre of works after
1900. This ritualizing tendency is not necessarily anti-populist, and overt "eclecticism"

shouid not be thought of as strictly anti-elitist. But it shows a flexible approach to

programming to accommodate different kinds of audiences.
Still, it is interesting to note that the concerts that became traditions of sorts were
usually entirely composed of early music, which was not always the case, and which

gave them an intellectual cachet of sorts. It is also important to recall the concerts of all
French music (or all Latin music in some cases) that Bordes organized in the first three
years of the new century. These suggest a desire to provide historical models for an
essential and homogeneous Frenchness simply because they emphasize "indigenous
elements" (to borrow Greenfeld's phrase). Yet since much of the repertoire dated from

the seventeenth century, these events may have also seemed like propaganda for the

ideas of Brunetière, or, for a view of Frenchness as irrational and exclusive. It is

probably significant that these events were criticized more roundly than the Bach cantata

concerts between 1900 and 1903 (see Chapter 3)-Adolphe Jullien was surely not the
only observer who felt alienated by concerts that reeked of boat cruises and champagne
lunches (see Chapter 5).

If we take a global view of the great variety of events given by Bordes and

sometimes d'Indy in the 1890s and up to 1904, we may be left the distinct impression

that the Schola was something of a political chameleon. Indeed, expediency seems to

have been a by-word for Bordes: the Schola became more educationally oriented when

Bordes' reputation as a performer began to sour in late 1896. By the time of the

explosion of concerts after 1900, he and d'Indy had changed the rules of the game. As 1

discussed in Chapter 3, the events that took place between 1900 and 1903-in an
essentially private hall-were not to be judged as public concerts for a paying audience.

They were to be viewed as "different," and probably representative of that limited

segment of French society that Debussy seemed to appeal to in the review that 1 quoted
 357

in my introduction to this dissertation. 3 The irony of history is that Bordes appears to

have been in control of most of the events that could be interpreted as "nationalist," and
it was the individual who has come down to us as a right-wing anti-Semite, Vincent

d'Indy, who shifted the Schola' s programming towards far more Republican models. It
was d'Indy whose right-wing ideologies-which he developed late in life-Iater became

synonymous with the institution in the portraits painted by early-and sorne not-so-

early-commentators, as l discussed in my review of literature. Understanding the Schola' s

revival of early music gives us pause where such historical interpretations (or

anthropomorphisms) are con cern, and tells us that the time has come to unthread that
particular canvas, realign each narrative strand, and eventually reweave the web.

3 Claude Debussy, "At the Schola Cantorum," 112-13.

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 The Schola Cantorum, Early Music and French Political Culture,

from 1894 to 1914

Volume 2

Catrena M. Flint,

McGill University, Montreal

A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfilment of the

requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

© Catrena M. Flint 2006

 Table of Contents

Volume 2

Notes to Appendices 1

Appendix 1: Concerts of Early Music by the Schola and the Chanteurs 6

Appendix 2: Concerts of Early Music Outside the Schola 111

Appendix 3: A Concordance of Nineteenth-Century Sources for Bordes's 236

Anthologie des maîtres religieux primitives
 Notes to Accompany the Appendices

The first two appendices included in this dissertation had very different

purposes. 1 was much more thorough in my research to compile the list of

concerts in Appendix l, which is basically a reproduction of my data bank of

Schola Concerts (see Chapter 1), than 1 was for Appendix 2. 1 made a thorough
survey of concert programmes at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (the
Département de la musique and the Opéra). Both of these libraries have
collections of original concert programmes, catalogued either by association,

artist or venue. Sorne of the programmes, however, were located in the press

clippings files (the Fonds Montpensier) of individuals su ch as Eugène

d'Harcourt. 1 also checked for available source documents at the Archives de

l'Institut Catholique, and the Archives historique de l'Archevêché de Paris, but

these attempts were not very fruitful. Surveys of historical periodicals (see the
list in Chapterl), and references from books and lists provided by other

scholars helped to complete the records in Appendix 1. In the future,

researchers may want to look carefully at Le Figaro, which 1 did not examine for

this dissertation, but which has proven a rich source of information for scholars

such as Sylvia Kahan.

Wh en 1 began my dissertation, 1 knew that 1 would inc1ude in it a list of
Schola early music concerts of sorne kind. The same is not true for Appendix 2.

It began life as a private document, which allowed me to have an overview of

early music performances outside the Schola. In the early days of my research,
there was actually very little published material available on the early music

revival, and 1 felt that 1 needed sorne context for the concerts 1 had collected

into Appendix 1. Many of the concerts included in Appendix 2 were

documented through original programmes, but most of the references came
 2

from periodicals of the time. It should not be taken as entirely representative,

except for the years between 1888 and 1904, which inc1ude aU mentions of early
music in Le Ménestrel. The rationale for choosing to focus on those years is
fairly simple: 1 began my survey one year prior to the 1889 exhibition, and
ended after the Schola' s student concerts became private events. The

information that 1 have provided for early music performances by the Société
des concerts du Conservatoire is now largely superceded by D. Kern Holoman's
online catalogue, which may be accessed at: http://hector.ucdavis.edu/ sdc.
That being said, 1 do provide references to the periodicalliterature for specifie
concerts, which Holoman does not. OriginaUy, 1 did not intend to inc1ude aU of
the information 1 had gathered on concerts outside my time frame of 1888 to

1904, but over the years 1 have received a number of requests for information

from this data base and so inc1ude my listing of non-Schola concerts here in its

entirety for future research.

A word of warning: because of the way 1 set up my data bank, these
records rareZy reflect programme order, and the listing of "other music" (or
works that 1 did not consider early music) varies from record to record in terms

of its completeness. Scholars interested in studying any particular group of

concerts should consult the original sources of information. For the sake of

space and with a view to greater professionalism, 1 also deleted the

"comments" section from each record in both Appendix 1 and 2. This is

actuaUy rather unfortunate, because there 1 listed things like the price of tickets,
the time and day of the week, notes to the audience to preserve silence,

advertisers (e.g., the rapid train to Côte d'Azur had a longstanding ad in the
Société Bach concert programmes), the number of performers, and whether or
not the work was touted as a première audition or not. 1 mention this here for the
sake of future research: it is important to take note of this sort of thing even
where the relevance of the information is unclear. 1 have avoided abbreviations
 3

in my appendices where possible. l have indicated those l have used in Tables 1

through 3.

Table l-Sources for Information About Concerts

Source Abbreviation
Periodicals
Les Tablettes de la ScJwla Tablettes
La Tribune de Saint-Gervais TSG

Books
Castéra, René de. Dix années d'action musicale relgieuse 1890- 1900, Les de Castéra
Ozanteurs de Saint-Gervais, La Schola Cantorum. Paris: Schola
CantoI'UIl\ [1902].
Dukas, Paul. Les Ecrits de Paul Dukas sur la musique. Paris: Société Écrits
d'éditions françaises et intemationals, 1948.
Indy, Vincent d'etaI. La Schola Cantorum en 1925. Paris: Bloud et La SC en
GaYt 1925. 1925
Kahan, Sylvia. Music's Modern Muse: A life ofWinnaretta Singer, Kahan
Princesse de Polignac. Rochester: University of Rochester
Press, 2003.

Table 2-Abbreviations for Libraries and Repositories

Li brary/Repository Abbreviation

Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la musique Bn--musique

Bibliothèque nationale de France, Musée de l'Opéra Bn--Opéra
 4

Table 3-Abbreviations for Musical Editions (Appendix 3)

Editor (s) Edition TiUe Place, Publisher, Abbr'n

Date
none indicated lMissa celeberrima vulgo dicta Papae lAugsburg: Augsburg c.
lMarcelli 6 vocibus concinenda .... iAnton Bohm, c. 1840
1840
Pietro Alfieri [Raccolta di musica sacra in cui Rome: Pittarelli e Alfieri!
contengonsi i capi lavori de' piu celebri Comp., 1841-46 ~MS
'-ompositori italiani

Fr. Chrysander lDenkmaler der Tonkunst Bergedorf bei I~hrysander /

Hamburg: pT
Expedition der
penkmaler,
1869-71. (6 vols)
Franz Commer; A.H. lMusica Sacra. Sammlung der besten lBerlin: Bote& G. Commer and
Neidhardti R. von ~eisterwerke des 16, 17, und 18 ~ock, 1838 (4 Neidhardt/
HertzbergiAlbert E. ~ahrhunderts vols) MS
A. Becker
Franz Commer r---ollectio operum musicorum Berlin: ,--ommer/
~atavorum saeculi XVI .... Trautwein, ÇOMB
[1844-58]
Adrien de La Fage I~inqmesses tirées du répertoire de la Paris: Mme Ve de la Fage/
hapelle sixtine à Rome lLauner, [1840s] CMCS

Adrien de La Fage [Vingt motets tirées du répertoire de la !paris: Mme Ve de la Fagel

hapelle sixtine à Rome com~osés par lLauner, [1840s] VM
ean Pierluigi de Palestrina. dition
evue et corrigée avec le plus grand
~oin

Th. De Witt; J.N. piovanni Pierluigi de Palestrinas Leipzig: pe Witt et

Rauchi Fr. Espagne, lWerke. Erste kritisch durchgesehene Breitkopf & ~I/GPPW
Fr. Commer, F.X. Gesammtausgabe. Hartel, [1862-
Haberl 1907]
oseph d'Ortigue ILa maîtrise: Journal de musique Paris: M.M. p'Ortigue/
eligieuse, seriai publication Heugel & Cie., 'LM
1857-61
Robert Eitner lPublikationen Alterer Praktischer und Liepmannssohn Eitner/
heoretischer Musikwerke and Trautwein, PubAPTM
Breitkopf &
Hartel,1873-1905
Hilarion Eslava Y ILÏra sacro-hispana Madrid: Salazar, ~slava Y
Elizondo 1869 iElizondo/
LSH
Otto Goldschmidt ~issa Papae Marcelli (Six Parts). London: Goldschmidt
Novello, 1881

Michael Hermesdorff ~ammlung ausgezeichneter Leipzig: P. !Hermesdorff /

and Heinrich [compositionen für die Kirche 2nd ed. 4 Braun's Verlag, SACK
Oberhoffer !vols 1884-85
 5

Table 3-Abbreviations for Musical Editions (Appendix 3), cont.

Editor (s) Edition Title Place, Publisher, Abbr'n

Date
~tephan Lück Sammlung ausgezeichneter [[rier: M. ILück/
Compositionen für die Kirche lst ILeistensschneider' ~ACK
l'd. 2 vols. ~che
~uchdruckerei,
1859
IR. J. van Maldéghem Trésor musical. Collection ~russel: C. [Mald
authentique de musique sacrée & iMuquardt, [1865-
profane des anciens maîtres belges ~3] (29 volumes)

oseph Napoleon Ney, [Recueil des morceaux de musique lParis: Pacini, 1844 lMoskowa/
~ka Prince de la ancienne 10 vols. IRMA
lMoskowa

lFelipe Pedrell lHispaniae schola musica sacra ILeipzig: Breitkopf lPedrell

& Hartel, 1894-98
lKarl Proske lMusica Divina lRatisbon, Friderici IProske/
Pustet, 1853-1876 !MD
~arl Proske lSelectus novus missarum lRatisbon, F. IProske/
IPraestantissimorum su peri oris Pustet, 11853-61 ~NMP
jaevi auctorum

IEdward F. Rimbault lA Collection of ancient church ILondon: J. Alfred lRimbault/

Imusic, Printed for the Motet [Novello, [1842-43] CACM
r;ociety
IFriedrich Rochlitz ~ammlung vorzüglicher lMainz: B. Schott's lRochlitz/
Gesangstücke 2 vols ~ohnen, 1835 ~VG

!William Smyth Rockstro lMissa Brevis lLondon: Novello lRockstro

and New York:
IB.W. Gray, 1890
ILudwig Schoberlein; Schatz des liturgischen Chor un Gottingen: ~chôberlein
IFriedrich Riegel Gemeindegesags nebst dem IVanderhoeck und and Riegel/
Altarweisen in der deutschen ~uprecht, 1865-72 ~LCG
evangelischen Kirchen aus den
Quellen vornehmlich des 16 und
17 Jahrhunderts

. E. West n Divers Tongues Spake the ILondon: Novello, [West

Apostles' from Novello's 1876
Collection of Anthems no. 913
[English version of Loquebantur in
varUs linguis by Palestrina]
 Appendix 1

Concerts of Early Music by the Schola and the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais

18910326
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais precursors?
Conductor(s): Bordes and Tiersot
Remarks: Maundy Thursday
Early Music: Palestrina: Stabat mater ----- Allegri: Miserere
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (22 March 1891): 94.

1892 04 13 -16
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Charles Bordes and Vincent d'Indy
Remarks: Music for Holy Week (Wednesday to Saturday)
Early Music: Palestrina: 4 responsories; Missa Brevis; Stabat mater; improperii;
Magnificat for 2 choirs ----- Vittoria: 4 responsories; Passion ----- Allegri:
Miserere ----- Josquin: Miserere ----- Gallus [Jacob Handl]: 1 responsory;
Miserere ------Lassus: Regina Coeli ----- Lotti: Crucifixus
------ J.S. Bach: 2 double motets ---- Corsi: unspecified
----- Bernabei: unspecified ----- Nanina: unspecified
Other Music: Giudetti ----- Pitoni
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (24 April 1892), 132-33, signed Julien Tiersoti La Revue
Hebdomadaire (June 1892)--reproduced in the Écrits of Paul Dukas, 23-
30; Journal des débats (25 March 1892).

18920605
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Charles Bordes
Remarks: Pentecost
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa Ave maris stella ----- Unspecified motets
Other Source: de Castéra, 17.
 7

18920619
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Charles Bordes
Remarks: Feast of Saint-Gervais
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis ----- Unspecified motets
Other Source: de Castéra, 17.

18920815
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (5):Charles Bordes
Remarks: Assumption
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa Ave maris stella ----- Palestrina: Assumpta est maria
----- Unspecified motets
Other Source: de Castéra, 17.

189211 01
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (5): Charles Bordes
Remarks: AlI Saints Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis ----- Unspecified motets
Other Source: de Castéra, 17.

189211 02
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: AlI Souls Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Peccantem me quotidie ----- F. Anerio: Dies irae ----- Vittoria:
Missa pro defunctis
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (30 October 1892), 351.
Other Source: de Castéra, 17.
 8

18921122
Religious
Venue!Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Closing of the PerpetuaI Adoration at Saint-Gervais
Early Music: Unspecified motets
Other Source: de Castéra, 17.

18921200
Religious
Venue!Assoc: unspecified Dominican monastery
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Charles Bordes
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis
Other Source: de Castéra, 17.

18921208
Secular
Venue/Assoc: Cercle Saint-Simon
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Sacred and secular music of the 16th centurywith lecture by Julien
Tiersot.
Early Music: unspecified sacred works of the Renaissance ----- unspecified secular
works of the Renaissance
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (18 Dec. 1892) ?

18921225
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa Quarti Toni; 0 Magnum mysterium
----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est
Other Source: de Castéra, 17.
 9

18930107
Secular
Venue/Assoc: Erard, Société nationale
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Early Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata "Lass, Fürstin, lass no ch einen Strahl," (Trauer Ode,
BWV 198) ----- Lassus: Mon coeur se recommande à vous, Fuyons tous
d'amour le jeu
Other Music: Georges Alary: Danses orientales chantées, excerpted from Conrad -----
Fauré: Cantique de Jean Racine ----- Chabrier: Improvisations, Sous bois,
Bourrée fantasque (aU for piano) ----- César Franck: Prélude, aria et final
Other Source: Duchesneau, 235; de Castéra, 17.

18930329
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes (?)
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Palestrina: 3 responsories ----- Vittoria: 6 responsories
----- Josquin: Miserere
Press Source: Journal des débats (15 April 1893); Le Ménestrel (9 April 1893): 115-17,
signed Julien Tiersot; Journal des débats (26 March 1893).

18930330
Religious
Venue/Assoc: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes (?)
Remarks: Holy Week

Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Ascendo ad patrem; responsories ----- Vittoria:

Responsories
Press Source: Journal des débats (15 April 1893); Le Ménestrel (9 April 1893): 115-17,
signed Julien Tiersot; Journal des débats (26 March 1893).

18930331
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Vittoria: Passion according to Saint John; Improperia; responsories
Press Source: Journal des débats (15 April 1893); Le Ménestrel (9 April 1893): 115-17,
signed Julien Tiersot; Journal des débats (26 March 1893).
 la

18930401
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes (7)
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Lassus: Litanies
Press Source: Journal des débats (15 April 1893); Le Ménestrel (9 April 1893): 115-17,
signed Julien Tiersot; Journal des débats (26 March 1893).

18930511
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Ascension (3 different offices)
Early Music: Palestrina: Magnificat for 2 choirs; Loqueantur variis linquis apostoli;
Haec dies ----- Gabrieli: Sacerdos et pontifex ----- Josquin: Ave Chris te ----
- Lassus: Regina coeli ----- Clemens non Papa: Tu es Petrus ----- Vittoria:
Tantum ergo
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).

18930512
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Erard
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Soloists: M. Delsart (Vc), M. Stojowski (pno), M. Warmbrodt (ten), Mlle Eléonore
Blanc (sop). Le Ménestrel says the soloists will indude Diémer and
Delsart. Programme indicates Diémer and Delsart.
Remarks: Chanteurs annual concert, with lecture by Julien Tiersot
Early Music: Josquin: La Déploration de Jean Ockeghem ----- Lassus: Si vous n'estes en
bon point, bien à point; Quelque jour engraisse rés; Mon coeur se
recommande à vous; Tout plein d'ennui et de martyre; Fuyons tous
d'amour le jeu comme le feu ----- Bach: 7th motet for 2 choirs Ich lasse
dich nicht; Prelude and Fugue in D for [pnol; Cantata "0 ewiges Feuer
(BWV 34, excerpt--aria) ----- Palestrina: Alla riva deI Tebro -----
Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan ----- B. Marcello: sonata for [vcl and
cymballum ----- D. Scarlatti: Pastorale et gigue ----- Couperin:
unspecified harpsichord pie ces
Other Music: Gluck: Armide (excerpt--L'Air de Renaud)
Press Source: Le Monde musical (30 May 1893); Le Ménestrel (21 May 1893),165-66;
Revue Hebomadaire (July 1892) in Dukas's Écrits, 115-121; Le Ménestrel
(7 May 1893), 151
Other Source: Original Programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).
 11

18930521
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Remarks: Pentecost
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa Ave Maris Stella; Dum Complerantur dies pente costes;
Domine non sum dignus; Estote fortes in bello ----- Palestrina: Veni
Creator for 2 choirs; Veni Sancte Spiritus--fauxbourdon for 2 choirs
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327). A
notice of the event dated 5 May 1893 indicates works by Corsi and
Bernabei as weIl.

18930600
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes (for the Chanteurs), Gabriel Marie (for the orchestra)
Soloists: Mme Grammacini-Soubre, Mme Baldo, M. Auguez (bass), M. Maugière
(ten), M. Cottin, M. de la Tombelle (pno)
Remarks: 1st performance of the Trauer Ode at the Trocadéro
Early Music: Vittoria: unspecified motet ----- Palestrina: unspecified motet ----- Lassus:
two unspecified chansons ----- Bach: Cantata "Lass, Fürstin, lass noch
einen Strahl," (Trauer Ode, BWV 198)
Other Music: Saint-Saëns: Oratorio de Noël----- Salomé (?): Marche gothique -----
de Breville: Méditation ----- Guilmant: finale ----- Maréchal: Miracle de
Naïne
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 June 1893).

18930623
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Remarks: Fête-Dieu (Corpus Christi)
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis; Lauda Sion for 2 choirs; Exultate Deo -----
Josquin: Ave Christe ----- Vittoria: 0 vos omnes; Tantum Ergo ----- Bach:
Tantum Ergo ----- G.? Corsi: Adoramus ----- Nanini: Diffusa est Gratia ---
-- Gabrieli: Sacerdos et pontifex
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B.327).
 12

18930625
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Pertormers: Chanteurs Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Remarks: Feasts of Saint-Gervais and Saint Protais
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Ascendo Ad Patrem; Sicut cervus desiderat (à la
sortie) ----- Vittoria: Gaudent in Coelis
Other Music: Mozart: Ave Verum
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).

18930815
Religious
Venue!Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Pertormers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Assumption
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli; Magnificat (excerpt--Suscepit Israël) ---
-- Josquin: Ave Maria ----- Aichinger: Assumpta est Maria
Press Source: Journal des débats (19 August 1893).

189311 01
Religious
Venue!Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Pertormers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: AlI Saints
Early Music: Lassus: Missa Douce Mémoire ----- Vittoria: motet(s) ----- Gabrielli:
motet(s)
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (29 Oct 1893): 351.

189311 02
Religious
Venue!Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: AlI Souls
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa Pro defunctis ----- Lassus: motet(s) ----- Palestrina:
motet(s)
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (29 Oct 1893): 351.
 13

18931128
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: For the benefit of L'Oeuvre de la Maîtrise de Saint-Gervais (atelier de
gravure de musique pour les jeunes garçons chanteurs)
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli; Exultate Deo ----- Vittoria: Estote
fortes in bello et pugnate cum antiquo serpente ----- Lassus: Pulvis et
umbra sumus ----- Nanini: Diffusa est gratia
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (26 Nov 1893): 384.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO. B. 327).

18931213
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Soloists: Éléonore Blanc; Mlle Pompilio; M. Mazalbert
Remarks: 1er Audition of La Musique du ISe au 1ge Siècles. Subtitled: Musique
d'Église, Musique de Théâtre, Musique de Cour
Early Music: Josquin: Ave Maria ----- Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli (excerpt--
Sanctus and Benedictus) ----- Vittoria: 0 vos omnes ----- Caccini:
Euridice (excerpt--Lamentations sur le mort d'Euridice) ----- Monteverdi:
Orfeo (excerpt--Chant d'Orphée aux portes des Enfers)
----- Gagliano: Dafne (excerpt--Choeur final) ----- Lassus: Mon coeur se
recommande à vous; Si vous n'estes en bon poinct ----- Beaujoyeux: Le
Ballet de la Reine ----- Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan
Press Source: Le Monde musical (30 Dec. 1893).
Other Source: Original Concert Programme at Bn--Musique (file d'Harcourt).

18931214
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Guilmant
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Guilmant

Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantatas ----- [Schütz: unspecified cantata?]

Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Dec. 1893); Le Ménestrel (3 Dec 1893): 391.
 14

18931225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Pappae Marcelli ----- Vittoria: 0 Magnum Mysterium --
--- Nanini: Hodie christus natus est ----- Gabrieli: Angeli, Archangeli (à
la sortie)
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO. B. 327).

18931227
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Charles Bordes (voices) and Gustave Doret (orchestra)
Soloists: Mme Grammaccini-Sourbe (de l'Opéra); Louis Diémer; Eugène Gigout;
M. Engeli M. Auguezi M. Davizoli M. de Guarniéri; M. Fernandez;
M. Kerrion
Remarks: 2e Audition of La Musique du 15e au 1ge Siècles
Early Music: Lotti: Crucifixus ----- Frescobaldi: Toccata Cromaticha per l'evelatione;
Capriccio Sopra la Girolmeta ----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est -----
G.? Corsi: Adoramus te Christe ----- Aichinger: Assumpta est Maria -----
Schütz: Symphonia Sacra no. 11 (duo) prima and sec und a pars -----
Gibbons: madrigal----- F. Couperin: pièces pour clavecin (Le Carillon
de cythène; Les Papillons; Le Réveil-matin) ----- Stradella: Serenata per
voice solo (La Dama); Due Concertini ----- Lully: Atys (excerpts--prélude,
air, et scène du sommeil)i air de Rolland ----- A. Scarlatti: La Rosauro
(excerpts--arietta de Climène, scène de Rosauro et Lesbo, aria de Celindo
----- Purcell: King Arthur (excerpts--scène des sirènes, chant de triomphe
des bretons)
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Jan. 1894), signed E.M., Le Ménestrel (7 Jan 1894): 7.
Other Source: Original Programme at Bn--Musique (file d'Harcourt).
 15

18940111
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Salle d'Harcourt
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant and the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Charles Bordes and Gustave Doret (?)
Soloists: Mme Deschamps-Jehin; Mme Leroux-Ribyre, Eléonore Blanc; M.
Warmbrodt; M. Sureau-Bellet; M. Dorel; M. Kerrion; Louis Diémer;
Alexandre Guilmant
Remarks: Ist of 3 concerts underwritten by the Princesse de Polignac
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Bleib bei uns/Reste avec nous," (BWV 6); Cantata "Alles
nur na ch Gottes Willen/Tout selon la volonté de Dieu seul," (BWV 72);
Concerto in F for [pno], two fis and orchestra (played by Louis Diémer) --
--- Jannequin: Le Bataille de Marignan (not on programme, maybe an
encore) ----- Lassus: Las! voulez-vous qu'une personne chante?; Sauter,
danser, faire des tours ----- Palestrina: 1 vaghi Hori e l'amorose fronde
Press Source: Le Monde musical (30 Jan. 1894) (very positive); Le Ménestrel (14 Jan.
1894):13, signed L. Schlesvoice (?); La Revue Hebdomadaire (Feb. 1894)
in Dukas's Écrits, 162-68); Le Ménestrel (7 Jan 1894), 7.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file d'Harcourt); de Castéra, 23.

18940117
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes (voices) and Gustave Doret (orchestra)
Soloists: Mme Gramaccini-Soubre; M. Auguez; Eugène Gigout;
Remarks: 3e Audition of La Musique du ISe au 1ge Siècle
Early Music: Handel: Judas Maccabeus (excerpt--Choeur de triomphe); Rinaldo
(excerpts--air d'Argante, air d'Almirena); Samson (excerpts--scène dans
le Temple de Dagon, funérailles de Samson, marche funèbre) ----- Bach:
Cantata "Ah! Jette enfin sur nous les yeux," (BWV ?, excerpt--choeur
initial et final); prelude et fugue en sol mineur; 8e motet pour double
choeur; Cantata "Liebster Gott, Dieu bien aimé," (BWV 8, excerpt--air de
bass); Cantata "Lobet Gott in seinen Reichen/Louez Dieu!," (BWV 11,
excerpt--choral varié)
Press Source: Le Monde musical (30 Jan. 1894), Le Ménestrel (21 Jan 1894), 21, signed
Léon Schlevoice.
Other Source: Original notice/ programme at Bn-Musique (file d'Harcourt).
 16

18940125
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Mme Gramaccini-Soubre; M. Dorel, Warmbrodt (ten), Nivette (bass),
Mme Terrier-Vieini (alto?); Guilmant; Bertram (fl), Chaussier (Eng hn)
Remarks: 2nd of 3 concerts underwitten by the Princesse de Polignac
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Vous pleurerez et gémirez/Ihr werdet weinen und
heulen," (BWV 103, aIl except voice parts); Cantata "Wie schon leuchtet
die Morgenstern/L'Étoile luit à l'orient," (BWV 1) ----- Josquin:
Déploration de Jehan Ockeghem ----- Lassus: unspecified French
chansons ----- Plus one other unaccompanied vocal work
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (28 Jan 1894): 30, signed Léon Schlesinger.
Other Source: de Castéra, 23.

18940131
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: É. Blanc (voice); M. Berton (voice); Cabillaud (voice); Quirot (voice); Mme Lovano
(voice)j Gigout (organ)j de Guamieri (vln)j Kerrion (vc)j Thibaut (harpsichord)
Early Music: Rameau: Castor et Pollux (excerpts--Tristes apprêts, pâles flambeaux)j
other operatic excerpts ----- Lully: operatic excerpts ----- Carissimi:
unspecified choral work ----- Durante: unspecified choral work -----
Marcello: unspecified choral work
Other Music: Cimarosa (operatic excerpts); C.P.E. Bach

Press Source: Le Ménestrel (4 Feb 1894), 37, signed Léon Schlesinger.

 17

18940208
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Conductor (s):Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant (organ); Éléonore Blanc (sop); M. Fournets; M.
Courtois; M. Dorel (ob); M. de Guarnieri (vIn); M. Kerrion (vc); M.
Brousse (trp)
Remarks: 3e et dernière audition des trois auditions annuelles [underwritten by the
Princesse de Polignac]
Early Music: Bach: "Canata Wachet Auf/Debout le veilleur chante," (BWV 140);
Cantata "Also hat Gott die Welt geliebt/ L'Amour ardent du créateur,"
(BWV 68) ----- Palestrina: 1 Vaghi Fiori ----- Lassus: Mon coeur se
recommande à vous; Or sus filles que l'on me donne
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Feb. 1894) signed Guigues Talavernay; Le
Ménestrel (10 Feb 1894): 48.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file d'Harcourt); de Castéra, 23.

18940321
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Ash Wednesday (Holy Week)
Early Music: Palestrina: Responsories (In Monte oliveti; Tistis est anima me a; Ecce
vidimus eum) ----- Vittoria: Responsories (Amicus meus osculi; Judas
mercator pessimus; Unus ex discipulis meis, Eram quasi agnus; Una hora
non poluistis; Seniores populi) ----- Lassus: Timor et Tremor ----- Mateo
Asola: Christus Factus est ----- Schütz: Verba mea auribus pereipe
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).

18940322
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Remarks: Maunday Thursday (Holy Week)
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa 0 Regem coeli; Dextera Domini; Responsories (Omnes
amici mei, Velum templi, Vinea mea electa); Peccantem me quotidie
----- Vittoria: Domine non sum dignus; Pange lingua; 0 vos omnes;
Responsories (Tanquam ad latronem, Tenebrae factae sunt, Animam
meam, Tradiderunt me, jesum tradidit impius, Caligaverunt) -----
Oemens non Papa: Erravi Sicut ovis ----- Felice Anerio: Christus factus est
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).
 18

18940323
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Remarks: Good Friday (Holy Week)
Early Music: Vittoria: Passion selon Saint Jean (Turbae); Vere languores nostros;
Responsories (Recessit Pastor noster, 0 vos omnes, Ecce quomodo
moritur); (Astiterunt reges terrae, Aestimatus sum, Sepulto Domino)
----- Palestrina: Improperia; Vexilla Regis; Responsories (Sicut ovis ad
occisionem; jerusalem surge, Plonge quasi virgo, ); Stabat mater -----
Pitoni: Christus factus est ----- Lassus: Pulvis et umbra sumus
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).

18940324
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Holy Saturday (Holy Week)
Early Music: Palestrina: Sieut cervus desiderat; Missa Papae Marcelli ----- E.? Bernabei:
Alleluia - Morales: Magnificat ----- Aichinger: Regina coeli
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).

18940419
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Conductor (s):Bordes
Soloists: Éléonore Blanc (sop); Marguerite Lavigne; M. Manoumy (de l'Opéra);
M. Chassaing; M. Dorel (ob); M. Guarnieri (vIn); M. Kerrion (vc);
Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Ihr werdet weinen und heulen," (BWV 103); Cantata
"!ch hatte viel Bekummeris," (BWV 21) ----- Lassus: chansons
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (29 Apr. 1894), 134, unsigned; Le Ménestrel (15 Apr. 1894):
120; TSG (April 1895).
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Alexandre Guilmant).
 19

18940513
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Pentecost Sunday
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Ascendo ad patrem; Veni Sancte Spiritus ----- G. Corsi:
Adoramus ----- J.? Kerle: Te Deum ----- Andreas: unspecified
fauxbourdons for 2 choirs ----- Zachariis: unspecified fauxbourdons for 2
choirs ----- Viadana: unspecified fauxbourdons for 2 choirs ----- Lassus:
magnificat ----- Vittoria: 0 quam gloriosum ----- Aichinger: Regina coeli;
Factus est repente ----- A. Gabrieli: Sacerdos et Pontifex ----- Bach:
TantumErgo
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (13 May 1894), 150.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).

18940527
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Fête-Dieu
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis; Exultate Deo ----- Josquin: Ave Christe ----- F.
Anerio: Christus factus est ----- Bach: Lauda sion; Tantum ergo; Sacris
solemnis ----- Vittoria: Pange lingua; Jesu dulcis ----- Morales: Magnificat
----- Aichinger: Salve regina ----- Clemens non Papa: Tu es Petrus ----- E.?
Bernabei: Alleluia
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).

18940600
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Erard
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
SoIoists: Louis Diémer (harpsichord); Eléonore Blanc (voice); M. Gibert (voice)
Early Music: Jannequin: Le chant des oiseaux; La Bataille de Marignan -----unspecified
aria (L'Air de Joseph) ----- unspecified early keybd works
Other Music: Gluck: unspecified aria
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 June 1894).
 20

18940603
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: For the 300th anniversary of Lassus and the Feast of the Sacred Heart
Early Music: Lassus: Missa Douce memoire; Magnificat ----- Vittoria: 0 quam
gloriosum; 0 vos omnes; Pange lingua ----- Bach: Lauda sion , Ave
verum (chorale) ----- A. Gabrieli: Angeli, archange li ----- Josquin: Ave
Maria ----- Palestrina: Sicut cervus desiderat; Tu es Petrus
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (3 June 1894): 176.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Saint-Gervais, PRO.B. 327).

1894 06 10-16 (?)

Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle d'Harcourt
Performers: Mme Marc1esi, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Au profit des oeuvres de Montmartre
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis (excerpt--Sanctus) ----- unspecified opera arias
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (17 June 1894): 191.

18941101
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Ali Saints Day
Early Music: Goudimel: Missa Bien que j'ay ----- Palestrina: unspecified motet(s)
----- Vittoria: unspecified motet(s) ----- Josquin: unspecified motet(s)
----- Lassus: unspecified motet(s)
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (28 Octobre 1894): 344.

18941203
Secular
Venue/
Association: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Au profit de la Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli ----- Vittoria: 0 vos omnes -----
Aichinger: Factus est repente
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Dec. 1894); TSG (Jan. 1895).
 21

18941208
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Immaculate Conception
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1895).

18941220
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: 50th anniversary of the ordination of the abbé de Bussy
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli ----- J.? Kerle: Te Deum
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1895); Le Ménestrel (30 Dec. 1894): 415.

18941225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Morales: Missa Quoeramus cum pastoribus; unspedfied motet(s) -----
Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est ----- Vittoria: 0 Magnum mysterium
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (23 Dec. 1894): 407; TSG (Jan. 1895).

18941231
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Soloists: Éléonore Blanc (sop); Mme Lovano (sop); Mlle Pompilio; Mlle Durand;
M. Cabillaud, M. Berton, M. Quirot, M. Thibaut (harpsichord or piano),
M. de Gaurnieri (vIn), M. Kerrion (vc), Eugène Gigout (organ)
Remarks: 4e Audition de La Musique du 15e au 1ge Siècle 1440-1830
Early Music: Carissimi: Jepthe (excerpt--Iast scene) ----- Marcello: Psalm 4 -----
Durante: Misericordias Domini ----- Scarlatti: pièces de piano -----
Rameau: trios pour clavecin, violon et basse (La Couligam, La Livri, Le
Vézinet); Castor et Pollux (excerpts--air de Castor, air de Thélaire);
Hippolyte et Aride (excerpts--trio des parques, air des rossignols); Indes
Galantes (excerpt--Hymne au Soleil) ----- Lully: Atys (excerpts--Prélude,
air et scène du sommeil)
Other Music: Cimarosa: Don Calandrino (excerpt--air); Pergolesi: Serva Padrona (excerpt-air)
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musigue (file d'Harcourt).
 22

18950214
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Soloists: Mlle Devisme; M. Challet (voice); M. Commène; M. Crickboom (vIn);
Éléonore Blanc (sop); M. Bleuzet (ob)
Remarks: 1st of a series of 3 concerts devoted to Bach cantatas under the patronage
of the Princesse de Polignac
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Ach Gott vom Himmel," (BWV 2); Cantata "Ich hatte viel
Bekummernis/J'Avais de l'ombre plein le coeur," (BWV 21) ----- Schütz:
Dialogus per la pas cu a
Press Source: TSG (Feb. 1895); Le Ménéstrel (10 Feb. 1895): 48.
Other Source: Robert vol. 1, 220.

18950228
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Conductor (s):Bordes
Soloists: Éléonore Blanc (sop); Marcella Pregi (sop); M. Vergnet (ten); M. Auguez
(bass); M. Challet (voice); M. Angenot (vIn); M. Deschamps (fl); M.
Bleuzet (ob); Alexandre Guilmant (organ); M. Mazalbert (voice)
Remarks: 2nd in a series of 3 concerts devoted to Bach cantatas under the
patronage of the Princesse de Polignac
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Jesu der du meine Seele/Jésu pour nos pauvres âmes,"
(BWV 78); Cantata "Wachet Auf," (BWV 140) ----- Schütz: Symphonia
Sacra (0 quam tu pulchra es arnica mea)
Press Source: TSG (March 1895); Le Ménéstrel (10 Feb. 1895): 48.
Other Source: de Castéra, 24; Robert vol. 1, 223.
 23

18950314
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Conductor (s): Charles Bordes (choir and orchestra)
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant (organ); Marcella Pregi (sop); Mme Boidin-Puisais;
M. Vergnet; M. Cheyrat; M. Challet (voice); M. Bleuzet (ob); M. Rey (ob)
Remarks: 3e audition des Trois Auditions Annuelles des Cantates de Jean-
Sebastien Bach [under the patronage of the Princesse de Polignac]
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Aus tiefer Not/Vers toi Seigneur montent nos cris,"
(BWV 38); Cantata "Aus der Tiefe/Psalm 130/De l'abîme nous crions
vers toi Seigneur," (BWV 131) ----- Schütz: Petit concert spirituel/Kleine
geistliche Konzerte II (excerpt--Je veux louer constamment le
Seigneur/lch will denn Herren loben allezeit); Symphonies
sacrées/Sinfoniae sacrae 1 (excerpt--Venite ad me)
Press Source: Le Monde musical (30 March 1895); Le Ménéstrel (10 Feb. 1895): 48.
Other Source: Original notice/ programme at Bn--Musique (file d'Harcourt); de
Castéra, 24; Robert vol. 1, 226.

18950411-14
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Vittoria: Selectissimae modulationes; Domine non sum dignus; Pange
lingua; Missa 0 quam gloriosum ----- Palestrina [Ingegneri]:
responsories; Missa Papae Marcelli ----- Lassus: Pauper sum ego;
Penitential Psalms ----- Aichinger: Regina coeli ----- Schütz: Verba mea ---
-- Palestrina: Stabat Mater
Press Source: TSG (April 1895): 12-13; Le Ménestrel (14 April 1895): 118.

18950423
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Polignac Salon
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Éléonore Blanc (voice); Marcella Pregi (voice); M. Clément (voice); M.
Soulacroix (voice); M. Challet (voice)
Early Music: Schütz: Je veux louer le Seigneur consstamment, Dialog per la Pasqua
----- Rameau: Dardanus (excerpts--Act 2 and parts of Acts 1, 3, 4, and 5)
Press Source: Le Figaro (4 Apr. 1895) and (22 Apr. 1895).
Other Source: Kahan, 373.
 24

18950502
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro
Perfonners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Conductor (s): Gabriel Marie and Charles Bordes (for the Chanteurs)
Soloists: M. Longy (ob?); Mme Colombel (sop); M. Vergnet (voice); M. Challet;
Mary Ador; Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Ich hatle viel Bekümmeris," (BWV 21) ----- Schütz:
Dialogues per pasdna ----- Lassus: Sauter, danser, faire des tours; Voulez-
vous qu'une personne chante ---- Sweelinck: Fantasia (for organ)
Other Music: Bouichère?: Cantate Domino (for choir) ----- H. Maréchal: La Rosée (for
voice) ----- Guilmant: Morceau symphonique (for organ) ----- C. Loret:
Cantabile (for organ) ----- F. Ries: Romance (for vIn)
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 May 1895), signed A.D.; TSG (Mar ch 1895); Le
Ménéstrel (28 Apr. 1895): 136; Le Ménéstrel (31 March 1895): 104.

18950529
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle des Agriculteurs
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Eléonore Blanc (sop), Louis Diémer (harpsichord), M. Fernandez (vIn),
M. Guarnieri (vIn), M. Challet (voice); Schidehelm; Alexandre Guilmant
(organ)
Remarks: Annual concert of early music
Early Music: Schütz: Epithalame ----- Bach: Cantata« J'avais l'ombre plein le cœur/Ich
hatte viel Bekummeris (BWV 21) ----- Lassus: L'heureux amour qui
eslève et honore; Quand mon mary vient de dehors, La nuict froide et
sombre; Soyons joyeux sur la plaisante verdure; Un jour vis un foulon
qui fouloit ----- Rameau: Dardanus (excerpt--choir piece, "Marche gaie
pour les différentes nations); Le Berger Fidèle cantata; Hippolyte et
Aride (air de Thésée); Le rappel des Oiseaux (for harpsichord) -----
Palestrina: Mori qusi il mio core ----- Jannequin: Les cris de Paris ----- F.
Couperin: Les papillons, Le Réveille-Matin, Le Coucou ----- Josquin:
Une Mousse de byscaye ----- P. de la Rue: Il me fait mal de vous véoir
languir ----- 1. Compère: Le grand désir d'aimer me tient ----- Leclair:
Sonate pour violon et clavier
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 June 1895), signed A.D.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file Salle des Agriculteurs, PRO.B. 6).
 25

18950602
Religious
Venue/
Association: Église Saint-Gervais
Perfonners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes (?)
Remarks: Pentecost
Early Music: J. Kerle: Missa Regina coeli ----- Palestrina: Loquebantur --.. -- Aichinger:
Factus est repente ----- Viadana: faux-bourdons; 0 Sacrum convivium ----
- Palestrina: Magnificat
Press Source: TSG (May 1895).

18950811
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: To end the novena for Sainte Philomène

Early Music: G. Corsi: Adoremus te ----- Aichinger: Factus est repente ----- Clemens
non papa: Tu es Petrus ----- Bach: Tantum Ergo
Other Music: Boyer: Beata est virgo
Press Source: TSG (Aug. 1895).
18950815
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Assumption
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis ----- Vittoria: Jesu du1cis; Tantum Ergo
Other Music: Boyer: Beata est
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (21 April 1895): 122-24, signed Tiersot; TSG (Aug. 1895).

18951101
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: M. Lacroix (organ)
Remarks: AlI Saints Day
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa 0 quam gloriosum; Gaudent in coelis ----- Aichinger:
Factus est repente ----- J.S. Bach: Fugue in E minor (organ)
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Nov. 1895) signed A.Dandelot; TSG (Nov. 1895);
Le Ménestrel (27 Oct. 1895), 343.
 26

18951116
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Conservatoire (?)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Part of lectures by Bourgault-Ducoudray and Maurice Griveau
Soloists: Mme Ador, Mme Leudet, Mme Montegu-Montibert, Mme Cécile Boutet
de Monvel, M. Ciampi, M. Diémer, M. Dimitri, M. Houfflack, M.
Guilmant, M. Rémy, M. Van den Heuvel
Early Music: Palestrina ----- Marcello ----- Frescobaldi ----- Corelli ----- Tartini
----- Scarlatti ----- Monteverdi
Other Music: Cimarosa ----- Paisiello ----- Salieri ----- Paer ----- Spontini
----- Donizetti ----- Rossini ----- Pergolesi
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (30 Nov 1895): 264; Le Monde musical (30 Nov. 1895).

18951121
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Remarks: Saint Cecilia' s Day
Early Music: Vittoria: 0 quam gloriosum; Deus in adjutorium ----- Viadana: a
fauxbourdon ----- Andréas: Magnificat ----- Palestrina: Dum aurora
finem daret ----- Clemens non Papa: Tu es Petrus ----- Aichinger: Factus
est repente ----- Frescobaldi: versets
Other Music: Guilmant: Hymne Grégorienne (versets) ----- Abbé Boyer: Beata es Virgo
Maria ----- Abbé Chassang: Tantum Ergo ----- Stainer: Amen
Press Source: Le Monde musical (30 Nov. 1895) signed A. Dandelot.
Other Source: Original notice of vespers, lecture/ recital and meeting at Bn--Musique
(file Schola Cantorum/ École Franck).

18951206
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Lacroix (organ)
Remarks: Concert requested by society members and Saint Nicholas's Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli ----- Lassus: Nos qui summus in hoc
mundo ---- Vittoria: Gaudent in coelis ---- Bach: Prelude an Fugue in A minor
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Dec. 1895) signed A. Dandelot; TSG
(Dec. 1895); Le Ménestrel (1 Dec. 1895): 383.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/ École Franck).
 27

18951225
Religious
Venue!Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas
Early Music: Guerrero: Missa Puer natus est ----- Vittoria: 0 magnum mysterium -----
Schütz (?): Hodie Christus natus est
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Jan. 1896): 326; TSG (Jan. 1895); Le Ménestrel
(22 Dec. 1895): 407.

18960108
Religious
Venue!Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Epiphany
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis
Press Source: Le Monde musical, (30 Jan. 1896).

18960215
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Salle Pleyel-Wolf, given by the Société nationale
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and various
Conductor (s):Bordes (for the Chanteurs)
Soloists: M. Feuillard (vc), M. Thibaud (pno), M. Boëllmann (harmonium),
M. J. Boucherit (vIn); Louis Diémer (pno)
Early Music: Lassus: Si vous n'êtes en bon poinet; La nuict froide et sombre; Quand
mon marie vient de dehors ----- Palestrina: Moro quasi il mio core -----
Bach: Lass, Fürstin, lass no ch einen Strahl/Trauerode, BWV 198 (excerpt-
-unspecified chorale)
Other Music: Franck ----- Bordes ----- Polignac ----- Koechlin ----- Renié
----- Saint-Saëns ----- Diémer
Other Source: La Musique de Chambre... Pleyel vol. 3, 54.
 28

18960300
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: [patronage Vaugirard] l'Institut Catholique
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Early Music: Dufay: unspecified vocal polyphony ----- Josquin: unspecified vocal
polyphony ----- Lassus: unspecified vocal polyphony ----- Vittoria:
unspecified vocal polyphony ----- Aichinger: unspecified vocal
polyphony ----- unspecified 17th-c composers ----- Palestrina: Ave Maria;
unspecified responsory; Missa Papae Marcelli (excerpt--sanctus)
Press Source: TSG (March 1896).

18960300
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: [Cercle du Luxembourg]
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Press Source: TSG (May 1896).

18960300
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: [patronage Charonne]
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Press Source: TSG (May 1896).

18960303
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Galerie des Champs-Élysées
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and an unspecified orchestra
Conductor (s): Bordes and d'Indy
Soloists: Éléonore Blanc (sop); Mlle Mary Garnier; Marcella Pregi (sop); Mme José Maya;
M. Louis Diémer (harpsichord); M. Albeniz (pno); M. Delsart (vc); M.
Wannbrodt(ten); M. A. Challet (voice); M. Cheyrat
Remarks: Sous la présidence de SAR Mme la duchesse d'Aleçon, au profit de l'oeuvre des
compagnes
Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantata; unspecified [pno] concerto ---- Schütz: selections from
the Cantiones Sacra --- unspecified 16th-century vocal works
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (1 Mar. 1896): 70.
 29

18960307
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Société La Trompette
Perfonners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, J. Delsart, and F. Schousboe
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: J. Delsart (vc), and F. Schousboe (pno)
Early Music: Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan
ether M usie: Bordes ----- Alary ----- Schumann ----- Haydn
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (8 Mar. 1896): 77; Le Monde musical (15 March 1896).

18960310
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Galerie des Champs-Élysées
Perfonners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and an unspecified orchestra
Conductor (s): Bordes and Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Possibly including: Éléonore Blanc (sop); Mlle Mary Garnier; Marcella Pregi
(sop); Mme José Maya; M. Louis Diémer (harpsichord); M. Albeniz (pno); M.
Delsart (vc); M. Wannbrodt (ten); M. A. Challet (voiœ); M. Cheyrat
Remarks: Sous la présidence de SAR Mme la duchesse d'Aleçon, au profit de l'oeuvre des
compagnes. La Musique aux XVe, XVIe, XVIIe, et XVIIIe siècles
Early Music: Rameau: Cantata, Le Berger fidèle ----- Lassus: 3 French chansons -----
Couperin: unspecified harpsichord piece ----- Rameau: unspecified
harpsichord piece ----- Daquin: unspecified harpsichord piece ----- Bach:
Cantata "Liebster Gott," (BWV 8) ----- Purcell: Te Deum
ether Musie: Gervais de Mondonville: Dominus regnavit (excerpt--1st choral number)
Press Source: Le Monde musical (30 March 1896); Le Ménestrel (1 Mar. 1896): 70.

18960317
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Galerie des Champs-Élysées
Perfonners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and an unspecified orchestra
Conductor (s): Charles Bordes and Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Possibly including: Possibly including: Éléonore Blanc (sop); Mlle Mary
Garnier; Marcella Pregi (sop); Mme José Maya; M. Louis Diémer
(harpsichord); M. Albeniz (pno); M. Delsart (vc); M. Warmbrodt (ten);
M. A. Challet (voice); M. Cheyrat
Remarks: Sous la présidence de SAR Mme la duchesse d'Aleçon, au profit de
l'oeuvre des compagnes
Early Music: Bach: 3 cantatas - Schütz: Candones sacrae; Dialogus per la pasqua
----- Gibbons: madrigal--- Morley: madrigal----- Lassus: 3 chansons ----
Destouches: Oenone --- Rameau: chamber cantata Le Berger Fidèle
Press Source: Journal des débats(29 March 1896); Le Monde musical (30 March 1896);
Le Ménestrel (1 Mar. 1896): 70.
 30

1896 04 00
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société Saint Jean
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: To accompany a projection show of paintings on the passion of Christ
Early Music: unspecified responsories for Holy Week
Press Source: TSG (May 1896).

1896 04 02-05
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Holy Week
Earl y Music: Palestrina: Improperia; Missa Brevis; Stabat mater; Peccantem me quotidie; Vexilla
regis; Sicut cervus ----- Vittoria: Missa 0 quam gloriosum; Pange lingua;
Improperia; Domine Non sum dignus; Selectissima modulations --- Andreas--
Nanini - - Josquin - - Aichinger ----- Allegri: Miserere
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Apr. 1896); Le Guide Musical
(12 April 1896): 288-90, signed Michel Brenet; TSG (April 1896).

18960425
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Sainte-Anne-de-Ia-Maison-Blanche
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: To inaugurate and bless the nave of Sainte-Anne-de-Paris
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis (excerpts) ----- Allegri: Miserere ----- Lassus: Ave
Mater Matris Dei
Other Music: Boyer: Beata es
Press Source: TSG (April 1896).

1896 05 07
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts de chant classique
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Éléonore Blanc (voice); Mme Carré Delom; M. Maréchal; M. Challet (voice)
Early Music: Destouches ----- Rameau ----- Jannequin
Other Music: Franck ----- Mozart ----- Delibes ----- Bizet ----- Gluck
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (3 May 1896): 143; Periodical for the Société des concerts de
chant classique (1906).
 31

1896 05 17 (?)
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle des Ouvriers Catholiques
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and an unspecified string quartet
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Mme Lovano (sop); M. Seguy; Alexandre Guilmant (organ); Vincent
d'Indy (piano)
Remarks: To initiate the masses to "good" religious music
Early Music: Bach: Cantata (?) ----- Dufay: unspecified mass (excerpt--Kyrie)
Other Music: Franck: Dextera Domini
Press Source: TSG (June 1896).

18960517
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Erard
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay; M. L. Lafarge
Remarks: Annual concert of the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Early Music: Palestrina: La Cruda mia pemica ----- Goudimel: Laetatus sum -----
Carissimi: Jepthe ----- 16th-C: Ils sont bien pelés ceux qui font la guerre
----- Handel: (excerpt--aria, "0 Judas, sèche enfin tes larmes)
Other Music: Vincent d'Indy: Israel conjugat vos ----- Prince de Polignac: Salve regina
----- Berlioz: La Prise de Troie (excerpt--air de Cassandre; du et for female
and male voice)
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 June 1896); La Revue Hebdomadaire (June 1896),
in the Écrits, 331-35; Le Guide Musical (7 and 14 June 1896), 452, signed
G. S.; TSG (June 1896).

18960517-19
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Paul Seguy (voice); Mlle Lafon; Mme Lovano (sop); M. Aigre (fi)
Remarks: Last of 4 concerts
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Liebster Gott," (BWV 8) ----- from the 16th-C: Le Bel ange
du ciel; Ils sont bien pelés ceux qui font la guerre ----- Schütz: Hodie,
Christus natus est
Other Music: Franck: Dextera Domini
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 May 1896); Le Ménestrel (17 May 1896): 160.
 32

18960602
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Pentecost
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli ----- Bach: unspecified organ fugue
Other Music: Paul Jumel: 0 quam suavis ----- Abbé Boyer: Beata es ----- Abbé
Chassang: Tantum Ergo ----- Abbé Perruchot: Petit Salut
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 June 1896) ; TSG (May 1896).

18960621
Religious (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: M. Lacroix (organist at Saint-Gervais)
Remarks: Feast of Saint-Gervais
Early Music: Vittoria: versets (for the Kyrie from the Missa quarti toni); 0 quam
gloriosum; Jesu dulcis; Gaudeant in coelis; Missa Quarti toni -----
Cabezon: versets in the fourth mode; preludes; interludes
Press Source: Le Monde musical (30 June 1896); TSG Guly 1896); possibly Le Ménestrel.

18960700 Jul/Aug
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant
Remarks: For the benefit of the Schola
Early Music: Bach: motet; Fantaisie en la ----- Palestrina ----- Vittoria: Tantum ergo
----- Clérambault
Other Music: J-B. Lucas: Domine non sum dignus ----- P. Jumel: Prière ----- Abbé
Perruchot: Cor Jesu
Press Source: TSG (Sept. 1896).
 33

18960705
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and children from Saint-Gervais and Notre-
Dame-des-Blancs-Manteaux
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Paul Jumel (organ)
Early Music: Titelouze: versets----- Unspecified " palestrinian" works
Other Music: J. Raison: Passacaille
Press Source: Journal des débats (review mentioned in TSG, Aug. 1896).

18961021
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: André Pirro (organ)
Remarks: Feast of Saint Ursula
Early Music: Corsi: Adoramus te ----- Nanini: Diffusa est ----- Vittoria: Mass?
(excerpts) ----- Titelouze: versets ----- Muffat: versets
Other Music: Bordes: Cantique
Press Source: TSG (Oct. 1896).

189611 00 Nov/Dec
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: For the bene fit of the Schola
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Assumpta est Maria; Assumpta est Maria
Other Music: Tombelle: Ave Verum ----- Ropartz: Ave Maria ----- d'Indy: Deus Israël
conjugat
Press Source: TSG (Dec. 1896).

1896 11 OODec/Nov
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle des conférences des Ouvrièrs Catholiques
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: 1 of 2 free concerts given by the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, this one
with lecture by Henry Cochin
Early Music: unspecified sacred works
Other Music: Arrangements of folksongs from the provinces
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1897).
 34

189611 01
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: AlI Saints Day
Early Music: Soriano: Missa Nos autem gloriari ----- Vittoria: 0 quam gloriosum
----- A. Gabrielli: Angeli archangeli
Other Music: Tombelle: Ave Verum
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Nov. 1896); TSG (Nov. 1896); Musica Sacra
(Nov-Dec 1896), 38-9.

18961204
Religious (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Assumpta est Maria in coelum
Other Music: d'Indy ----- de la Tombelle ----- Ropartz
Press Source: Le Monde musical (15 Dec. 1896); Musica Sacra (Jan-Feb 1897),55.

18961224
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Eve
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae marcelli (excerpts--sanctus and benedictus);
Hodie Christus natus est ----- Vittoria: 0 Magnum mysterium
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1897).

18961225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Assumpta est ----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est
----- Vittoria: Gaudent in coelis
Other Music: Tombelle: Ave Verum ----- Bordes: Ave Maria ----- Perruchot: Tu es
Petrus ----- Chassang: Tantum ergo ----- Boyer: Exultate Deo
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1897).
 35

18970122
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Pleyel (Les Petits Auditions organized by Marcel Herwegh)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Alexandre Guilmant, and Various
Conductor (s):Bordes (for the Chanteurs)
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; I. Philipp; J. Judels; Van Waefelghem; César
Casella; J.J. Gurt; L. Grétry; H. Schickel; Charles Bordes (conducting)
Early Music: Palestrina: Mori quasi il mio core ----- Costeley: Mignonne, allons voir si
la rose ----- Lassus: Quand mon marie vient de dehors ----- Jannequin:
Le Chant des oiseaux ----- Goudimel: Psaume 12 ----- Rameau: Pièces en
concert (La Pop linière, La Timide, Tambourin) ----- LeClair: Concerto for
3 vIns, viola, vc and organ ----- Milandre: unspecified andante and
minuet for vIa d'a
Other Music: Bourgault-Ducoudray (Mélodies populaires de Basse-Bretagne) -----
Saint-Saëns; Widor ----- Guilmant ----- E. Lacroix ----- E. Lalo
Other Source: La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel, 26.

18970202
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Feast of the Purification
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli
Press Source: TSG (March 1897).

18970211
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Cercle du Luxembourg
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Au profit de la Commission des Patronages
Early Music: secular and sacred works
Other Music: Arrangements of folksongs
Press Source: TSG (Feb. 1897).

18970400
Secular
Venue/Assac.: Trocadéro
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Conductor (s): Bordes
Saloists: Alexandre Guilmant
Press Source: TSG (9 May 1897): 151, signed Eugène de Bricqueville; Le Ménestrel
(21 March 1897): 96. 1st of 2 concerts with Guilmant.
 36

18970400
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Alexandre Guilmant
Performers: Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mme Lovano
Early Music: Carissimi: Jepthe
Other Music: Ropartz: Ave maria ----- Boyer: Beata es
Press Source: TSG (May 1897); Le Ménestrel (21 Mar. 1897): 96. 2nd of 2 concerts with Guilmant

18970414
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Palestrina: Responsories (In monte oliveti, Tristis est anima mea,
Ecce vidimus eum) ----- Vittoria: Responsories (Amicus meus OSCUlii
Judas mercator; Vnus ex descipulis)i Responsories (Vna ho rai Seniores
populi) ----- C. Andréas: Benedictus (fauxbourdon à 2 choeurs) -----
Lassus: 6e Psaume de Penitence "De Profundis"
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (25 April 1897): 132, signed Julien Tiersot; TSG (May 1897);
Le Ménestrel (11 April 1897): 20.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

18970415
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Palestrina: Responsories (Omnes amici meii Velum templi; Vinea me a)
----- Vittoria: Responsories (Tanquam ad latronem; Tenebrae factae sunt;
Animam me am); Responsories (Tradiderunt me; Jesum tradidit impius;
Caligaverunt) ----- Zaccariis: Benedictus (fauxbourdon à 2 choeurs) -----
Josquin: Miserere
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

18970415
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Soriano: Missa Nos autem gloriari ----- Palestrina: Dextera Dominii
Coenantibus illis ----- Vittoria: Pange lingua
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musigue (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 37

18970416
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: HolyWeek
Early Music: Vittoria: Passion selon Saint-Jean; 0 vos omnes ----- Palestrina:
Improperia; Vexilla regis
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

18970416
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Palestrina: Responsories (Sicut ovis ad occisionem; Jerusalem surge;
Plange quasi virgo); Stabat mater ----- Vittoria: Responsories (Recessit
paster noster; 0 vos omnes; Ecce quomodo moritur); Responsories
(Astiterunt reges; Aestimatus sum; Sepulto Domino) ----- Nanini:
Benedictus
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

18970417
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Palestrina: Sicut cervus desiderat; Missa Iste confessor (excerpts--Kyrie,
Gloria, Sanctus) ----- De la Rue: 0 Salutaris ----- Andréas: Magnificat -----
Aichinger: Regina coeli
Press Source: TSG (Supplement 1897)
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

18970624
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Au benefice de la maîtrise de la Sorbonne
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Ecce ego Johannes ----- Vittoria: Iste sanctus
Press Source: TSG (July 1897).
 38

18970700
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais (?)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Guilmant
Conductor (s): Bordes and Julien Tiersot (performance of folk songs)
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay; Vincent d'Indy; unspecified vlnist
Remarks: To close the school year
Early Music: J.S. Bach: unspecified ----- Schütz: unspecified
Other Music: Schumann: unspecified ----- Franck: unspecified ----- d'Indy: unspecfied
excerpts from Fervaal----- Tiersot (arr.): selection of folk songs
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (11 Jul. 1897), 222.

189711 01
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Ali Saints Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Regina coeli ----- Vittoria: 0 quam gloriosum -----
Gabrielli: Angeli Archangeli
Press Source: TSG (Nov. 1897); Le Ménestrel (31 Oct. 1897): 352.

18971216
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Annual mass for the Schola
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Salve regina ----- Vittoria: Duo seraphim clamabant
Other Music: Blanche Lucas: Ave verum corpus
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (2 January 1898): 5, signed Michel Brenet; TSG
(January 1898).

18971224
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Eve
Early Music: Schütz: Hodie Christus natus est ----- Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli;
Missa Salve regina ----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est
----- Vittoria: 0 Magnum mysterium
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1898).
 39

18971230
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de l'Ambigu
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Part of the "jeudi populaires" series
Early Music: Vittoria: unspecified motet ----- Nanini: unspecified motet ----- J.S. Bach:
Christmas Oratorio (excerpts)
Other Music: Franck: Rédemption ----- Noëls populaires
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1898).

18980200 (before 20)

Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de l'Ambigu
Performers: Mme Eugénie Dietz (Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais as guests)
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Mme Eugénie Dietz (piano); M. Cechiari; M. Falcke
Remarks: 9th "jeudi populaire"
Early Music: Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan ----- Lassus: La Chanson de Clément
Marot ----- Costeley: Odette ----- Rameau: Dardanus (excerpt--Act 2)
----- Bach: Fugue in C minor [pno1
Other Music: Schumann: Piano Sonata in G Minor ----- Grieg: VIn Sonata
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (20 February 1898): 173.

18980324
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société de Saint-Jean
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: "Conférences mensuelle" given by André Pirro on "Les Organistes
français du XVIIe siècle--Titelouze--biographie, formation et influence"
Other Music: Attaignant: organ work ----- Titelouze: organ work ----- Scheidt:
organ work ----- Cornet: organ work ----- Raison: organ work -----
Claude le Jeune: vocal work ----- Lassus: vocal work
Press Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

1898 04 06-10
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Holy Week
Early Music: Palestrina: Stabat mater ----- Vittoria: Selectissimae Modulationes
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (10 April 1898), 342; TSG (April 1898).
 40

18980428
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société de Saint-Jean
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: "Conférence mensuelle" given by the Schola Cantorum. This one on
"Mélodie populaire et chant religieux"by Julien Tiersot
Early Music: Dufay: Missa L'homme armé (excerpt--Kyrie) ----- Sermisy: Missa
Plurium modulorum (excerpt--Gloria) ----- Goudimel: Missa Le bien
que fay (excerpt--Kyrie)
Other Music: La mort du roi Renaud; Le mois de mai; Le chant des livrées; Sur le pont
d' Avignon; Chant basque
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (8 May 1898), 151; Journal des débats (May 1898).
Other Source: Advertisement in original notice for concert conférence of 24 March 1898
at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/ École Franck).

18980527
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts de chants classiques
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais (and Schola Cantorum ?)
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay; Paul Daraux; M. Chey rat; M. Sureau-Bellet; J.
Hollmann (vc); Charles Levadé
Early Music: Vittoria ----- Thomas Morley ----- Carissimi ----- Costeley:
Other Music: Mozart ----- J-J Mouret ----- Th. Gouvey ----- Beethoven ----- Gluck:
Alceste (excerpt--Act 1)
Press Source: Periodical for Société des concerts de chants classiques (1906): 25.

18980620
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Polignac Salon
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Early Music: Unspecified: Ave maris stella (polyphonie a cappella work)
Other Music: Polignac: Le Vallon
Press Source: Le Figaro (22 June 1898).
Other Source: Kahan, 375.
 41

18980708
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Polignac Salon
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes
Soloists: Mlle de Jerlin (voice); M. Béchard (voice); Albert Dupuis (organ); J. Beyer
(piano); Albert Decaux (organ); Louis Aubert (piano); Alexandre
Guilmant (organ)
Early Music: Bach: toccata and fugue in D Minor; organ Chorales No. 37 and 45;
Prelude in B Minor [pno]; Fantasy and Fugue in G Minor (organ) -----
Lassus: Nos qui sumus in hoc mundo ----- Vittoria: Gaudent in coelis
Other Music: P. Jumel: 3 motets; Prière for organ ----- 1. Saint-Réquier: Alleluia; Salve
virgo; Alleluia senex portabat; unspecified motet ----- Henri Estienne:
Suite ----- Ch. Bordes: unspecified motets ----- Abbé C. Boyer: unspecified
motet ----- A. Serieyx: unspe cified melodie ----- Pierre Coindreau:
unspecified melodie ----- Marcel Levallois: unspecified melodie ----- D. de
Séverac: unspecified melodie ----- Albert Dupuis: Prelude ------ [François]
de La Tombelle: two motets ----- Ropartz: Pièce de concert sur un thème
breton ----- Guilmant: Offertoire su un thème grégorien) ----- Polignac:
Deux madrigaux spirituels)
Press Source: Le Figaro (9 July 1898).
Other Source: Kahan, 375_

18980803
Religious
Venue!Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Maîtrise de Clichy (7 children)
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: To open the novena of Sainte Philomène at Saint-Gervais
Early Music: "Repertoire de la Schola"
Press Source: TSG (Oct. 1898).

189811 01
Religious
Venue!Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: AlI Saints Day
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa quarti toni
Press Source: ISG (Nov. 1898).
 42

189811 03
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Institut Catholique
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and children of Saint-Gervais and Schola
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Abel Decaux (organ)
Remarks: "Office anniversaires de l'Institut"
Early Music: Vittoria: Ave Maria ----- Du Mont: Credo
Other Music: Boyer: Ego sum panis vivus ----- Bordes: Cantique au Saint-Esprit
Press Source: TSG (Nov. 1898).

18981207
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Stanislas)
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; M. Vierne; M. Tournemire; M. de la Tombelle
Remarks: "Inauguration de l'orgue d'étude de l'école"
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (4 Dec. 1898),924.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

18981208
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Institut Catholique
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum
Conductor (s):Bordes
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay; M. Albeniz; M. Grovlez; M. E. Engel
Remarks: "Première conférence mensuelle. L'Inspiration religieuse dans la poesie
musicale en France du moyen age au Révolution" given by Pierre Aubry.
Early Music: Vittoria: 0 Magnum mysterium ----- Nanini: Hodie christus natus est
----- Schütz: Petit concert spirituel----- Bach: Concerto for 2 harpsichords
[on 2 pnos]----- Carissimi: Jepthe (excerpts--déploration finale de Jepthé)
----- Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan
Other Music: Schumann: Marguerite au pieds de la vierge des septs douleurs
----- d'Indy: Scéne final du 3e acte de Fervaal
Press Source: Journal des débats (16 Dec. 1898); Le Guide Musical (18 Dec. 1898): 976,
unsigned; TSG; Le Guide Musical (4 Dec. 1898): 924.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, #2.

18981208
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and students of the Schola Cantorum
Remarks: Immaculate conception, offering "au profit de l'oeuvre"
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa Ave maris stella ----- Palestrina: Assumpta est Maria;
Quae est ista
Other Music: Ropartz: Ave verum
 43

Press Source: Le Guide Musical (4 Dec. 1898), 924.

Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

18981224
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Perforrners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Eve
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa Ave maris stella; 0 magnum mysterium
Other Music: unspecified noëls
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1899).

18981225
Religious
Venue/
Association: Église Saint-Gervais
Perforrners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli ----- Vittoria: 0 magnum mysterium
----- Nanini: Hodie christus natus
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1899).

18990101
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: Louis Diémer, Mlle Lina Pacary, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):Bordes (Chanteurs only) and Chevillard (?)
Soloists: Louis Diémer (piano), Mlle Lina Pacary (voice)
Remarks: Chanteurs sang as an interlude
Early Music: Vittoria: 0 magnum mysterium ----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est
----- Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan ----- unspecified Renaissance
Other Music: Beethoven ----- Wagner ----- Gregorian Alleluia
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1899); Le Ménestrel (1 Jan. 1899), 5.
Other Source: Robert vol. 4, 326-27.
 44

18990108
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Institut Catholique
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: "Deuxième conférence mensuelle, La Musiqué Sacrée sous Louis XIV" by
Michel Brenet
Early Music: Boësset ----- Dumont ----- Lully ----- Lalande ----- Mignon -----
Charpentier
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (8 Jan. 1899),34.

18990126
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mme Roger-Midos; Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais; Orchestra of Conc erts
Colonne
Conductor (s): Colonne and Bordes
Soloists: Mme Roger-Midos (pno); M. Carcanade (vc)
Early Music: Vittoria: 0 vos omnes ----- Josquin: Ave Maria ----- Lassus: Quand mon
mary vient du dehors ----- Costeley: Mignonne allons voir si la rose
----- Jannequin: Le chant des oiseaux
Other Music: Boellmann ----- Ropartz ----- de la Tombelle ----- Gounod ----- Gluck
(overture to Aulide) ----- Chanteurs sang a piece of Gregorian chant
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (30 Apr. 1899): 137, signed A.P.; Le Guide Musical
(5 February 1899): 130, signed B.D.
Other Source: Robert vol. 4, 329-30.

18990128
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Polignac Salon
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantata
Other Source: Kahan, 375.
 45

18990209
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Institut Catholique
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Choir
Soloists: Mme Cheyrat; Mme Vinocourt; Jane Ediat; Mme Miquard; Mme
Jumel; M. Becker; Mlle Muller
Remarks: 'Troisième conférence mensuelle, Racine Poète Lyrique" given by André
Hallays
Early Music: J-B Moreau: Esther (excerpts--soli and choral numbers)
Other Music: Gossec: Combien de temps, Seigneur ----- Boieldieu: Il venait révéler au
enfants d'Israël----- Mendelssohn: Tout l'univers est plien de sa
magnificence ----- Gounod: D'un coeur qui t'aime ----- Fauré: Verbe égal
au très-haut notre unique espérance
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
original undated programme (Institut Catholique).

1899 03 30-02
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Holy Week
Press Source: TSG (Apr. 1899).

18990413
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Institut Catholique
Performers: Vincent d'Indy
Remarks: Lecture by d'Indy "De Bach è Beethoven" with musical examples
Early Music: Bach
Other Music: Beethoven and earlier
Other Source: Bulletin du Denier de l'Institut Catholique de Paris (May 1899): 47.
 46

18990426
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Gabriel Marie (for orchestra) and Charles Bordes (for chanteurs)
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mme Lovano (voice); Mlle Jenny Passama (voice);
M. Herweg (vIn); M. Engel; M. Auguez (voice)
Remarks: Billed as an "All Bach" concert. The first of two concerts with orchestra.
The second was all Franck (3 May 1899)
Early Music: J.S. Bach: Prelude and fugue for organ in E-flat; "Concerto" /Sinfonia
from Cantata "Wir müssen durch viel Trübsal," (BWV 146); moderato
from the Ist sonata; Cantata "Jesu der du meine Seele," (BWV 78);
unspecified aria for vIn; final chorus from the Saint-John Passion
----- Handel: unspecified aria from Samson; unspecified aria from Messiah
- - Schütz: unspecified choral work - Palestrina: Ave Maria
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (30 Apr. 1899): 140, signed H. Barbedette; Le Guide Musical
(14 and 21 May 1899): 439-40, signed A. Marc; Le Ménestrel (02 April
1899): 119.

1899 04 28 (?)
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Hôtel Continental (?)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Société des concerts de chants classiques
Conductor (s): Bordes (chanteurs) and Jules Danbé
Soloists: Mme Lovano; Mme Vinocourt; Mlle Ediat; Paul Daraux; Jacques
Thibaud (vIn); M. Levadé (harpsichord), M. Lubet, M. Mallet
Remarks: Annual concert of the Société des concerts de chants classiques
Early Music: Lassus: unspecified motet ----- Josquin: Ave Maria ----- J-B Moreau:
Esther (excerpts, 'séléction importante') ----- Bach: Sixth Sonata for vIn
(excerpts)
Other Music: Mendelssohn ----- Gluck: Armide (excerpt--act 5) ----- Beethoven:
Romance in F
Press Source: Periodical for Société des concerts de chant classique (1906): 25; Le
Guide Musical (23 April 1899): 393.

189905 14 (?)
Secular
Venue/Assoc: Alexandre Guilmant at Trocadéro
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Alexandre Guilmant, Jenny Passama,
Mme Lovano, M. Engel, M. Auguez
Early Music: Bach: Prelude and Fugue in E-flat; Sinfonia/ Concerto from Cantata Wir
müssen durch viel Trübsal, BWV 146
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (14 and 21 May 1899): 439-40, signed A. Marc.
 47

18990600
Secular
Perfonners: Schola
Conductor (s):Dom. 1. Pero si
Remarks: A concert to honour the visit of Dom. 1. Perosi
Early Music: Schütz
Other Music: Franck ----- d'Indy: excerpts from Fervaal----- Perosi: La Passion du
Christ
Other Source: La Schola Cantorum en 1925, #4.

189911 01
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Perfonners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: AIl Saints
Early Music: E. Genet [Carpentras]: Missa A l'Ombre dung buissonnet
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (29 Oct. 1899): 352.

189911 03
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: N otre-Dame-de-Nazareth
Perfonners: Schola choirs and Schola children' s choir
Remarks: To inaugurate the school year
Early Music: Unspecified
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (29 Oct. 1899): 352.

18991207
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Institut Catholique
Perfonners: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: To celebrate the 6th anniversary of the Institut's founding
Press Source: Bulletin du Denier de l'Institut Catholique de Paris (Jan. 1900): 15.

18991213
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Institut Catholique
Perfonners: Jeanne Raunay (?) Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais (?)
Conductor (s): Pero si (?)
Remarks: Probably for the visit of Perosi
Early Music: Palestrina
Other Music: Perosi ----- Schumann
Other Source: La Schola Cantorum en 1925, #5.
 48

18991224
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Eve
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli ----- unspecified motets
Other Music: Unspecified early noëls
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1900).

18991225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Morales: Missa Quaeramus cum pastoribus
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1900).

19000118
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Eustache
Performers: Choir of Saint-Eustache, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Schola Children
Conductor (s): Eugène d'Harcourt
Soloists: Eléonore Blanc (sop)
Remarks: Part of a series of monthly oratorios
Early Music: Handel: Messiah
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1900), signed G. de Boisjolin.

19000125
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Galerie Georges Petit
Performers: Eugène Gigout and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s):d'Indy
Soloists: Eugène Gigout
Remarks: Music to accompany a projection of tableau on the subject of Pope Leon
XIII, "L'Americain biograph"
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Brevis (excerpt--Sanctus) ----- Vittoria: 0 vos omnes;
Tanquam ad latronem ----- Nanini: Diffusa est gratia ----- Gabrieli:
Angeli, archangeli ----- Aichinger: Regina Coeli
Other Music: Gigout ----- Boellmann
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Vincent d'Indy).
 49

19000330
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle des Agriculteurs
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: For the benefit of an unspecified school
Early Music: Palestrina: unspecified motets ----- Bach: unspecified choral numbers
----- Lassus: unspecified chansons
Other Music: French folk songs in unis on
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (8 April 1900): 319-20, signed J.A.W.

1900 04 00 (before 05 06)

Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre Lyrique
Performers: Société des concerts de chants classiques and Chanteurs de
Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Jules Danbé and Charles Bordes (for the Chanteurs)
Soloists: Mlle Ch. Lormont; Mme Laffitte; Mme Violet; M. Laffitte; M. Ghasne; M.
Ballard
Remarks: Au profit de la caisse de secours de l'Association des artistes musicians
fi
fl

Early Music: Lassus: Là voulez-vous qu'une personne chante ----- Jannequin: Au joly
jeu
du pousse-avant ----- Carissimi: La Plainte des damnés (Judicium
extremum)
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (6 May 1900): 414, signed H.!.

19000603
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Remarks: Pentecost Sunday
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Ascendo ad patrem
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (27 May 1900): 167.
 50

19000728
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle des Fêtes, Hôtel of Prince Roland Bonaparte (rue Iéna)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and soloists
Conductor (s): Charles Bordes and Julien Tiersot (for the folk songs)
Soloists: Mme Molé-Truffier; Mlle Eléonore Blanc; M. van Waefelghem; Mlle
Jane Joffroy (harp)
Remarks: One of two concerts given during the Congrès d'histoire de la musique.
Early Music: Palestrina: Ave Maria ----- Lassus: Quand mon mary vient du dehors
----- Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan ----- Carissmi: Jepthe (excerpt) ---
-- Schütz: Saint Matthew Passion (final choral number)
----- Attilio Ariosti: sonata for vIa d'a
Other Music: 3 Greek hymns including the Hymn to Apollo (with accomp. composed
by Gevaert) ----- 2 Gregorian chants ----- Adam de la Halle: Le jeu de
Robin et de Marion (excerpts--Bergeronnette and others) ----- Folks songs
arr. by Tiersot (Voici la Saint-Jean and C'est le vent frivolant) ----- Gluck
(excerpt from paris et Hélène) ----- Méhul (chant national du 14 juillet
1800)
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (5 Aug. 1900): 248, signed O. BN; Le Guide Musical
(5 and 12 Aug. 1900): 577, unsigned; Le Ménestrel (22 July 1900): 232.

19000926
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Schola and Soloists
Soloists: Mlle Joly de la Mare; Mme Jossic; M. Alexandre Guilmant;
M. Tournemire; M. Decaux; M. Parent; M. Dressen
Remarks: "Assises annuelles de musique religieuse" day 1
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (16 Sept. 1900): 296; Le Guide Musical (7 Oct. 1900): 708.

19000927
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Schola and Soloists
Soloists: Mlle Joly de la Mare; Mme Jossic; M. Alexandre Guilmant;
M. Tournemire; M. Decaux; M. Parent; M. Dressen
Remarks: "Assises annuelles de musique religieuse" day 2
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (16 Sept. 1900): 296; Le Guide Musical (7 Oct. 1900): 708.
 51

19000928
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Schola and Soloists
Soloists: Mlle Joly de la Mare; Mme Jossic; M. Alexandre Guilmant;
M. Tournemire; M. Decaux; M. Parent; M. Dressen
Remarks: Assises annuelles de musique religieuse" day 3
Il

Press Source: Le Ménestrel (16 Sept. 1900): 296; Le Guide Musical (7 Oct. 1900): 708.

19000929
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Schola and Soloists
Soloists: Mlle Joly de la Mare; Mme Jossic; M. Alexandre Guilmant;
M. Tournemire; M. Decaux; M. Parent; M. Dressen
Remarks: Assises annuelles de musique religieuse" day 4
Il

Press Source: Le Ménestrel (16 Sept. 1900): 296; Le Guide Musical (7 Oct. 1900): 708.

19001102
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant
Remarks: Opening ceremony for the new Schola
Early Music: Palestrina: Ave Maria ----- Vittoria: Gaudent in coelis ----- Bach: Fantasy
and Fugue in C minor
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (11 November 1900): 816-17.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 52

19001103
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Schola orchestra and Scolae cantores
Conductor (s):d'Indy
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; voices: Éléonore Blanc; Mlle Joly de la Mare;
M. Barrière; M. Mimart; M. Dressen; Alexandre Petit; M. J. David;
Albert Gébelin
Remarks: For the inauguration of the Schola
Early Music: Buxtehude: Trois chorals pour orgue (Vater unser im Himmelreich; Nun
bitten wir dein helgen Geist; Vom Gott will ich ni ch lassen) -----
Jannequin: Ce joly may ma verte cotte vestiray; Au joly jeu du pousse-
avant ----- Schütz: Dialogus per la pascua ----- Bach: Cantata "Ihr
werdet weinen und heulen," (BWV 103)
Other Music: Bordes: Dialogue spirituel ----- Franck: La Procession ----- Guilmant:
Deux pièces sur des thèmes gregoriens ----- d'Indy: Trio pour piano,
clarnitette et violoncelle
Press Source: Le Temps (13 Nov. 1900); Le Guide Musical (11 November 1900): 818,
signed Hugues Imbert.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/ École Franck);
La SC en 1925, #10.

19001114
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum and Trio Chaigneau
Soloists: Mme Marie Mokel (voice); Mlle Thérèse Chaigneau; Mlle Suzanne
Chaigneau; Mlle Marguerite Chaigneau
Early Music: Handel: Giulio Cesar (excerpt--Air de Cléopatra); Couplet de Suzanne
----- Rameau: Deux pièces en trio (La Livri, L'Indiscrête)
Other Music: Schubert: Trio in B-flat, op. 99 ----- Beethoven: Apaisement; Charme
de la Mélancolie ----- Saint-Saëns: Trio in F
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (18 November 1900): 842, unsigned.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 53

19001121
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Soloists: Mlle Jane Ediat (voice); Albert Gébelin (voice); André Pirro (organ)
Early Music: Bach: Je reste avec toi (motet) ----- Handel: Joshua (excerpts--air de Caleb;
air d'Acksah); Messiah (excerpt--Alleluia) ----- Lassus: La Nuit froide et
sombre; Un jour vis un foulon qui foulait ----- Jannequin: Le Chant des
oiseaux ----- Rameau: Hippolyte et Aricie (excerpt--one aria for male voice?)
--- Schütz: St Matthew Passion (excerpt--final chorus)
Other Music: Marguerite est au bord du bois; Sur le pont d'Avignon
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (18 November 1900): 842.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
Advert in notice for concert 14 Nov. 1900; La SC en 1925, #11.

19001201
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mlle Marguerite Delcourt; Mlle Duranton;
Mme Jossic; M. A. Parent; M. G. Barrère; M. L. Bleuzet; Éléonore Blanc;
Mlle Joly de la Mare; Mme Jea
Remarks: 1st of 3 sessions
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in A+ for [pno] and orchestra; Cantata "Pour tous les
temps/Ich hatte viel Bekummernis," (BWV 21 (excerpt--aria with ob);
Pastorale en 4 parties pour orgue; Cantata Wachet Auf, BWV 140
(excerpt--chorale); Cantata "Alles nur nach Gottes Willen/Tout selon la
volonté de Dieu seul," (BWV 72)
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (9 Dec. 1900): 913, unsigned; Le Guide Musical
(18 November 1900): 842; Le Guide Musical (2 Dec. 1900): 893.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
advert in notices for concerts of 14 and 21 Nov. 1900; La SC en 1925, #12.

19001213
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra
Conductor (s):Bordes
Remarks: 2nd of 3 sessions of Bach Cantatas
Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantatas; unspecified concerto in F minor;
VIn sonata in A
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (18 November 1900): 842; Le Guide Musical
(2 Dec. 1900): 893.
Other Source: Advert in original notice for concerts 14 and 21 November 1900 at Bn--
Musigue (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck); La SC en 1925, #13.
 54

19001222
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Mme Berthe Duranton (pno); Éléonore Blanc (voice); M. Bleuzet
(English horn); Albert Gébelin (bass); A. Parent (vIn)
Remarks: 3rd of 3 sessions
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in F-minor for [pno] and orchestra; Cantata "Wie schon
leuchtet," (BWV 1) (excerpt--aria for voice with english horn); Sonata in
A+ for vIn and [pno]; unspecified chorale; Cantata "Wachet Auf," (BWV
140)
Press Source: Courrier Musical (1 Jan. 1901), signed Jean d'Udine; Courrier Musical
(15 Dec. 1900): 13, includes programme; Le Guide Musical
(18 November 1900): 842; Le Guide Musical (2 Dec. 1900): 893.
Other Source: Advert in original notice for concerts 14 and 21 November 1900 at Bn--
Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck); La SC en 1925, #14.

19001227
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint Jacques)
Soloists: Mme Jeanne Raunay; Mlle Éléonore Blanc; Mlle Joly de la Mare;
Mme H. Jossic; M. Jean David; Albert Gébelin
Remarks: "Chansons aux enchères et vente de charité"
Early Music: Bach: "Air de la Pentecôte" from Cantata "Also hat Gott die Welt
geliebt/L'amour ardent du créateur," (BWV 68) (excerpt--aria) -----
Schütz: Je veux louer sans cesse le Seigneur; Dialogus per la pascua -----
Carissimi: Les Plaintes de d'Ezéchias (excerpt?) ----- Handel: Joshua
(excerpt--unspecified aria)
Other Music: d'Indy----- Bordes ----- Franck ----- Breville ----- Fauré -----
Gluck: Alceste (excerpt--unspecified aria)
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19001227
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Soloists: Princesse Alexandre Bibesco; Princesse de Polignac; Mme Anne
Vergniol; Robert Lelubez; Le Marquis de Gonet
Remarks: Part of a whole day of fund raising events.
Early Music: Bach: Cantata "Bleib bei uns, denn will Abend werden," (BWV 6)
(excerpt--opening choral number); Saint John Passion (excerpt--final
chorus) ----- Jannequin: Au joly jeu du pousse-avant ----- Rameau:
Dardanus (excerpt--air d'Antérior)
Other Music: Boellmann ----- Beethoven ----- Chopin ----- Franck ----- Sachini -----
Debussy ----- Fauré ----- Prince de Polignac
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 55

19010111
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Mlle Marie de La Rouvière (voice); Mlle Joly de La Mare (voice);
M. Jean David (voice); M. Gébelin; M. Barrère (fl); Mme Jossic (piano)
Remarks: lst of series of three concerts of Bach Cantatas (2nd series of the se as on)
Early Music: Bach: Cantata Jesu der du meine Seele, BWV 78; Concerto in D minor for
[piano]; Cantata Es ist das Heil uns kommen her, BWV 9 (excerpt--duo
for voice and alto with fi and ob)
Press Source: TSG (Feb. 1901): 59, signed Jean de Muris
Other Source: La SC en 1925, #15.

19010125
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mme Lovano (voice); Mlle Blanche Selva (piano); M. C. Dô (voice); Mlle
Vedrenne (vIn); M. Kayser [indicated in the review] (vc); M. Dressen
(vc?) [indicated in the programme]
Remarks: 2nd of 3 concerts of Bach cantatas (2nd series of the season)
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in D+ for [pno] and orchestra; Cantata "Wie Schon
leuchtet/L'Étoile luit," (BWV 1) (excerpt--voice aria with English horn);
Toccata and Fugue in C major [pno]; Cantata "Vous pleurerez et
gémirez/Ihr werdet weinen und heulen," (BWV 103) (excerpt--choral);
Cantata "Also hat Gott die Welt geliebt," (BWV 68)
Press Source: TSG (Feb. 1901): 60, signed Jean de Muris.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, #16.

19010208
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra
Conductor (s): Bordes
Soloists: Mlle Éléonore Blanc (voice); Jean David (ten); Paul Daraux (bass);
Alberto Bachmann (vin); M. Brun; M. Mignion (trp); André Pirro (organ)
Remarks: 3rd in a series of Bach cantata concerts (2nd series of the season)
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in E+ for vIn with orchestra; Saint Matthew Passion
(excerpt--air for voice); Prelude in G minor for solo vIn; Gavotte in E
major for solo vIn; Cantata "Vous pleurerez et gémirez/lhr werdet
weinen und heulen," (BWV 103) (excerpt--aria for male voice with
trumpet obbligato); Cantata "Wachet Auf," (BWV 140)
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck); La
SC en 1925, #17.
 56

19010228
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra
Soloists: Mme Jeanne Raunay (voice); Mlle Joly de La Mare (voice); Marie de La
Rouvière (voice); M. Albert Gébelin (bass); M. Robert Le Lubez (ten);
Mme Cibert (voice); Mme Muller (voice); M. Falchieri (voice); M. Brutails
(voice); Mlle Marguerite Delcourt (harpsichord); Alexandre Guilmant
(organ)
Remarks: "Trois séances de musique française des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles" (first)
Early Music: J-B Moreau: Esther (excerpts--selected choral works with soli); F.
Roberday: Fugue en Fa et Caprice (for organ) ----- Charpentier: 0 Amor!
o Bonitas! 0 Chari tas ----- J-B Senaillé: Sonate pour violon ----- Lully:
Amadis (excerpts--all of Act III and final chaconne)
Press Source: TSG (April 1901): 124-25, signed G. de Boisjoslin; Le Guide Musical
(10 March 1901): 225, signed Gustave Samazeuilh; Courrier Musical
(15 March 1901): 69.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck); La
SC en 1925, #17.

19010311
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: M. Joubert; M. J.-c. Do; Mlle joly de La Mare (voice); Mlle Marie de La
Rouvière (voice); M. Albert gébelin (voice); M. Robert Le Lubez (voice);
Mlle Marguerite Delcourt (harpsichord)
Remarks: 2nd concert in a series of 3 on French music of the 17th and 18th
centuries,
with an historical introduction by André Pirro
Early Music: Rameau: Dardanus (excerpt--act II); Le Berger fidèle ----- Leclerc:
unspecified sonata ----- PLUS POSSIBLY KEYBOARD WORKS BY: Du
Mont --- Oérambault - - Couperin ---- Marchand - - Chambonnières
Press Source: TSG (April 1901): 124-25. Signed G. de Boisjoslin; Le Guide Musical
(24 March 1901): 273-74, signed Gustave Samazeuilh.
Other Source: Advert in notice for concert 28 February 1901 at Bn-Musique (file
Schola Cantorum/École Franck); La SC en 1925, #19.
 57

19010321
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra
Soloists: Mlle Louise Janssen; Mlle Germanus; Mme Cibert; Mlle Jane Ediat;
Alexandre Guilmant (organ); Joseph Dubroux (vIn); Jean David; Albert
Gébelin; M. Brulfert; M. J.-c. Do; Mlle Marguerite Del
Remarks: 3rd of 3 on French music of the 17th and 18th centuries, with an
historical introduction by André Pirro.
Early Music: M.R. de Lalande: Musique pour les soupers du roy (Air grave, Air gay,
Chaconne gracieuse) ----- 1.c. Daquin: Noël (for organ) ----- J.F.
Dandrieu: Offertoire (for organ); Musette en la (for organ) -----F.
Couperin: Mysterium ineffabile ----- 1. Aubert: Sonate pour [pno] et vIn
Other Music: Gluck: Armide (excerpt--Act V)
Press Source: TSG (April 1901): 124-25, signed G. de Boisjoslin.
Other Source: Original programme and advert in notice for concert 28 Feb. 1901 at
Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck); La SC en 1925, #20.

19010417
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola students and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Joseph Debroux (vIn); Mlle Marthe Legarnd (voice); Mme Legarnd;
Jean David (voice); M. Gébelin
Remarks: Ist in a series of Bach cantata concerts (the 3rd series of the season)
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in A minor for vIn; Magnificat (excerpt--et
misericordia); 6th sonata for solo vin; Cantata Ach Gott von Himmel,
BWV 2 (Peters edition and no.2 of the Société de Bach)
Press Source: TSG (May 1901): 154-55, signed G. de Boisjoslin; Le Guide Musical
(12 May 1901): 439, signed Gustave Samazeuilh.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, #21.

19010425
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Henri Casadesus and Mme G. Casadesus-Dellerba
Soloists: Henri Casadesus; Mme G. Casadesus-Dellerba; Edouard Nanny;
Gabriel Grovlez; Mme Thierry-Callis; M. Flament; Romain Verney
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in C+ (for [pno] with string quartet) ----- Handel:
Sonata for vin and [pno]
Other Music: Lalo ----- Gollermann ----- Bottesini Krommer: Quartet for bassoon,
2 vias and bass ----- Borghi: 2nd sonata in A+ for vIa d'a and bass -----
Pleyel: Duo for vin and vIa
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (12 May 1901): 439, signed Gustave Samazeuilh.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musigue (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 58

19010501
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola students and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Gabriel Grovlez (piano)
Remarks: 2nd of 3 Bach cantata concerts (the 3rd series of the season)
Early Music: Bach: Cantata Christ lag in Todesbanden BWV 4; Pno oncerto in E major
Press Source: TSG (May 1901): 154-55, signed G. de Boisjoslin.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, #22.

19010515
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: Mlle Joly de La Mare (voice); Alexandre Guilmant (organ); H. Casadesus
(viol); Romain Verney (viol); M. Cazeneuve (voice);P. Brun (ob)
Remarks: 3rd of 3 Bach cantata concerts (3rd series of the season)
Early Music: Bach: Cantata Liebster Gott BWV 8; Christmas Oratorio
(excerpt-vocal Berceuse); 2 organ works; Concerto for two viols
accompanied by gambas and bass
Press Source: TSG (June 1901): 184, signed [G. de Boisjoslin.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, #23.

19010523
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de la Renaissance
Performers: Société des concerts de chant classique and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Soloists: M. E. Cazeneuve; Albert Gébelin; Mme de la Rouvière; Mme Joly de la
Mare; Alexandre Guilmant
Early Music: Handel: Judas Maccabeus
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (19 May 1901): 167, unsigned; Courrier Musical
(1 June 1901); Periodical for the Société des concerts de chant classique
(1906): 27.

19010524
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: Handel: Organ concerto in F; Judas Maccabeus (excerpts) ----- Schütz:
Trois petits Concerts spirituels
Press Source: TSG (June 1901): 184, signed G. de Boisjoslin.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, #24.
 59

19010527
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Pentecost Monday
Early Music: Francesco Soriano: Missa Nos autem gloriari
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (19 May 1901): 167.

19010607
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Handel: Concerto in G minor; Samson (excerpts) ----- Schütz:
Dialogue de Pâques
Press Source: TSG (June 1901): 184, signed [G. de Boisjoslin]
Other Source: La SC en 1925.

190111 00
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola choir, orchestra and soloists and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Remarks: Season opener
Early Music: Handel ----- Rameau ----- Lassus: two unspecified chansons
Other Music: Schumann (Cantique de l'Avent); Weber
Press Source: TSG (Jan.-Feb. 1902): 57.

190111 05
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Marthe Legrand and Jean David
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mlle Marthe Legrand; Jean David
Remarks: "Rentrée solenelle des cours"
Early Music: Palestrina: Loquebantur variis linguis ----- Lassus: La Nuit froide et
sombre; Soyons joyeux sur la plaisante verdure ----- Vittoria: 0
Magnum mysterium ----- Jannequin: Ce mois de may; Au joly jeu du
pous
Other Music: Beethoven ----- Gluck: Iphigenie en Tauride (excerpt--unspecified aria)
Press Source: Courrier Musical (15 Nov. 1901): 232-33; Le Guide Musical
(10 Nov. 1901): 816.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 60

19011219
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Jeanne Raunay and Schola Cantorum or ch
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy (Rameau) and Charles Bordes
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay (Phèdre); Mlle Marie de la Rouvière (Aride); Mlle Jane
Ediat; Jean David (Hippolyte); Albert Gébelin; M. Falchieri; M. H.
Casadesus (viol); M. G. Grovlez (harpsichord); M. E. Nan
Remarks: 1st of 3 concerts of French music of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries
Early Music: Clérambault: Cantata "Alphée et Aréthuse" for voice, viol and bass
----- Guillaume Costeley: 2 French chansons ----- Rameau: 2 pieces for
harpsichord -----Dardanus (excerpt--"trio des Songes avec choeur");
Hippolyte et Aride (excerpt-Act IV)
Other Music: Gluck: Armide (excerpt--Plus j'observe ces lieux)
Press Source: Courrier Musical (1 Jan. 1902): 11.; Le Monde musical (30 Dec. 1901): 380,
signed A. Mangeot; Courrier Musical (1 Dec. 1901): 254; Le Temps
(28 Dec. 1901); TSG Gan.-Feb. 1902): 57.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19011228
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme Lovano (Issé); Mlle Marie de la Rouvière (Rameau cantata);
Mme Casadesus-Dellerba; M. Vieulle (Hilas); Jean David;
M. Jan Roeder; Albert Gébelin; Henri Casadesus; M. Schickel;
M. G. Grove
Remarks: 2nd of 3 concerts of French music of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries
Early Music: Rameau: Le Berger fidèle ----- Chambonnières: Courante de madame,
Pavane, and Volte ----- Lully: Armide (excerpt--Plus j'observe ces lieux)--
---Jannequin: 2 French chansons ----- Lully: Atys (excerpt--trio du
sommeil) ----- Destouches: Issé (excerpts--Act IV and parts of Act V)
Press Source: Le Courrier Musical (1 Jan. 1902): 11; Courrier Musical
(1 and 15 Dec. 1901); Le Temps (28 Dec. 1901); TSG Gan.-Feb. 1902): 58.
Other Source: Advert in original notice for concert of 19 Dec. 1901 at Bn--Musique (file
Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 61

19020116
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Perfonners: Jeanne Raunay, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola orch and choir
Conductor: Charles Bordes and Vincent d'Indy (Gluck)
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay (Alceste); Mlle Marthe Legrand; M. Vieulle;
M. Jean David; Albert Gébelin; M. Firmin Delrieu; Joseph
Dubroux (vIn); Henri Casadesus (vIa d'a)
Remarks: 3rd of 3 concerts of French music from the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries
Early Music: H. du Mont: Meslange à trois voix avec instruments ----- Lassus: Las,
voulez-vous qu'une personne chante; Sauter, danser, faire des tours -----
Rameau: Castor et Pollux (excerpt--Tristes apprêts) ----- F. Francoeur:
Sonate française
Other Music: Gluck: Alceste (excerpt--Act 1); Armide (excerpt--unspecified aria)
Press Source: Courrier Musical (1 Feb. 1902); Le Temps (22 Jan. 1902); Le Guide
Musical (26 Jan. 1902): 80-81, signed Gustave Samazeuilh; Courrier
Musical (1 Dec. 1901); TSG Gan.-Feb. 1902): 58.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
advert on notices for concerts of 19 and 28 Dec. 1901 at Bn-Musique.

19020123
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint Jacques)
Perfonners: Jeanne Raunay, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola orch and choir
Conductor: Charles Bordes and Vincent d'Indy (Gluck)
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay (Alceste); Mlle Marthe Legrand; M. Vieulle; M. Jean
David; Albert Gébelin; M. Firmin Delrieu; Joseph Dubroux (vIn); Henri
Casadesus (vIa d'a)
Remarks: 3rd of 3 sessions on early music from the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries.
Repeat of the concert of Jan. 16 th • Included a lecture by Fierens-Gevaert
previously given at the Opéra-comique
Early Music: H. du Mont: Meslange à trois voix avec instruments ----- Lassus: Las,
voulez-vous qu'une personne chante; Sauter, danser, faire des tours -----
Rameau: Castor et Pollux (excerpt--Tristes apprêts) ----- F. Francoeur:
Sonate française
Other Music: Gluck: Alceste (excerpt--Act 1); Armide (excerpt--unspecified aria)
Press Source: Courrier Musical (1 Feb. 1902); Le Temps (22 Jan. 1902); Le Guide
Musical (26 Jan. 1902): 80-81, signed Gustave Samazeuilh; Courrier
Musical (1 Dec. 1901); TSG Gan.-Feb. 1902): 58.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
advert on notices for concerts of 19 and 28 Dec. 1901 at Bn-Musique.
 62

19020124
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Jeanne Raunay and Louis Diemer
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay and Louis Diemer
Remarks: "Quatrième conférence-concert, M. André Hallays parlera de Rameau"
Early Music: Rameau: solo arias from operas?
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (2 Feb. 1902): 106-07, signed Gustave Samazeuilh.
Other Source: Advert in original notice for concert-conférence on 4 January 1902 at
Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19020205
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Perfonners: Schola Cantorum orchestra and soloists
Soloists: Mme Lovano; Mlle de la Rouvière; M. Émile Cazeneuve; M. Jan Reder
Mlle Blanche Selva; Mme Casadesus-Dellerba; M. Barrière;
M. Grundstoett; Alexandre Guilmant
Remarks: Concert of secular works by J. S. Bach
Early Music: Bach: [Pno] concerto in D major; Cantata Weichet nur betrübte Schatten,
BWV 202 (excerpt--first aria); ltalian concerto; Trio sonata for fl, violin
and [pno] from the musical offering; Cantata Schweigte still plaudert
nicht/Coffee Cantata, BWV 211
Press Source: Courrier Musical (15 Feb. 1902): 56-57.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19020220
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Quatuor Vocal de la Scola (sic)
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mlle Marie de la Rouvière
Remarks: "Inauguration solennelle du Grande Orgue"
Early Music: Bach: Toccata and Fugue in G minor for solo vIn; Cantata Pour tous les
temps, !ch hatte viel Beckümerniss, BWV 21, (excerpt--aria for voice and
ob obligato); Cantate pour les élections municipales, Wir danken dir
Gott, BWV 29 ----- Handel: 7th organ concerto in B-flat:
Other Music: Guilmant: 5th Sonata
Press Source: Courrier Musical (1 March 1902): 73; Le Guide Musical
(2 March 1902): 200-01, signed Gustave Samazeuilh.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant); Advert in notice for
concerts of 5 and 21 February 1902 at Bn-Musique.
 63

19020305
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme J. de la Mare, M. Jean David, M. Albert Gébelin, M. Gundstoett,
M. Casadesus; Wanda Landowska, an unspecified English horn player,
an unspecified viola player
Remarks: 1st of 3 concerts of Bach Cantatas
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in F; Prelude and Fugue in E minor; Cantata Bleib bei
uns, denn es will Abend werden BWV 6; Cantata Ihr werdet weinen und
heulen, BWV 103 (excerpt--duo)
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (16 March 1902): 249, signed Gustave Samazeuilh.
Other Source: Advert in original programme for concert of 20 February 1902 at Bn-
Musique (file Guilmant); La SC en 1925, #27.

19020315
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme J. de la Mare (la Crainte), M. E. Cazeneuve (l'Espérance), Albert
Gébelin (la voix du Saint-Esprit)
Remarks: 2nd of 3 concerts of Bach cantatas
Early Music: Bach: Concerto for 3 [pnos]; solo vIn sonata; various chorales; Cantata
o Ewigkeit du Donnerwort, "Dialogus," BWV 60
Press Source: L'Occident (15 March 1902), signed R. de Castéra [Reproduced in TSG
(May-June 1902), p. 174.]; Le Guide Musical (13 Apr. 1902): 347-48,
signed Gustave Samazeuilh.
Other Source: Advert in original programme for concert of 20 February 1902 at
Bn--Musique (file Guilmant); La SC en 1925, #28.
 64

19020326
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum (student ensembles) and Alexandre Guilmant
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy (Bach cantata) and Charles Bordes (Idomeneo)
Soloists: Mlle Marie de la Rouvière; Mme J. de la Mare; [Mlle Legrand in notice
for concert of 20 February 1902]; M. Émile Cazeneuve; Albert Gébelin;
Alexandre Guilmant; Théo Charlier (trp); Maurice Basti
Remarks: 3rd of 3 concerts of Bach cantatas
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in F major for trp, fI, ob, and vin; Cantata Liebster Gott,
BWV 8 (excerpt--unspecified aria for voice and oboe obligato);
Passacaglia for organ; Cantata Ich hatte viel Bekümmerniss, BWV 21
Other Music: Mozart: excerpts Requiem and Idomeneo
Press Source: Courrier Musical (15 April 1902): 118; TSG (May-June 1902): 174. [CM
indicates concert held 20 March; TSG indicates 25 March. ]
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
Advert in programme for concert of 20 February 1902;
La SC en 1925, #29.

19020416
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mlle Marthe Legarnd; Jean David; M. Dô
Remarks: 1st concert of 2nd series of Bach cantatas
Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantatas; Cantate pour les élections municipales de
Leipzig/Wir danken dir Gott, BWV 29; Toccata and fugue in F major
Other Source: Advert in original notice for concert of 2 March 1902 at Bn--Musique
(file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19020426
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Landowska, Guilmant
Soloists: Mlle Marthe Legrand; Jean David; Albert Gébelin; M. Schickel;
Wanda Landowska; Alexandre Guilmant
Remarks: 2nd concert of 2nd series of Bach cantatas
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in G minor for [pno1and orchestra; 2 organ chorales
("Vater Unser," "In dir ist Freude"); Prelude and fugue in F major for
[pno]; Partita 2 for [pno]; Cantata Ach Gott, vom Himmel, BWV 2
Other Source: Original notice and ad vert on notice for concert-séance of 26 March 1902
at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/ École Franck).
 65

19020430
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Société nouvelle des instruments anciens
Remarks: "Séance de musique ancienne des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles"
Other Source: Advert in original notice for concert 26 April 1902 at Bn--Musique (file
Schola Cantorum/ École Franck).

1902 05 00 (after 15)

Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Jean David; M. Viardot; Blanche Selva; Alexandre Guilmant; Mlle de
la Rouvière; Albert Gébelin
Remarks: Extra session of Bach cantatas
Early Music: Bach: Concerto for 2 vIas (Brandenburg concerto?) :; Chamber cantata
"Oeole" (excerpt) [B-SSeV-E]; Sonata for vIn and harpsichord; Prelude
and fugue in C minor for organ; Cantata Wachet Auf, BWV 140
Press Source: Le Courrier Musical (1 June 1902): 168.

19020507
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mme Schmidt; M. Barrère; Mlle Blanche Selva; M. Boulestin; Albert
Gébelin; Alexandre Guilmant; Mme Conne au; Jean David
Remarks: 3rd concert of the 2nd series of Bach cantatas
Early Music: Bach: Cantata 0 ewiges Feuer, for Pentecost, BWV 34; Concerto in D
major for vIn, fi and harpsichord; solo vIn chaconne; Prelude and fugue
in B minor for organ
Other Source: Advert in original notices for concerts 26 March 1902 and 26 April 1902
at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/ École Franck).

19020516
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Charpentier: Le Reniement de Saint Pierre
Other Music: Gluck: Armide (excerpt-Act III)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, #31.
 66

19020527
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts de chant classique (Salle Humbert de Romann)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Société des concerts de chant classique
Conductor: Charles Bordes (and Jules Danbé ?)
Soloists: Mlle Marie de la Rouvière; Mlle Joly de la Mare; M. Jean David;
Albert Gébelin; Alexandre Guilmant
Remarks: "Au profit de la caisse de secours de l'association des artistes musicians"
Early Music: Bach: Cantata for the municipal elections in Leipzig, Wir danken dir
Gott, BWV 29 (excerpts--symphony, first choral work and chorale)
Other Music: Beethoven ----- Beaulieu ----- Guiraud ----- Mozart
Press Source: Annual bulletin of the Soc. des Concerts de Chant Classique (1902).

19020528
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Quatuor vocal de la Scola
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mlle Marie de la Rouvière; Mme J. de la Mare; Jean David; Albert
Gébelin, Mlle Henriette Vedrenn; M. Claveau; M. Michaux; M. Kayser
Early Music: M. A. Charpentier: 0 Amor, 0 Bonitas, 0 Caritas ----- Clérambault:
Alphée et Aréthuse (excerpts) ----- Rameau: Le Bergère Fidèle -----
Handel: Joshua (excerpt--unspecified aria)
Other Music: Beethoven ----- Berlioz ----- Fauré ----- Gluck: Armide
(excerpt--duo from Act V)
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19021113
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mme Cibert; Mlle Legrand; M. David; M. Gibert;
M. Gébelin
Remarks: Inauguration of the new school year. Speech by Henry Cochin
Early Music: Bach: Prelude and fugue in A minor (organ) ----- Guillaume Costeley:
Allons gay, gay bergères (noël) ----- Jannequin: Au joli jex de pousse-
avant ----- Vittoria: two responsories incl. Caligaverunt oculi mei -----
M.A. Charpentier: Le Reniement de Saint Pierre ----- Palestrina: Missa
Papae Marcelli (excerpts--Sanctus and Benedictus) ----- Clérambault: 1er
suite pour orgue
Press Source: Le Temps (18 Nov. 1902); Le Monde musical, (30 Nov. 1902); TSG
(Nov. 1902): 368. La SC en 1925, #32.
 67

19021200
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de l'Odéon
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: "Pour l'anniversaire de Racine ... avec un propos en vers de
M. Francklin, Les Deux Voies"
Early Music: Moreau: Esther
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (14 Dec. 1902): 398.

19021223
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola, Quatuor vocal de la Schola, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Soloists: Marie de la Rouvière; Mme J. de la Mare; Jean David; Albert Gébelin
François Jean (ob)
Remarks: "Deuxième Grand Concert"
Early Music: Handel: Concerto in G minor for ob and orchestra; Judas Maccabeus
(excerpts--16 numbers)
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (21 Dec. 1902): 407; TSG (Jan. 1903): 32;
Le Guide Musical (6 March 1903): 214.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, #34.

19021224
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Mme Molé-Truffier, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Soloists: Mme Molé-Truffier
Remarks: A ledure-recital by Julien Tiersot, "Les Noëls populaires français"
Early Music: Vittoria: 0 Magnum mysterium ----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est
----- Costeley: Allons gay, gay, gay bergères ----- Handel: Messiah
(excerpt--Alleluia)
Other Music: Anon (arranged by Tiersot): 10 carols ----- Gevaert
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1903): 32; Le Ménestrel (21 Dec. 1902): 407.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, #35.
 68

19030124
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mlle Marie de la Rouvière; Mlle Marthe Legrand;
M. Jean David; M. Albert Gébelin
Remarks: 1st of 5 Bach cantata concerts with "intermèdes a capella"
Early Music: Bach: Sinfonia/ Concerto from Cantata Wir müssen durch viel Trübsal,
BWV 146 for organ and orchestra (arr. by Guilmant); Cantata Wie schôn
leuchtet, BWV 1 (excerpt--unspedfied aria); Cantata Aus tiefer Not schrei
ich zu dir, BWV 38
Press Source: TSG (Feb. 1903): 77; Courrier Musical (15 Feb. 1903); Le Guide Musical
(6 March 1903): 215.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck); La
SC en 1925, #36.

19030129
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum (students) and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Jeanne Raunay; Marie de la Rouvière; Mlle M. Pironnet; Mlle Marthe
Legrand; M. Louis Bourgeois; M. Louis Frôhlich; Paul Gibert;
Mlle Maré; M. Claveau; M. Revel
Remarks: "Troisième Grand Concert Mensuel, consacré à l'oeuvre de Jean-Philippe
Rameau"
Early Music: Rameau: Laboravi; Le Berger Fidèle; Hippolyte et Aride (excerpt--air
de Thésée); Castor et Pollux (excerpts--Acts 1 and 2)
Press Source: TSG (Feb. 1903),77; Courrier Musical (15 Feb. 1903): 57.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 42.

19030214
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Gulmant; Blanche Selva; Louis Frôlich
Remarks: 2nd in a series of Bach Cantatas
Early Music: Bach: Fantasy for organ; Capriccio on the departure of a dear brother;
Cantata Ich habe genug, BWV 82
Press Source: Courrier Musical (1 March 1903): 72; TSG (March 1903): 108.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 37.
 69

1903 02 15-28 (?)

Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: 3rd of 6 Bach cantata concerts
Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantatas
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 38.

1903 02 15-28 (?)

Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: 4th of 6 Bach cantata concerts
Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantatas
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 39.

1903 02 15-28 (?)

Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: 5th of 6 Bach cantata concerts
Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantatas
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 40.

1903 02 15-28 (?)

Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: 6th of 6 Bach cantata concerts
Early Music: Bach: unspecified cantatas
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 41.
 70

19030226
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
SoIoists: Marie de la Rouvière; Mme J. de la Mare; Marthe Legrand; Jean
David; Albert Gébelin; Blanche Selva; Alexandre Guilmant;
M. Dusausoy; M. Mondain; M. Van Oefelghem; M. L. Reyel;
M. Claveau
Remarks: "Quatrième Grand Concert Mensuel, consacré à Jean-Sebastien Bach"
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in D+ for fi, vIn and [pno] with orchestra:; Cantata Es
ist das Heil, BWV 9 (excerpt--duet for voice and alto with fi and ob);
Christmas Oratorio (excerpt--sinfonia for orchestra); Lass, Fürstin, lass
no ch einen Strahl/Trauerode, BWV 1081903
Press Source: Courrier Musical (15 March 1903): 86; TSG (March 1903): 109; Le Guide
Musical (6 March 1903): 213-214, signed Michel Brenet.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 43.

19030228
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
SoIoists: Jeanne Raunay; Louis Diemer; Marie de la Rouvière; Mlle M. Pironnet;
Marthe Legrand; Louis Bourgeois; Paul Gibert; M. Cabrol
Remarks: "À la demande générale, concert supplementaire, consacré à l'oeuvre de
Jean-Philippe Rameau"
Early Music: Rameau: Pièces en trio; 2nd concerto for fi, vc and harpsichord
(La Labrode, La Boucon, L'Agacente, 1er Menuet,2e Menuet); Le Berger
Fidèle; Pièces choisis pour clavecin (Gavotte pour les heures et les
zéphirs, Le Rappel des oiseaux, Gavotte variée en la mineur); Castor et
Pollux (excerpts--most of Act 1 and aIl of Act 2)
Press Source: TSG (March 1903): 109; Le Guide Musical (6 March 1903): 214, signed
Michel Brenet.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 71

19030306
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum orchestra
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Marie de la Rouvière; Mme J. de la Mare; Jean David; Albert Gébelin;
Blanche Selva; Alexandre Guilmant; M. Dusausoy (fi); M. Mondain (ob)
Remarks: "Séance supplémentaire de cantates de J.-S. Bach (à prix reduits--hors
de la série de l'abonnement)"
Early Music: Bach: Sinfonia/ Concerto from Wir müssen durch viel Trübsal,
BWV 146 (excerpt--sinfonia for organ and orchestra); Cantata!ch hatte
viel Bekümmerniss, BWV 21 (excerpt--unspecified aria for voice and ob);
Thirty variations for [pno] [Goldberg Variations ?]; Cantata Jesu der du
meine Seele, BWV 78
Press Source: Courrier Musical (15 March 1903): 86; TSG (April 1903): 158-59.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19030313
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Éléonore Blanc; Mlle Delcourt; Jean David; Albert
Gébelin; Théo Charlier; M. Dusausoy; M. Gaveau; M. Mondain
Remarks: 3rd of 5 Bach cantata concerts
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in F for high trumpet, fi, ob, vIn, and orch; "Air pour la
Cantate du mardi de la Pentecôte," Cantata Also hatt Gott die Welt
geliebt, BWV 68 (excerpt--aria); Prelude and fugue in C+ for organ;
Cantata Lobet Gott in seinen Reichen, BWV Il
Press Source: TSG (April 1903): 159.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19030423
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Wanda Landowska; Mlle Marthe Legrand; Jean
David; M. Bourgeois; M. Mondain; Paul Lebrun; Mme Laure FIé
Remarks: 4th (?) of 5 Bach cantata concerts
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in G minor for [pno] :; Cantata In allen meinen Taten,
BWV 97 (excerpt--unspecified aria); English suite in E minor [for pno];
Cantata Christus der ist mein Leben, BWV 95
Press Source: Courrier Musical (1 May 1903): 140; TSG (May 1903): 190.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 72

19030523
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Schola Cantorum (students) and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Marie de la Rouvière; Mme J. de la Mare; Jean David; M. L. Frôhlich;
Alexandre Guilmant; Mme Albert Diot; M. M. Bastin; M. Guyot; M. Grisez
Remarks: "Concert populaire, à prix reduit"
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in D major for fi and vIn
Other Music: Schubert ----- Mozart
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19030526
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts de chant classique (Salle Humbert-de-Romans)
Conductor: Charles Bordes (early music) and Jules Danbé (later works)
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Marie de la Mare; M. Lubet; Louis Bourgeois;
Louis Frôhlic; Marcel Labey
Early Music: Bach: Cantata Wie müssen durch viel Trübsal, BWV 146 ----- Rameau:
Dardanus (excerpt-Act II)
Other Music: Louis Lacombe: excerpts from Sapho ----- Félicien David: Désert
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (24 May 1903): 168; Periodical of the Soc. des concerts de
chant classique (1906).

19030613
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Louis Bourgeois; Marie de la Rouvière; Mlle Jeanne Leclerc;
M. Dufriche; Mlle Louise Mante; Mlle Blanche Mante; Mlle Seréno;
Mme La Vicomtesse de Trédern; Robert
Remarks: "Théâtre de verdure--Auditions et représentations d'oeuvres françaises
des XVIe, XVIIe, et XVIIIe siècles, sous le patronnage de la société
artistique des amateurs au profit de l'oeuvre des bourses d'études de la
Schola Cantorum. Reconstitution d'un théâtre de verdure au ISe siècle"
Early Music: Campra: Prologue des fêtes vénitiennes; Suite des masques (?) -----
Rameau: La Guirlande, ou, Les Fleurs Animées ----- Duni: Les Sabots
Press Source: TSG (July 1903): 264; Courrier Musical (1 July 1903): 201.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École
Franck); La SC en 1925, # 46.
 73

19030622
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Louis Bourgeois; Marie de la Rouvière; Mlle Jeanne Leclerc;
M. Dufriche; Mlle Louise Mante; Mlle Blanche Mante; Mlle Seréno;
Mme La Vicomtesse de Trédern; Robert
Remarks: "Théâtre de verdure--Auditions et représentations d'oeuvres françaises
des XVIe, XVIIe, et XVIIIe siècles, sous le patronnage de la société
artistique des amateurs au profit de l'oeuvre des bourses d'études de la
Schola Cantorum. Reconstitution d'un théâtre de verdure au ISe siècle"
Early Music: Campra: Prologue des fêtes vénitiennes; Suite des masques (7) -----
Rameau: La Guirlande, ou, Les Fleurs Animées ----- Duni: Les Sabots
Press Source: TSG (July 1903): 264; Courrier Musical (1 July 1903): 201.
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École
Franck); La SC en 1925, # 46.

19030625
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Soloists: Wanda Landowska; Éléonore Blanc; Mlle Pironnet; Mlle Marthe Legrand
Remarks: 2nd of the Schola' s summer concerts
Early Music: Bach: concerto in G minor for [pno] and orchestra ----- Carissimi:
Vittoria, Vittoria -----Jannequin: Le Chant des oiseaux ----- Rameau: La
Guirlande (excerpt--air de ballet pour orchestre, choeur et soli) -----
Scarlatti: unspecified [pno 1pieces
Other Music: Mozart: Idomeneo (excerpts)
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/ École Franck).

190311 05
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum; Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais; soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes and Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: M. Mille; Alexandre Guilmant; mme de Vuovina; Jean David
Remarks: Prefaced by a lecture on French music given by Maurice Emmanuel
Early Music: M. A. Charpentier: Peste de Milan ----- unspecified organ works from
the 17th century ----- unspecified French chansons
Other Music: Gluck: Armide (excerpt--Act V)
Press Source: Courrier Musical (15 November 1903): 314.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 49.
 74

19031112
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: Marthe Legrand; Jean David; Louis Bourgeois (vIa d'a); Henri
Casadesus; Wanda Landowska; Georges Desmonts (gamba); Marie de
la Rouvière; Maurice Bastin (fi); Jeanne Bellemin
Remarks: 1st concert of French music from the 17th and 18th centuries
Early Music: Henri du Mont: Meslange à 3 voix et symphonie ----- Chambonnières:
Pièces de clavecin (Pavanne, Chaconne, Courante) ----- F. Coupenin:
Pièces de clavecin (Allemande auguste, Sylvains, Passacaille) ----- Caix.-
d'Hervelois: Pièce pour viole de gambe (musette) ----- Clérambault:
Orphée ----- 1. Couperin: Pièces de clavecin (Chaconne, Pastourelle,
Canaries, Sarabande ----- Rameau: Pièces de clavecin (Les Tricotets, La
Poule, L'Égyptienne) ----- Lully: Pièce pour viole d'amour (menuet)
Other Music: Gluck: Pièce pour viole de gambe (Gavotte) ----- Milandre: Pièce pour
viole d'amour (andante et menuet) ----- De Bousset: Airs sérieux et à
boire (Un usurier et son grimoire [choir], En vain les rossignols [solo];
Vénus voyant que la vendange [choir], Ah! S'en est fait mon coeur [solo],
À l'amour aujourd'hui je déclare la guerre [choir]
Press Source: Courrier Musical (1 Dec. 1903): 329.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 50.

19031126
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Rameau: Zoroastre
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 56.

190311-1200
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: 1"1 of 5 all- Bach concerts
Early Music: Bach
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 51.
 75

19031217
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmanti M. Frôlich
Remarks: 2nd of 5 all- Bach concerts
Early Music: Bach: Concerto for 2 vins: i unspecified organ works; Cantata !ch habe
genug, BWV 82
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (27 Dec. 1903): 907-08, singed R. de C.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 52.

19031226
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum and the Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: M. J.-J. Nin (piano); Mme Joly de La Mare (voice); Louis Giraud (voice);
Louis Frôlich (voice); Mlle de la Rouvière (voice)
Remarks: "Grand Concert Mensuel"
Early Music: Bach: Christmas Oratorio (excerpts--parts 1, 2, and 3); Concerto in D
minor for [pno]
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (3 Jan. 1904): 10-11, signed R. de C.

19040114
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and soloists
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Marie de la Rouvière(voice); Blanche Selva (pno); Henriette
Vedrenne; Albert Gébelin (voice) ; Jean David (voice); M. Gundstoëtt;
Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Remarks: 3rd concert of Bach cantatas
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in G minor for [pno] and orchestra:; Concerto in G for
organ; Chorale "Jesu leiden Pein und Tod" for organ; Cantata Wachet
Auf, BWV 140
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 76

19040121
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant, Mme Tarquini d'Or (voice), Mlle de La Rouvière,
M. Jean David, M. Gébelin, M. Bourgeois
Early Music: Charpentier: La Déscente d'Orphée aux Enfers; Le Reniement de
Saint-Pierre ----- Rameau: Hippolyte et Aricie (Act IV) ----- Lully:
unspecified ----- Grigny: 3 unspecified organ works
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (7 February 1904): 126, signed R. de C.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 57.

19040200
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mlle Elisabeth Delhez (voice); Alexandre Guilmant (organ);
M. A. Geloso (vIn)
Remarks: "Quatrième séance mensuelle de cantates de Bach"
Early Music: Bach: unspecified concerto for vIn and orchestra: ; Prelude and Fugue in
E minor for organ; Cantata Pour tous les temps, Ich hatte viel
Bekummernis, BWV 21 (excerpt--choral number); Cantata Ich bin
vergnügt, BWV 84
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (28 February 1904): 191, signed R. de C.

19040214
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: École Sainte Geneviève
Performers: Vincent d'Indy and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Remarks: "La Musique à travers les ages"
Early Music: Unpsecified
Press Source: TSG (Mar ch 1904): 93.

19040225
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum and Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Remarks: "Troisième Concert Mensuel"
Early Music: Monteverdi: Orfeo (excerpts?) ----- Banchieri: unspecified madrigals
----- other madgrigals
Press Source: Le Ménestrel (21 Feb. 1904): 64.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 58.
 77

19040300
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Notre Dame de Bercy
Perforrners: Schola Cantorum and the Maftrise de Notre-Dame de Bercy
Conductor: M. Raffat and M. Lacerda
Remarks: For the restoration of the organ
Early Music: Handel: 3rd [organ?] concerto ----- M.A. Charpentier: 0 Amor, 0
Bonitas, 0 Chari tas ----- Bach: Canata Jesu der du meine Seele,
BWV 78 (excerpt--duo); Cantata Pour tous les temps, !ch hatte viel
Bekummernis, BWV 21 (excerpt--chorale); Cantata "0 Sion," Wachet
Auf?, BWV 140 (excerpt--unspecified choral number) ----- Vittoria: 0
quam gloriosum est ----- Josquin: Ave vera virginitas ----- Palestrina:
Tantum ergo
Other Music: Guilmant: 3rd organ sonata, op. 56 ----- Perruchot: Tu es Petrus
Press Source: TSG (Mar ch 1904): 92.

19040318
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Nouveau Théâtre
Perforrners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Marthe Legrand; Mlle J. Lanrezac; Mlle Pironnet; Jean David
Remarks: "Au profit de l'asile des jeunes garçons infirme"
Early Music: Sermisy: Hault le boys ----- Lassus: Quand mon mary vient de dehors
----- Lully: Armide (excerpt--air de Renaud) ----- Rameau: Hippolyte
et Aricie (excerpt-Act 4)
Other Music: Beethoven ----- Gluck: Iphigénie en Tauride (excerpts--Ouverture avec
choeurs, recit du song, choeur et air d'Iphigénie)
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Vincent d'Indy).

19040605
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and students
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: students of the Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Bach: Concerto in E major for vIn (allegro-adagio-presto); Sonata for
vIn and [pno] in A+ (andante-final); unspecified prelude and fugue for
organ ----- Handel: Giulio Cesar (?) (excerpt--Air de Tolemeo)
Other Music: Mozart: Magic FI (excerpt--aria) ----- Beeethoven: Trio op. 97 for vIn,
vc and pno (excerpt--lst movement) ----- Haydn: Quartet no. 77 (excerpt-
-"Hymne Autrichien")
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 78

190411 01
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: For AlI Saints Day
Press Source: TSG (Oct. 1904): 316.

19041125
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Joseph Debroux (vIn); Marcel Labey (?); Marthe Legrand (voice);
Louis Bourgeois (voice); Tarquinin D'Or (voice); Stéphane Austin
(voice); Marie Pironnet (voice and Schola student)
Remarks: "Premier concert mensuel, musique française des XVIe, XVIIe,
et XVIIIe siècles"
Early Music: J-M Leclair: 5th concerto in A- for vIn ----- Josquin: Ave Christe
immolate ----- Richafort: Christus resurgens ----- Senaillé: Sonata in C
major for vIn (adagio-courante-gavotte-gigue) ----- Rameau: Castor et
Pollux (excerpts--pieces from Act l, aIl of Act II)
Other Source: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École
Franck); La SC en 1925, # 59.

19041223
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Bach: Christmas Oratorio
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 60 (possibly the performance of 26 Dec. 1903).

19050127
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Monteverdi: Orfeo
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 61.
 79

19050206
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choirs
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle M. Pironnet (voice); Marthe Legrand (voice); Mme L. FIé (voice);
Louis Bourgeois 9voice); Jean David (voice); M. Gibert (voice); Mlle
Claire Hugon (voice); Albert Gébelin (voice); Georges Loth (organ);
M. Philip (pno); Mlle Zielinska (harpsichord); Mlle Lénars (lute)
Early Music: Monteverdi: L'Orfeo (aIl)
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (12 February 1905): 130, signed J. d'Offoël.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 62.

19050224
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy (?)
Soloists: Mme Legarnd, Mme Pironnet, Mme Hugon, Mme Flie, M. David,
M. Gébelin, M. Cornubert, M. Bourgeois
Remarks: Concert Mensuel
Barly Music: Monteverdi: Tirsi e Clori (ballet); Poppea (excerpts?) ----- Scarlatti:
La Rosaura
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (19 March 1905): 237, signed D. de S.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 63.

19050407
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Bach: St. John Passion
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (16 Apr. 1905): 321-322, signed M. Brenet.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 64.

19050420
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Maundy Thursday (Holy Week)
Early Music: ONE OF: Vittoria: responsories ----- Palestrina: responsories;
Stabat Mater
Press Source: TSG (Apr.-May 1905): 146-47.
 80

19050421
Religiou5
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Good Friday (Holy Week)
Early Music: ONE OF: Vittoria: responsories ----- Palestrina: responsories;
Stabat Mater
Press Source: TSG (Apr.-May 1905): 146-47.

19050423
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: Easter Sunday (Holy Week)
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli
Press Source: TSG (Apr.-May 1905): 146-47.

19050514
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: Mme Legand (voice); M. Cornubert (voice); M. G/belin (voice);
Mlle Bréval (voice); M. David (voice)
Remarks: Sixth [monthly?] Concert
Early Music: Monteverdi: Poppea (excerpts?) ----- Bach: Cantata Weinen, Klagen,
Sorgen, Sagen, BWV 12
Other Music: Gluck: Armide (Acts IV and V)
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (21 May 1905): 420, signed M.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 65.

19050601
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Ascension
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Ascendo ad Patrem
Press Source: TSG (Apr.-May 1905): 147.
 81

19050611
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Pentecost
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Salve Regina
Press Source: TSG (Aug. 1905): 251-52. TSG (Apr.-May 1905): 147.

19051124
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum (orchestra and choirs)
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: M. Pineau (organ); Mlle Marie de Larouvière, Mlle Marthe
Feuilherede, M. Plamondon, M. Gébelin
Remarks: Musique Française du XVIIe siècle
Early Music: R. de Lalande: Musique pour les soupers du Roy ----- Clérambault:
Pièces d'Orgue ----- Lully: Armide (selections)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 66; Advert in programme for Société J.S. Bach concerts
of November 1905 at Bn--Musique (file Société J. S. Bach).

19051229
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: La musique religieuse, de l'époque grégorienne au XVIIIe siècle
Early Music: religious works from the middle ages to the 18th century
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 67.

19060202
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Beaujoyeux: Ballet comique de la Reyne ----- ?: Philothée
-----Monteverdi: Orfeo (excerpts?)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 68.

19060223
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Rameau:
Other Music: Gluck:
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 69.
 82

19060414
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais; Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Charles Bordes (?) referred to as organizer in the notice
Soloists: Mme Legarnd; Mme Maré; Mme de la Mare; Mme Pironnay;
Mme de la Rouvière; Mme Vedrenne; M. Gébelin; M. Gibert; M. Lefeuve;
M. Mondain; M. Plamondon; A. Guilmant
Remarks: "Au bénéfice de la mère d'un ancien élève de la Schola, du ténor
Jean David"
Early Music: Unspecified
Press Source: Tablettes (Apri11906).

19060504
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mlle Mary Pironnay (voice); Mme Marthe Legrand (voice); M. Gibert
(voice); M. Gébelin (voice); Mlle Reichel (voice); M. Moughounian
(voice); M. Ibos (org.); Mme Louis Bourgeois (voice); Mlle d'Otto (v
Remarks: La Cantate classique et moderne (de Schütz à Fauré)
Early Music: Schütz: Mon âme prenant l'essor ----- G. Carissimi: La plainte des
damnés ----- M. A. Charpentier: Dialogue de Madeleine et de Jésus
Other Music: Schumann: Le Cantique de l' Avent (Adventlied) ----- Chausson: Hymne
Védique ----- Fauré: La Naissance de Vénus (Paul Collin), scène mythol
Press Source: Tablettes (April 1906)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 71.

19060518
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mlle M. Pironnay; Mlle Villot; Mlle Delcourt; Comte A. de Gabriac
Early Music: Costeley: unspecified chansons ----- Jannequin: unspecified chansons; Les
Cris de Paris ----- Rameau: excerpts from Zoroastre
Other Music: Franck: Rébecca (aIl)
Press Source: Tablettes (May 1906).
 83

19061222
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais; Trio Chaigneau; Mlle Alice Villot (voice);
Alexandre Guilmant
Remarks: One of ''Trois concerts de msuique française historique, sous le
patronage
de l'Université et de l'Alliance française"
Early Music: Clérambault: Orphée ----- plus other French works from the
16th-18th centuries
Press Source: Tablettes (Dec. 1906).

19061225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Christmas day
Early Music: Soriano: Missa Nos autem gloriari ----- Vittoria: 0 magnum mysterium
----- Palestrina: Alma redemptoris mater ----- Anon: Noël populaire
wallon du XVIe siècle (harmonized by Gevaërt)
Press Source: Tablettes (Dec. 1906).

19061228
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: M. Louis Bourgeois (voice); Mlle A. Reichel (voice); Mlle Bourrel;
Mlle d'Otto; M. Nansen (voice); M. Mondain (ob); M. Blanquart (fi);
Mlle Murat (voice); Mlle Cl. Hugon (voice); Mme Marthe Legrand
(voice); A. Guilmant (organ)
Remarks: Histoire de la Cantate funèbre
Early Music: Bach: Cantata Gottes Zeit ist die allerbeste Zeite/ Actus tragicus,
BWV 106 ----- Josquin: Déploration sur le mort d'Ockhegem -----
R. de Lalande: De Profundis (reconst. de Henri Quittard)
Other Music: Rust: Ode funèbre sur la mort d'un enfant ----- Beethoven: Chant
élégiaque, op. 118 (version latine de Camille Benoit)
Press Source: Reproduction of programme in Tablettes (Dec. 1906)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 73.
 84

19070206
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme de la Mare; Mme de la Rouvière; M. Gébelin, M. Lefeuve (vIn);
M. Luzzéna (vIn)
Remarks: "Concert de musique française historique" (2nd concert)
Early Music: Clérambault: Héra et Léandre ----- Charpentier: La Madeleine
pleurant ----- Leclair: Sonata for 2 vIns
Press Source: Le Temps (2 Apr. 1907), signed Pierre Lalo; Tablettes (Jan. 1907);
(Feb. 1907).

19070315
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Reichel (voice); Mlle Camaret (voice); Mme Marthe Philip
(voice); M. Claveau (vIn); Mme Bourgeois (voice); M. Gibert (voice); M.
Blanquart (fi); Mlle d'Otto (voice); M. Mondain (ob); M. Daraux (voice);
M. Entraigues (hn); M. Hermans (bn); M. Ceretti (bn); M. Blois (trp); A.
Guilmant (organ)
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (part 1)
Press Source: Tablettes (15 Oct. 1906); Programme reproduced in Tablettes
(March 1907)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 75.

19070322
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Reichel (voice); Mlle Camaret (voice); Mme Marthe Philip
(voice); M. Claveau (vIn); Mme Bourgeois (voice); M. Gibert (voice); M.
Blanquart (fi); Mlle d'Otto (voice); M. Mondain (ob); M. Daraux (voice);
M. Entraigues (hn); M. Hermans (bn); M. Ceretti (bn); M. Blois (trp); A.
Guilmant (organ)
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (part 2)
Press Source: Tablettes (15 Oct. 1906); Programme in Tablettes (March 1907).
 85

19070327
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Reichel (voice); Mlle Camaret (voice)
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B Minor (incomplete--Kyrie; Credo; Sanctus)
Press Source: Tablettes (Mar ch 1907).

19070426
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle M.L. Braquaval (Iphise); Mme Lacoste (Vénus); M. Fernand
Lemaire (Dardanus); Louis Bourgeois (anténor); Charles Bischoff
(Isménor); M. Murat (Teucer); Mme Bourgeois (1re Phrygienne); Mlle Reichel
Early Music: Rameau: Dardanus (aIl? possibly cuts)
Press Source: Tablettes (15 Oct. 1906).
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 76 .

19070601
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Berlioz
Performers: M. J.-J. Nin and pick-up or ch of mainly Scholists
Conductor: M. de Lacerda
Soloists: J.-J. Nin (pno); M. Mufret (pno); M. Ribo (pno)
Rernarks: "Le Concerto au XVIIIe siècle"
Early Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for three [pnos] in D minor
Other Music: C.P.E. Bach ----- J.c. Bach
Press Source: Tablettes (June 1907).

19071129
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mlle Mary Pironnay (voice); Mme J. Tracol (voice); M. Plamondon
(voice); M. Louis Bourgeois (voice); M. Lejealle (organ); M. Blois (trp); M.
Mondain (ob)
Rernarks: "Oeuvres de J.-S. Bach"
Early Music: Bach: Cantate pour tous les temps, Ich hatte viel Bekümmerniss,
BWV 21; Suite in D for 3 trumpets, ob, quartet and tympani ----- Lully:
Air d'Armide (Act II, scene 2)
Press Source: Tablettes (Oct. 1907). Programme reproduced in Tablettes (Nov. 1907)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 77.
 86

19071227
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Anna Reichel (voice); Mme Marthe Philip (voice);
M. P. Plamondon (voice); Louis Bourgeois (voice); A. Guilmant (organ);
M. Blanquart (fI); Louis Revel (gamba); M. Mondain (ob)
Remarks: "La Cantate funèbre"
Early Music: Bach: Gottes Zeit ist die allerbeste Zeit/ Actus Tragicus, BWV 106;
Lass, Fürstin, lass noch einen Strahl/Trauerode, BWV 198
Other Music: Beethoven: Chant élégiaque (version latine de M. Camille Benoit,
ed. de la Schola Cantorum)
Press Source: Tablettes (Oct. 1907); Programme reproduced in Tablettes (Dec. 1907)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 78.

19080313
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: ilLe milieu du XVIIe siècle chez les trois nations musicales"
Early Music: Schütz: Passion ----- Monteverdi: Poppea (excerpts ?) ----- Unspecified
French work from 1643
Press Source: Tablettes (Oct. 1907).
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 81.

19080320
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant (organ); Blanche Selva (harpsichord);
Mlle H. Zielinska (harp, chitterone) Mme Bourgeois (voice); Marthe
Philip (voice); Mlle Suzanne Gravollet (voice); Mlle Claire Hugon
(voice); Mlle Mary Pironnay (voice); M. Bourgeois (voice);
Albert Gébelin (voice); M. Gibert (voice); M. Plamondon (voice)
Remarks: "Quatrième Concert Mensuel"
Early Music: Schütz: Dialogue du pharisien et du publicain; Dialogue de Jésus et de
Madeleine; La Passion selon St-Mathieu (excerpts) ----- Bach: Quatres
chorals pour orgue -----Monteverdi: Poppea (excerpts ?)
Press Source: TSG (May 1908): 114-15.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).
 87

19080328
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Maré; M. Desabres; M. Civil; M. de Fraguier; Mme Metman (pno);
Mlle Gravolet; Mlle de Monty; Mlle L. Ginnel; M. Brochard
Early Music: Rameau: L'Entretien des muses (excerpts--Ies soupirs); Dardanus
(excerpts--trio des songes; menuet des plaisirs; faix favorable)
Other Music: D'Indy: Fervaal (excerpts--prelude, recit de Fervaal); Le Lac vert
(excerpt--La Poste); Danse greque; Attente de Médée; Sur la mer
Other Source: Original fragment of concert notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola
Cantorum/ École Franck).

19080403
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: See concert of 19080508 for list of probable soloists, conductor, etc.
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (part one)
Press Source: TSG (June 1908): 137-38.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 82.

19080410
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: See concert of 1908 05 08 for list of probable soloists, conductor, etc.
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (part two)
Press Source: TSG (June 1908): 137-38.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 83.

19080416
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Maundy Thursday (Holy Week)
Early Music: ONE OF: Vittoria: responsories ----- Ingegneri: responsories
PLUS: Palestrina: Peccantem me quotidie ----- Charpentier: Reniement
de Saint-Pierre
Press Source: TSG (June 1908): 125.
 88

19080417
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Perfonners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Good Friday (Holy Week)
Early Music: ONE OF: Vittoria: responsories ----- Ingegneri: responsories
PLUS: Palestrina: Stabat Mater ----- Schütz: Verba mea auribus
Press Source: TSG (June 1908): 125.

19080501
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Perfonners: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: See concert of 19080508 for list of probable soloists, conductor, etc.
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (part one)
Press Source: TSG (June 1908): 137-38.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 84.

19080508
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: M. Claveau (vIn); M. Mondain (ob); M. Novaro (fi); Entraigues (hn);
Hermans (bn); Villard (trp); Alexandre Guilmant; Mme Bathori (voice);
Mme Maurat (voice); Marthe Philip (voice); Mary Pironnay (voice);
Reichel Tracol (voice); M. Bourgeois (voice); Albert Gébelin(voice); M.
Gibert (voice)
Remarks: "Sixième concert mensuel"
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (excerpt--part two)
Press Source: TSG (June 1908): 137-38.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

19080619
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Pedonners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Remarks: Feasts of Saint-Gervais and Saint-Protais
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli
Press Source: TSG (July 1908): 151.
 89

19081127
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mlle Mary Pironnay (Issé); Mme Louis Bourgeois (Doris); M. Plamondon
(Apollon-Philémon); Ml L Bourgeois (Hylas); Mlle Maurat (une
Hespéride); M. Tremblay (Pan); M. Renault (le grand-prêtre); M. Beaufils
(l'Oracle)
Remarks: Premier Concert Mensuel
Early Music: Destouches: Issé (abridged)
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1909): 17-18; Tablettes (Nov. 1908), signed Lionel de la
Laurencie; Le Courrier Musical (1 Dec. 1908), signed Michel Brenet; Le
Guide Musical (6 Dec. 1908): 793.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 86.

19081218
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Jean Lefranc (vIa); Jean Cornet-Franceschi (vIa); Alexandre Guilmant
(organ); M. Novaro (fI); M. Claveau (vIn); Mlle Mare (vIn);
M. Mondain (hautbois de chasse); Mlle Malnory (voice); Mme Philip
(voice); M. Plamondon (voice); M. Gébelin (voice)
Remarks: Deuxième concert mensuel
Early Music: Bach: Cantata Es ist dir gesagt, BWV 45; Concerto in B-flat major for
2 vIas; Passacaglia and fugue in C- for organ; Cantata Wie schan
leuchtet der Morgenstern, BWV 1
Press Source: TSG (Feb. 1909): 41, signed Albert Groz.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 87.

19090219
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau (?)
Performers: Schola Cantorum (in quotation marks)
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mlle Anna Reichel; Mlle Fernande Pironnay;
Mlle Malnory; Mme Tracol; M. R. Plamondon; Albert Gébelin;
Mme Bourgeois; Mme Marthe Philip; Mlle Claire Hugon; M. Gibert;
Louis Bourgeois; M. Brochard; M. de Lioncourt
Remarks: "Deuxième audition intégrale à Paris"
Early Music: Bach: Saint Mathew Passion (excerpt--part 1)
Press Source: Programme reproduced in Tablettes (Feb. 1909)
Other Source: Original notice of concert repeat inserted in a Concerts Lamoureux
programme of 21 March 1909 at Bn--Musique (file Concerts Lamoureux).
 90

19090226
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum (in quotation marks)
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mlle Anna Reichel; Mlle Fernande Pironnay;
Mlle Malnory; Mme Tracol; M. R. Plamondon; Albert Gébelin;
Mme Bourgeois; Mme Marthe Philip; Mlle Claire Hugon; M. Gibert;
Louis Bourgeois; M. Brochard; M. de Lioncourt
Remarks: "Deuxième audition intégrale à Paris"
Early Music: Bach: Saint Mathew Passion (excerpt--part 2)
Press Source: Programme reproduced in Tablettes (Feb. 1909)
Other Source: Original notice of repeat concert inserted in a Concerts Lamoureux
programme of 21 March 1909 at Bn--Musique (file Concerts Lamoureux).

19090305
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Bach: St. Matthew Passion
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 89.

19090312
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Bach: St. Matthew Passion
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 90.

19090322
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Quatuor Vocal Philip, Alexandre Guilmant, G. Jacob, A. Philip
Conductor: A. Philip
Soloists: A. Guilmant, G. Jacob, A. Philip, mIle M. Pironnay (voice),
Mme M. Philip (voice), M. Jouanneau (voice), M. Faure (voice)
Remarks: "Concerts anthologiques et populaires"
Early Music: Vittoria: unspecified vocal work ----- Palestrina: unspecified vocal
work ----- Costeley: unspecified vocal work ----- Jannequin: unspecified
vocal work ----- plus unspecified organ works
Press Source: Tablettes (Mar ch 1909).
 91

19090400
Religious (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Perforrners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Rernarks: Music for Holy Week (3 events total)
Early Music: M.A. Charpentier: Le Reniement de Saint-Pierre (Thursday) -----
Palestrina: Stabat Mater (Friday); Missa Papae Marcelli (Sunday)
Press Source: Tablettes (Apr. 1909); TSG (April 1909): 76.

19090407
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Perforrners: Schola Cantorum (in quotation marks)
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Alexandre Guilmant; Mlle Anna Reichel; Mlle Fernande Pironnay;
Mlle Malnory; Mme Tracol; M. R. Plamondon; Albert Gébelin;
Mme Bourgeois; Mme Marthe Philip; Mlle Claire Hugon; M. Gibert;
Louis Bourgeois; M. Brochard; M. de Lioncourt
Rernarks: Repeat concert by demand
Early Music: Bach: Saint Mathew Passion (aIl, in 2 parts)
Press Source: TSG (April 1909): 85-86, signed Albert Groz.
Other Source: Original notice of concert inserted in Concerts Lamoureux programme of
21 March 1909 at Bn--Musique (file Concerts Lamoureux).

19090408-11
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Perforrners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Bordes
Rernarks: HolyWeek
Early Music: Unspecified
Press Source: TSG (April 1909): 76.
 92

19090430
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
SoIoists: Mme Marthe Philip; M. Bourgeois; Maurice Tremblay; M. Levif;
Mlle Claire Hugon; M. Paul Gibert; Mlle Marie-Louise Braquaval;
M. Plamondon; Mlle Gabrielle de Monty; M. Louis Bourgeois; Blanche
Selva (harpsichord)
Remarks: 6th monthly concert, "Les Orphées Musicaux" aux XVII et XVIII siècles
en Italie, en Allemagne, en France"
Early Music: Peri: Euridice (scenes 5 and 6) ----- Monteverdi: Orfeo (excerpts
from Act II) ----- Charpentier: Orphée descendant aux enfers (Recit
d'Orphée) ----- R. Keiser: Orphoeus
Other Music: J.c. Gluck: Orphée (excerpts from Acts 1 and II)
Press Source: TSG (June 1909): 140-141.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 91.

19090507
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Performers: Mme Philip; M. Bourgeois; Maurice Tremblay; Mlle Hugon; M. Gibert;
Mlle Braquaval; M. Plamondon; Mlle de Monty
Remarks: Final monthly concert, "Les Orphées" (repeat of 1909 04 30)
Early Music: Peri: Euridice (scenes 5 and 6) ----- Monteverdi: Orfeo (excerpts
from Act II) ----- Charpentier: Orphée descendant aux enfers (Recit
d'Orphée) ----- R. Keiser: Orphoeus
Other Music: J.c. Gluck: Orphée (excerpts from Acts 1 and II)
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (16 May 1909): 412, signed F. Guérillot.
Other Source: Advert in original notice for concert of 30 April 1909 at Bn--Musique
(file Schola Cantorum/École Franck); La SC en 1925, # 92.

19090509
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro
Performers: Schola Cantorum choir and volunteers
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Remarks: "Concert de charité au bénéfice des 'Soupes populaires' de Passy"
Early Music: Jannequin: unspecified chansons ----- Lassus: unspecified chansons -----
Costeley: unspecified chansons ----- Le Vent frivolant , Rossignolet du
bois, Vive la rose
Press Source: Tablettes (April 1909).
 93

19090600
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de la Gaieté
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme Georgette Leblanc (Thélaïre); Mlle Lafargue (Phébé); M. Devriès-
(Castor); M. Boulogne (Pollux); Eléonore Blanc; mme Lacost; Mlle
Pironnay, Mme Veillet, Mme Lavallée, M. Simounet, M. Moneys
Remarks: 1st of 5 performances
Early Music: Rameau: Castor et Pollux (aB, probably with cuts)
Press Source: Announcement of five performances in Tablettes (April 1909).

19090600
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de la Gaieté
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme Georgette Leblanc (Thélaïre); Mlle Lafargue (Phébé); M. Devriès-
(Castor); M. Boulogne (Pollux); Eléonore Blanc; mme Lacost; Mlle
Pironnay, Mme Veillet, Mme Lavallée, M. Simounet, M. Moneys
Remarks: 2nd of 5 performances
Early Music: Rameau: Castor et Pollux (aU, probably with cuts)
Press Source: Announcement of five performances in Tablettes (April 1909).

19090600
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Théâtre de la Gaieté
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme Georgette Leblanc (Thélaïre); Mlle Lafargue (Phébé); M. Devriès-
(Castor); M. Boulogne (Pollux); Eléonore Blanc; mme Lacost; Mlle
Pironnay, Mme Veillet, Mme Lavallée, M. Simounet, M. Moneys
Remarks: 3rd of 5 performances
Early Music: Rameau: Castor et Pollux (aB, probably with cuts)
Press Source: Announcement of five performances in Tablettes (April 1909).
 94

19090600
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de la Gaieté
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme Georgette Leblanc (Thélaïre); Mlle Lafargue (Phébé); M. Devriès-
(Castor); M. Boulogne (pollux); Eléonore Blanc; mme Lacost; Mlle
Pironnay, Mme Veillet, Mme Lavallée, M. Simounet, M. Moneys
Remarks: 4 th of 5 performances
Early Music: Rameau: Castor et Pollux (aIl, probably with cuts)
Press Source: Announcement of five performances in Tablettes (April 1909).

19090600
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de la Gaieté
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and soloists
Conductor: Charles Bordes
Soloists: Mme Georgette Leblanc (Thélaïre); Mlle Lafargue (Phébé); M. Devriès-
(Castor); M. Boulogne (Pollux); Eléonore Blanc; mme Lacost; Mlle
Pironnay, Mme Veillet, Mme Lavallée, M. Simounet, M. Moneys
Remarks: 1st of 5 performances
Early Music: Rameau: Castor et Pollux (aIl, probably with cuts)
Press Source: Announcement of five performances in Tablettes (April 1909).

19091126
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mary Pironnay (Iphise); Fanny Malnory (Vénus); M. Plamondon
(Dardanus); Louis Bourgeois (Anténor); M. Monys (Isménor); Maurice
Tremblay (Teucer); Anna Reichel (1re Phrygienne); Suzanne Gravollet
(2e Phrygienne); M. Villard (un Phrygien); Fernande Pironnay (1er
songe); Mlle Bourrel (2e songe); M. Brochard (3e songe)
Early Music: Rameau: Dardanus (aIl acts, abridged)
Press Source: Programme reproduced in Tablettes (Dec. 1909)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 93.
 95

19091223
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: M. Gibert (voice); Mme Tracol (voice); Mlle Malnory (voice);
M. Gébelin (voice); Mme Epardaud (voice); Blanche Selva (pno);
M. Claveau (vIn); M. Novaro (vIn or fi); Marthe Philip (voice);
Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Remarks: Second monthly concert
Early Music: Bach: Christmas Oratorio (excerpt--part two); Concerto for [pno], vIn
and fI in D major; B minor mass (excerpt--agnus dei); Toccata and fugue
in C major for organ; Cantata Wer weiss wie nahe mein Ende, BWV 27
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (2 Jan. 1910): 10, signed F. G.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/ÉcoleFranck).

19091224
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra and choir
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: M. Gibert (voice); Mme Tracol (voice); Mlle Malnory (voice);
M. Gébelin (voice); Mme Epardaud (voice); Blanche Selva (pno);
M. Claveau (vIn); M. Novaro (vIn or fl); Marthe Philip (voice);
Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Remarks: Second monthly concert
Early Music: Bach: Christmas Oratorio (excerpt--part two); Concerto for [pno], vIn
and fI in D major; B minor mass (excerpt--agnus dei); Toccata and fugue
in C major for organ; Cantata Wer weiss wie nahe mein Ende, BWV 27
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (2 Jan. 1910): 10, signed F. G.; Programme reproduced
in
Tablettes (Jan. 1910)
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 94.

19091225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa brevis ----- Vittoria: 0 Magnum Mysterium ----- Nanini:
Hodie Christus natus est ----- Anon: un vieux noël de Wallon
Press Source: Tablettes (Jan. 1910); TSG (Jan.-Feb. 1910): 14.
 96

19100130
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Patronage Notre-Dame de la Croix (Ménilmontant)
Performers: Félix Raugel and female students of the patronage
Conductor: Félix Raugel
Early Music: J. B. Moreau: Esther
Press Source: Tablettes (Feb. 1910).

19100414
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société des grandes auditions
Performers: Various and Schola Cantorum Choirs
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Remarks: Concert during visit of Lorenzo Pero si
Early Music: Palestrina: Stabat Mater; Ave Maria; Veni sponsa; Peccantem me
Other Music: Perosi: Dies iste
Press Source: TSG (May 1910): 108.

19100415
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Société des grandes auditions
Performers: Various and Schola Cantorum Choirs
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Remarks: Concert during visit of Lorenzo Pero si, a repeat of 1910 04 14
Early Music: Palestrina: Stabat Mater; Ave Maria; Veni sponsa; Peccantem me
Other Music: Perosi: Dies iste
Press Source: TSG (May 1910): 108. A repeat of the concert of 14 Apr.

19100423
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro with Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Schola Cantorum; Chanteurs de la Renaissance; Chanteurs de
Saint-Pierre de Besançon
Conductor: Felix Raugel
Soloists: Mme Mellot-Joubert (voice), Marthe Philip (voice), M. R. Plamondon
(voice), Mr. G. Mary (bass), Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Early Music: Handel: Messiah (aIl); Organ concerto in F
Press Source: Tablettes (April 1910); TSG (May 1910): 109.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Société G. F. Haendel).
 97

19100429
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Fernande Pironnay, Mlle Claire Hugon, Mlle Fanny Malnory,
M. L. Bourgeois, M. Mondain (ob), M. Raynaud (ob), Paul Gibert (voice),
M. Claveau (vIn), M. Villard (trp), A. Guilmant (organ)
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (Kyrie, Credo, Sanctus)
Press Source: Programme reproduced in Tablettes (April 1910)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 100.

19100506
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Fernande Pironnay, Mlle Claire Hugon, Mlle Fanny Malnory,
M. L. Bourgeois, M. Mondain (ob), M. Raynaud (ob), Paul Gibert (voice),
M. Claveau (vin), M. Villard (trp), A. Guilmant (organ)
Remarks: Repeat of the concert of 1910 0429
Early Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (Kyrie, Credo, Sanctus)
Press Source: Programme reproduced in Tablettes (April 1910)
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 100.

19100515
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: Pentecost
Early Music: Vittoria: 0 quam gloriosum est regnum ----- Palestrina: Loquebantur
variis linguis -- Lassus: Verbum caro --- Aichinger: Factus es repente
Press Source: Tablettes (May 1910); TSG (May 1910): 109.

19100517
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre de la comédie-Royale
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: With a lecture by René Garnier on the Chanson Populaire
Early Music: Unspecified chansons from the Renaissance
Press Source: TSG (May 1910): 109.
 98

19100523
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro, with Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Schola Cantorum; Chanteurs de la Renaissance; Chanteurs de Saint
Pierre de Besançon
Conductor: Felix Raugel
Soloists: Mme Menot-Joubert; Mme Marthe Philip; G. Paulet; G. Mary;
A Guilmant; Achille Philip; E. Borrel; Henry Choinet; M. Yvan
Early Music: Handel: Messiah (an)
Press Source: Tablettes (April 1910).
Other Source: Advert in original notice for performance of same programme on 23
April 1910 at Bn--Musique (file Société G. F. Haendel).

19100601
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Trocadéro, with Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Schola Cantorum; Chanteurs de la Renaissance; Chanteurs de Saint
Pierre de Besançon
Conductor: Felix Raugel
Soloists: Mme Menot-Joubert; Mme Marthe Philip; G. Paulet; G. Mary;
A Guilmant; Achille Philip; E. Borrel; Henry Choinet; M. Yvan
Early Music: Handel: Messiah (aIl)
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Société G. F. Haendel).

19101125
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum orchestra
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: M. Villard (trpt); M. Mondain (ob)
Remarks: "1er concert mensuel, Suite ancienne et moderne"
Early Music: Bach: Suite in D major for 3 trpts, 2 ob, quartet and percussion -----
Handel: Concert suite for ob
Other Music: Debussy: Petite suite (orchestrated by Henri Büsser) ----- d'Indy: Suite
en ré dans le style ancien, pour trp, 2 fls et quatuor
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (11 Dec. 1910): 817, signed AL.; Programme
reproduced in Tablettes (Nov. 1910).
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 101.
 99

19101216
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salon de l'Automobile
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Early Music: Jannequin: unspecified ----- Costeley: unspecified ----- Rameau:
unspecified ----- more unspecified composers and works
Press Source: Tablettes (Dec. 1910); TSG Gan. 1911): 6.

19101217
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Claire Hugon
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mlle Pilliard; M. J. Y Castellvi; M. Novaro; M. Jumelais; c. Hugon
Remarks: One of "Concerts historiques anciens-modernes" founded and organized
by Claire Hugon
Early Music: Bach: Suite in B minor for fl and orchestra; Prelude and Fugue in
B minor; Suite in B minor for flute and orchestra; Prelude and Fugue in
B minor Monteverdi: Arianna's Lament; L'Orfeo (excerpt--unspecified
aria); Poppea (excerpt--unspecified aria and Octavia's departure aria) ---
-- D. Scarlatti: Burlesque; Wurtenberger Sonata (?) ----- Handel:
Hercules (excerpt--unspecified aria for Iole)
Other Music: Haydn; de Fesch; Dupin; Chausson; d'Indy
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (25 Dec.1910): 857, signed Ch. C.;Tablettes (Dec.1910)
Other Source: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Vincent d'Indy).

19101217
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Université des Annales
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Reguier
Soloists: Mlle Fanny Malnory
Remarks: With lecture by René Garnier "Les Fêtes carillonées." Lecture-recital
series organized by Mme Adolphe Brisson. Audience of young women.
Early Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata 0 ewiges Feuer/Pentecost, BWV 34 (excerpt) -----
Lassus: Nos qui sumus ----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est -----
Costeley: Allons gay bergères
Press Source: Tablettes (Dec. 1910); TSG Gan. 1911); 6.
 100

19101222
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Theâtre Fémina
Performers: Quatuor soliste des Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Soloists: Mlle Jeanne Dalliès
Remarks: With lecture by Auguste Germain
Early Music: 3 unspecified French chansons from the Renaissance ----- 4 unspecified
brunettes for 4 voices from the 18th century ----- Schütz: unspecified
----- Bach: unspecified ----- Lully: unspecified - - Rameau: unspecified
Other Music: Beethoven: chant élégiaque
Press Source: Tablettes (Dec. 1910); Tablettes Gan. 1911).

19101223
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum choirs
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mme Épardaud; Mlle Gravollet; M. Deniau; M. Villard; A. Guilmant
Remarks: 2nd monthly concert, "Le Motet et le madrigal du 16e au 20e siècle"
Early Music: Josquin: Ave Maria ----- Palestrina: Peccantem me quotidie -----Vittoria:
Duo Seraphim clamabant ----- Bach: Prelude and Fugue in A for organ ---
--Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan
Other Music: Louis de Serres; Bordes; d'Indy; Debussy
Press Source: Tablettes (Nov. 1910); TSG Gan. 1911): 20.
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 120.

19101223
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre Fémina
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and others
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Soloists: Mlle Napierkowska
Early Music: Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est ----- unspecified Renaissance works
Other Music: Massenet: Noël païen ----- Hindu danses
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1911): 6.
 101

19101225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: Mass for Christmas Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Sine Nomine ----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est
-----Vittoria: 0 Magnum mysterium
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1911): 6.

19101230
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum choirs
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: Mme Épardaud; Mlle Gravollet; M. Deniau; M. Villard
Alexandre Guilmant
Remarks: 2nd monthly concert, "Le Motet et le madrigal du 16e au 20e siècle"
A repeat of the concert held 1910 12 23.
Early Music: Josquin: Ave Maria ----- Palestrina: Peccantem me quotidie -----
Vittoria: Duo Seraphim clamabant ----- Bach: Prelude and Fugue in A for
organ -----Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan (4 vv)
Other Music: Louis de Serres; Bordes; d'Indy; Debussy
Press Source: Tablettes (Nov. 1910)
Other Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck);
La SC en 1925, # 120.

1911 0118
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Récamier, with Association symphonique de l'École
des Beaux-Arts
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Early Music: Unspecified
Press Source: Tablettes (Jan. 1911): 41.

1911 0127
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: "Troisième Concert Mensuel"
Press Source: Tablettes (Nov. 1910).
 102

1911 03 05
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Mlle Graterolle, Schola Cantorum students (pick up orchestra)
Conductor: M. J. Civil y CasteIl vi and G. de Lioncourt
Soloists: Mlle Graterolle
Remarks: "Programme peu banal où le moderne côtoie l'archaïque"
Early Music: Destouches: Éléments ----- Monteverdi: 2 unspecified madrigals
Other Music: Bréville: Sainte-Rose de Lima ----- Borodine: Prince Igor (excerpts?)
Press Source: Tablettes (Feb. 1910).

1911 04 07
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mme Philip; Mlle Pironnay; M. Plamondon; M. Gébelin
Early Music: Bach: St. John Passion
Press Source: Tablettes (Nov. 1910); TSG (May 1911): 125.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 104.

1911 0413
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mme Philip; Mlle Pironnay; M. Plamondon; M. Gébelin
Remarks: Repeat performance of concert given 1910 04 07.
Early Music: Bach: St. John Passion
Press Source: Tablettes (Nov. 1910); TSG (May 1911): 125.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 105.

1911 0413
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: Maundy Thursday (Holy Week)
Early Music: ONE OF: Ingegneri: responsories ----- Vittoria: responsories
PLUS ONE OF: Palestrina: Stabat mater ----- Le Reniement de
Saint-Pierre
Press Source: TSG (May 1911): 120.
 103

1911 0414
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Perforrners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor. Léon Saint-Reguier
Rernarks: Good Friday (Holy Week)
Early Music: ONE OF: Ingegneri: responsories ----- Vittoria: responsories
PLUS ONE OF: Palestrina: Stabat mater ----- Le Reniement de
Saint-Pierre
Press Source: TSG (May 1911): 120.

1911 0415
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église de la Sorbonne
Perforrners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Reguier
Rernarks: Holy Saturday. Musical works alternated with a reading of poems from
Leconte de Lisle's Passion by M. Mounet-Sully
Early Music: unspecified works from the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries
Press Source: TSG (May 1911): 120.

1911 0416
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Perforrners: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Reguier
Rernarks: Easter Sunday (Holy Week)
Early Music: Unspecified
Press Source: TSG (May 1911): 120.

1911 05 02
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre Réjane
Perforrners: Schola Cantorum soloists
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mme Mellot Joubert (Musigue); Mme Croiza (Messagère); M.le Lubez
(Orphée); Mlle Menzès (un Berger); Mlle Duvernay (une Bergère);
M. Targuini d'Or (Caron); Mlle Chasles (dancer)
Rernarks: Included a lecture by Adolphe Brisson
Early Music: Monteverdi: Orfeo
Press Source: Tablettes (April 1911).
 104

1911 0512
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Mlle Mary Pironnay (voice); Mlle Fanny Malnory (voice); M. Deniaux
(voice); M. Gébelin (voice); M. 1. Claveau (vIn); M. Mondain (ob);
M. Lejalle (org); M. Tremblay (voice)
Remarks: "Sixième Concert Mensuel"
Barly Music: Buxtehude: Cantata "Gott hilf mir" (French transI. Henriette Fuchs)
---- Bach: Cantata Wachet Auf, BWV 140 (section titles indicated in French)
Other Music: Franck: Rébecca (Scène biblioque de M. Paul Collin)
Press Source: Tablettes (Nov. 1910); Programme reproduced-in Tablettes (April 1911);
TSG (Jul.-Aug. 1911): 195.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 106.

1911 0614
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais and Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier; A. Gastoué; M. Haumesser
Remarks: One of several events held during the Congrès de musique d'église
of 1911 (first founded 1860).
Barly Music: Vittoria: Requiem Mass ----- 1. Viadana: GraduaI and Tract
----- Homet: Dies Irae
Other Music: Saint-Requier: Pie Jesu
Press Source: TSG (June 1911): 141.

1911 06 21
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum and soloists
Conductor: Louis de Serres
SoIoists: M. Émile Deniau; Mme Epardaud
Remarks: "Fête de la Chanson Populaire, organisée pour les Amis de la Schola,
Conférence de M. Émile Deniau sur la chanson, sa portée morale & sociale"
Barly Music: Costeley: Allons, gay, gay, gay ----- Sermisy: Puisqu'en amour -----
Lassus: Quand mon marie vient du dehors ----- Jannequin: Au joly jeu
Other Music: Plus folk songs from various regions collected and arranged by d'Indy;
Tiersot; Bourgault-Ducoudray; Pierre Aubry; Edouard Moulé
Press Source: Programme reproduced in Tablettes (May 1911).
 105

191111 01
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: AlI Saints
Early Music: Lassus: Missa Douce mémoire ----- Vittoria: unspecified motet
-----Palestrina: unspecified motet
Press Source: Tablettes (Nov. 1911): 4.

19111201
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy
Soloists: M. Georges Marty; M. Rodolphe Plamondon; Mlle Anna Reichel; Mlle
Suzanne Gravollet; M. Mondain (ob); M. A. Gébelin; Mme Philip;
M. Jacob (organ)
Remarks: "1er Concert Mensuel"
Early Music: Handel: Judas Maccabeus (excerpts?, abridged? French transI. Wilder)
----- Bach: Magnificat
Press Source: Original programme in Tablettes (Dec. 1911): 17. Tablettes (Nov. 1911).
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 108.

19111222
Secular
Venue!Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Georges Pitsch (vc); Louis Vierne (organ); Mme Epardaud (voice);
Mme Georges Syrès (voice); M. G. Mary (voice); M. Hermans (bn);
M. Lejealle (organ--accomp)
Remarks: "Deuxième Concert Mensuel"
Early Music: J.S. Bach: Toccata and Fugue in D minor for organ
Other Music: C.P.E. Bach: Symphony in D Major; Concerto for [vc] and orchestra in
A minor; Les Israélites dans le désert (1769, excerpts)
Press Source: Programme reproduced in Tablettes (Dec. 1911): 27.
 106

19111225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Vittoria: Missa Quarti toni ; 0 magnum mysterium ----- Palestrina:
Bone Jesu ----- Nanini: Hodie Christus natus -----unspecified 16th-century
noëls
Press Source: Tablettes (Dec. 1911): 33.

19120406
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
SoIoists: Mme Mellot-Jaubert; Mlle Claire Croiza; M. Rodolphe Plamondon
Remarks: Concert combined with a reading of the Passion by Leconte de Lisle and
projections of col our photographs of the Oberammergau Passion
Early Music: M. A. Ingegneri: Gethsemani (excerpt--"In monte Oliveti") ----- Bach:
Saint Mathew Passion (excerpt--Jesus is condemned); Mass in B minor
(excerpt--"Crucifixus") ----- Handel: Messiah (excerpt--Brothers,
Other Music: Haydn ----- Anerio -----Mozart
Other Source: Original notice in Lamoureux programme for 24 March 1912 at
Bn--Musique (file Concerts Lamoureux).

1912 05 16/26
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Réquier
Remarks: Ascension (May 16th) or Pentecost (May 26th)
Early Music: Palestrina: responsories; Stabat Mater ----- Vittoria: responsories; Missa
Ave Maris Stella ----- M.A. Charpentier: Passion (excerpts)
Press Source: TSG (May 1912): 144.
 107

19120520
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum and Groupe Grégorien de Mme Jumel
Conductor: Vincent d'Indy and Mme Jumel
Soloists: Louis Vierne; Mlle Barbillion; M. Vernet; Mlle Blottière;
Mlle E. Bergeron; M. Elias; Mme Lorée-Mourrey
Remarks: For the benefit of the monument to Charles Bordes
Early Music: Bach: Prelude and Fugue for organ
ether Music: Jumel ----- Bordes ----- Franck ----- Paul le Flem ----- Guy de Lioncourt
ether Source: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Schola Cantorum/École Franck).

191211 01
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: AlI Saints Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Iste confessor ; Salvator mundi; Verbum caro
Press Source: TSG (Dec. 1912): 294.

191211 05
Religious
Venue!Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: To inaugurate the monument to Charles Bordes
Early Music: Vittoria: Requiem; Responsory (Caligaverunt oculi mei) ----- Lassus:
Domine convertere
ether Music: Saint-Requier (Pie jesu)
Press Source: TSG (Dec. 1912): 294.
 108

19121122
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Conductor: Marcel Labey
Soloists: Albert Gébelin (voice); Mme Marthe Philip (voice); M. P. Gibert
(voice); M. Louis Claveau (vIn); M. Georges Jacob (organ); M. Maurice
Tremblay (voice); M. Georges Hermans (bn); M. P. Vadon (organ)
Remarks: 1er Concert Mensuel, "Les Trois Bach"
Early Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata Erfreut euch ihr Herzen, BWV 66 (French transI.
Henriette Fuchs)
Other Music: C.P.E. Bach: Fantaisie and Fugue in C minor; The Resurrection and
Ascension of Jesus (excerpts, transI. by Henriette Fuchs) W.F. Bach:
organ concerto in D minor
Press Source: Le Guide Musical (1 Dec. 1912): 715, signed F. Guérillot; Tablettes (Nov. 1912): 1.
Other Source: La SC en 1925, # 115.

19121213
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salon de l'Automobile
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Early Music: Palestrina: unspecified madrigal ----- other unspecified
Press Source: TSG (Jan. 1913): 9.

19130310
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Soloists: Blanche Selva (piano); Fernande Pironnay (voice) M. W. Gwin (voice); M.
Bienenthal (vIn or piano); Mme Bagge (vIn or piano); Jean Vadon (organ)
Remarks: Purcell Festival with lecture by M. Henri Dupré
Early Music: Purcell: unspecified
Press Source: Tablettes (Feb. 1913): 67.
 109

1913 03 20-23
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: Music for Holy Week
Early Music: Andréas: unspecified responsories and! or motets ----- Anerio:
unspecified responsories and/ or motets -----Ingegneri: unspecified
responsories and! or motets ----- Lassus: Regina coeli ----- Palestrina:
unspecified responsories and! or motets ----- Vittoria: Missa 0 quam
gloriosum ----- Richafort: Christus resurgens
Other Music: Bax ----- Rinck ----- Bizet (these three for the vespers)
Press Source: Tablettes (Mar-Apr. 1913: 90.

19130427
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: "Au profit des oeuvres paroissiales." AH-Palestrina concert
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcel1i; Salvator mundi; Verbum caro;
Confitemini; other unspecified works
Press Source: Tablettes (Mar-Apr 1913): 90; TSG (May 1913): 129.

19130614
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Hôtel of the Marquis de Villefranche (rue Auguste-Vacquerie)
Performers: Schola Cantorum (50 choristers)
Conductor: Louis de Serres
Soloists: M. Marseillac (accomp.); Mlle Bonnaire; Mlle Witkowski; Mlle Marchand
Early Music: Sermisy: unspecified chanson ----- Lassus: unspecified chanson -----
Costeley: unspecified chanson ----- Jannequin: La Bataille de Marignan ---
-- Destouches: Issé (excerpts)
Other Music: Gluck: Armide (excerpts) -----folk songs
Press Source: Tablettes (Nov. 1913): 9.

191311 01
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: AH Saints Day
Early Music: Lassus: Missa Douce mémoire ----- Palestrina: unspecified motets
-----Vittoria: unspecified motets
Press Source: TSG (Dec. 1913): 280.
 110

19131128
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Schola Cantorum (Saint-Jacques)
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Remarks: "La Cantate funèbre"
Early Music: Bach: Ode funèbre (Trauer Ode?) ----- Josquin: Déploration sur le mort
d'Ockhegem (?)
ether Music: Rust ----- Beethoven ----- Chausson
ether Source: La SC en 1925, # 123.

19131225
Religious
Venue/Assoc.: Église Saint-Gervais
Performers: Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Conductor: Léon Saint-Requier
Remarks: Christmas Day
Early Music: Palestrina: Missa Papae Marcelli ----- Nanini: Hodie, Christus
natus est
Press Source: Tablettes (Dec. 1913): 26.

19140424
Secular
Venue/
Association: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Monteverdi: Orfeo
ether Source: La SC en 1925, # 129.

19140501
Secular
Venue/Assoc.: Salle Gaveau
Performers: Schola Cantorum
Early Music: Monteverdi: Orfeo
ether Source: La SC en 1925, # 130.
 Appendix2
Early Music Performances at Non-Schola Events

18690323
Venue/Assoc.: Société Bourgault-Ducoudray
Perfonners: Bourgault-Ducoudray (conducting), Mme Zeis, Mme Barthe-Banderali,
Mme Gayant-Charli, M. Roger, M. Bouhy, M. Ponsard, M. Bollaert,
M. F***, M. Vandenheuvel, M. Chauvet (harmonium)
Music: Lassus: Bonjour, mon cœur ----- Bach: final choral number from Cantata
Pour la Fête du Docteur Müller ----- Handel: La Passion(?)
PLUS Meyerbeer ----- De Bériot ----- an anonymous compose

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Soc. Bourgault-Ducoudray)

18690522
Venue/Assoc.: Société Bourgault-Ducoudray (Salle Herz)
Performers: Bourgault-Ducoudray (conducting), Albert Lavignac (pno),
M. Fischer (vc), Mlle Schroeder (voice)
Music: Rameau: En ce doux asile, choir number from Castor et Pollux -----
Josquin: Misericordias Domini ----- Handel: Air varié (harpsichord)
----- Palestrina: Credo from the Pope Marcellus Mass, sung a capella
----- Bach: Aria from the D Major suite for orchestra for vc, Aria from
Cantata for Pentecost transcribed for pno ----- Lotti: madrigal

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Soc. Bourgault-Ducoudray)

18700331
Venue/Assoc.: Société Bourgault-Ducoudray (Salle Herz)
Perfonners: Bourgault-Ducoudray (conducting), Mlle Schroeder (voice),
M. Bosquin (voice), M. Bouhy (voice), Chauvet (pno h.c. realisation)
Music: Handel: Alexander's Feast (Translated by Victor Wilder) -."---
Bach: final chorus from Cantata Pour la fête du Docteur Müller)

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Soc. Bourgault-Ducoudray)

18701118
Venue/Assoc.: Société Bourgault-Ducoudray (Salle Herz)
Perfonners: Bourgault-Ducoudray (conducting), Mlle Marie Roze, M. Bosquin,
M. Coulon, M. Coquelin, M. Hermann-Léon, M. Pagans, M. Thomé
(pno)
Music: Handel: excerpts from Judas Maccabeus, Bacchus Hymn from
Alexander's Feast
PLUS Gluck: Aria from Tauride ----- Mozart ----- Méhul-----
Bourgault-Ducoudray ----- Pergolèse ----- Haydn ----- Touget de L'Isle

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Soc. Bourgault-Ducoudray)

 112

1870s(?) 02 16

Venue/Assoc.: Société Bourgault-Ducoudray (Pleyel, Wolff, et Cie)

Performers: Bourgault-Ducoudray (conducting), Mme Barthe-Banderali,
Mme Rousseil, M. Archambault, M. Valdejo, M. Fissot
Music: Lassus: Salve Regina ----- Bach: Aria from the Pentecost Cantata -----
Arcadelt: Il Dolce e bianco cigno ----- Rameau: Trio des Songes from
Dardanus ----- Vulpius: Exultate justi

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Soc. Bourgault-Ducoudray)

1872 0130
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Salle Pleyel, Soirée musicale par invitation)
Performers: Mme Camilla urso (vIn), Camille Saint-Saëns (pno), M. Grisy (voice)
M. A. Tobecque (vc), Guilmant
Music: Bach ----- Lotti: aria
PLUS Mendelssohn: a trio ----- Guilmant: harmonium pieces and duos
----- Raff: vIn sonata ----- Gluck: an aria

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

1872 05 01
Venue/Assoc.: Société Bourgault-Ducoudray (Salle Herz)
Performers: Bourgault-Ducoudray (conducting), Mme Barthe-Banderali, Mme Isaac,
Mme Rousseil, M. J****, M. Leroy, M. Saint-Saëns, M. Danbe, Les enfants
de Lutece, Société choral Le Louvre, Société d'amateurs, Orchestre du
Grand Hôtel
Music: Handel: Acis and Galatea ----- Bach: final chorus from the Cantata
pour la Fête du Docteur Müller
PLUS Schumann ----- Boccherini ----- Mozart: Pno concerto

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Soc. Bourgault-Ducoudray)

18730128
Venue/Assoc.: Société Bourgault-Ducoudray (Salle Herz)
Performers: Bourgault-Ducoudray (conducting), Saint-Saëns, Mlle Danery (voice),
M. Bosquin (tenor), M. Bouhy (voice), M. Fischer (vc), M. Danbé (for the
Bach), Société chorale le Louvre, Orchestre du Grand-Hôtel
Music: Palestrina: Adoramus te ----- Aichinger: Motet for pentecost -----
Bach: Air for cello ----- Handel: Alexander's Feast (French translation by
Victor Wilder)

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Soc. Bourgault-Ducoudray)

 113

18730406
Venue!Assoc.: Société Bourgault-Ducoudray (Salle Herz)
Performers: Bourgault-Ducoudray (conducting), Guilmant (organ),
Mme Charton-Demeur, Mme Barthe-Banderali, Mme Renée,
M. Nicot, M. Donjon (de la Soc. Chorale Le Louvre)
Music: Vittoria: 0 vos omnes ----- Handel: Acis and Galatea (20 numbers),
an aria from Alexander' s Feast, a sonata for fi
PLUS Gluck: Scene with chorus from Iphigénie en Tauride

Reference: Original notice and programme at Bn--Musique (file Société Bourgault-

Ducoudray)

18730416
Venue!Assoc.: Guilmant (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Mlle Vidal (voice), Mlle Wagner(voice), M. Archainbaud (voice),
M. Maurin (vIn), M. Chevillard (vc), Saint-Saëns, Guilmant (organ)
Music: Handel: an organ piece
PLUS Beethoven: trio ----- Saint-Saëns: melodie, Mar.e Héroique
----- Guilmant ----- Chevillard: cello work ----- Mendelssohn: vocal duos -
---- Schubert: a lied

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18750422

Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts de Chant Classique, Fondation Beaulieu

Performers: Antonin Guillot de Sainbris (Conducting), M. Soumis (pno),
Jules Lefort, M. Coppel, Mme H. Fuchs, Mlle de Miramont-Tréogate,
M. Quesne, Albert Lavignac, M. Auguez
Music: Philidor (1779): excerpts from Carmen Saeculare ----- Piccinni (1780):
Atys (Scène du Sommeil) ----- Handel (1736): Alexander's Feast (aria,
Mort de Darius) ----- Carissimi (1650): excerpts from Jepthé (H. Fuchs
singing Jepthé)
PLUS Mendelssohn (1830): Le Printemps Précoce for unaccom Choir
----- Grétry (1797): aria from Anacréon chez Polycrate ----- Meyerbeer
(1826): choral number from Marguerite d'anjou ----- Weber (1806): pno
concerto in C major, 02 ----- Haydn (1800): an aria from the Seasons
----- Sarti (1771): a choral number and aria from Andromeda ----- Herold
(1833): the introduction to Ludovic ----- Méhul (1803): quartet from
Trésor Supposé

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Soc. des concerts de

chant classique)
 114

18790626
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Marie Tayau, Mme Duvivier, M. Lauwers,
F. de la Tombelle (pno)
Music: Handel: an aria from Alexander's Feast ----- Frescobaldi -----
Stradella: an unspecified aria ----- Bach: Toccata in F
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Ch. LeFeb.vre ----- Guilmant ----- Garcin
----- Emile Bernard ----- Bordie: an aria ----- Raff: an aria ----- Rougnon: an
aria

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Alexandre Guilmant)

18800000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Palestrina: Gloria Pa tri
PLUS contemporary repertoire

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3700

18800520
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Guilmant, Mme Risarelli, Mme Caron, M. Marsick (vIn),
Ed. Colonne (conducting), de la Tombelle (pno)
Music: Handel: an organ concerto ----- Bach ----- Frescobaldi ----- Clérambault
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Mozart ----- Gounod ----- de Grandval
----- Schumann ----- Boccherini ----- Guilmant

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Alexandre Guilmant)

18800527
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Mme Boidin-Puisais, M. Paul Viardot (vIn), M. Mazuni, M. Ch. Turban,
Colonne, de la Tombelle, Guilmant
Music: Handel: organ concerto (featured work) ----- Tartini ----- Buxtehude
----- Bach
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Gretry ----- Haydn ----- Mozart ----- Lemmens
----- Guilmant ----- Massenet ----- Fauré ----- Gounod ----- Joncières -----
Schumann

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18800603
Venue/
Association: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Mlle Vergin, Marie Tayau, Pellin, Colonne, Ivan Caryll,
de la Tombelle, Guilmant
Music: Handel: organ concerto (featured work) ----- Kerle ----- Bach
----- Muffat
PLUS Wagner ----- Godard ----- Gounod ----- Paladilhe ----- Guilmant
----- Beethoven ----- Thomas

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

 115

18800610
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Mme Brunet-Lafluer, M. Vergnet, M. R. Loys, Colonne,
de la Tombelle, Guilmant
Music: Handel: 2 organ concertos, an aria from Judas Maccabeus ----- Bach
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Boëly

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18810000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (excerpts--Credo, Et incarnatus est, Crucifixus,
Et expecto)
PLUS contemporary repertoire

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3700

18810226
Venue/Assoc.: Concordia (Salle Érard)
Performers: Widor (conducting), Louis Diémer (pno)
Music: Palestrina: Vinea mea electa ----- Gluck: an aria with chorus from Armide
----- Tartini: Didone abbandonata (andante, affetuoso et presto) -----
Rameau: Le Rappel des oiseaux
PLUS Chopin ----- Mozart ----- Thomas ----- Weber ----- Gounod -----
Brahms ----- Diémer ----- Liszt ----- Sivori ----- Walerand

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Concordia)

18810512
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Mlle Morio, Marie Tayau, M. Auguez, M. Teste, M. Ivan Caryll,
M. Garein (conducting), M. Guilmant
Music: Handel----- Bach ----- Cavalli: an aria
PLUS Gluck ----- Lemmens ----- Brink songs ----- Guilmant ----- Pergolesi
aria ----- Gounod aria ----- Haydn ----- Salomé.

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18810519
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Mme Risarelli, Mme Storm, Mlle levallois, M. Mouliérat, M. G. Gillet,
M. Dusautoy, Garcin (conducting), Guilmant
Music: Handel: organ concerto, oboe concerto ----- Bach: an aria, a sinfonia
----- Froberger ----- Léo
PLUS Gluck: an aria ----- Méhul----- Laub ----- Guilmant ----- Kullak
----- Curschmann ----- Wesley.

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

 116

18820504
Venue!Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Garein (conducting), de la Tombelle (pno), M. H. Heuschling (voice),
Paul Viardot (vIn), Mme Risarelli (voice), Guilmant
Music: Bach ----- Handel ----- Speth ----- Handel aria
PLUS Franck: Pastorale ----- Mendelssohn ----- de Grandval-----
Schubert Erlking ----- Tartini ----- Best.

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18820525
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Caroline Brun (voice), M. E. Thierry 9de l'Opéra comique),
M. Sivori, Garcin (conducting), de la Tombelle (pno), Guilmant
Music: Bach ----- Handel ----- Tartini ----- Rameau--Rigodon de Dardanus
----- Bach ----- Campra aria
PLUS Bernard ----- Gluck aria ---- Massenet aria from Hérodiade

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18820601
Venue!Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: M. Montariol (voice), M. Ad. Fischer (vc), mme marie Mora (voice),
M. Montariol (voice), Garcin (conducting), de la Tombelle, Guilmant
Music: Handel----- Bach: vc pieces, fugue ----- Rameau: passepied
PLUS Mendelssohn: aria ----- Chopin: Nocturne ----- Gabriel Pierné
----- Gounod: aria ----- Sacchini: aria from Dardanus

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18830000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Saul (excerpt with organ)
PLUS contemporary repertoire

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3700

18830419
Venue!Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: M. F. Luckx, Mme Caron (voice), M. A. de Vroye (fi), M. Brandoukoff,
Colonne (conducting), de la Tombelle (pno), Guilmant
Music: Bach ----- Handel
PLUS Rheinberger ----- Beethoven aria ----- Wagner aria for Elisabeth
from Tannhauser (Mme Caron) ----- a wedding Mar. by Louis Ganne ----
- Fitzenhagen ----- ----- Goltermann ----- ending with the Grand Choeur
triomphal by Guilmant

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

 117

18840000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Israel in Egypt
PLUS contemporary repertoire

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. 11, 3700

18850110
Venue/Assoc.: Concordia (Salle Érard)
Performers: Widor (conducting), Mme Henriette Fuchs (voice), M. Teste (trp),
Mme A. de Tubino (voice), M. Gandubert (voice), M. Audan (voice),
M. de Bussy (pno), Eugène Gigout (organ)
Music: Handel: an aria from Samson with trumpette ----- Bach: Actus
Tragicus/Gottes Zeit, BWV 106, aria for vIn?
PLUS Schumann ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Vidal----- Ritter -----
Widor ----- Liszt ----- Gounod

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Con cor dia)

18850421
Venue/Assoc.: Concordia (Salle Érard)
Performers: Widor (conducting), Saint-Saëns (organ), M. J. Delsart (vc ?),
M. Gillet, Henriette Fuchs (voice), M. Taffanel (fl), M. Rémy,
Mme Lalo (voice), M. Auguez, M. Gandubert
Music: Bach: Cantata Le Roi des Cieux qui nous défend est un rempart
depierre / Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott? (BWV 80) (French transI.
Maurice Bouchor), Magnificat, Aria and Gavotte for unaccompanied
cello, Prelude and Fugue in A minor, Andante and Rondo, aria from the
Cantata for Pentecost (BWV 34), Sonata in B minor
PLUS Bach-Gounod: Méditation sur le premier prélude pour choeur et
orchestre

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Concordia)

18860406
Venue/Assoc.: Mlle Marie Poitevin (at the Salle Érard, this is the last of 6 concerts)
Performers: Mlle Marie Poitevin (pno), M. Loys (vc) and others
Music: Handel: sonata for keyboard and cello
PLUS Schumann ----- Beethoven ----- Mendelssohn (aIl chamber music)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Apr. 1889): 119.

 118

18870406
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: M. Giraudet (de l'Opéra), Mlle Caroline Brun, Colonne,
de la Tombelle, Guilmant
Music: Handel: 2 concertos ----- Bach: aria, transcription of the final
choral number from the Saint Matthew Passion
PLUS Liszt: prelude and fugue on the name of Bach for organ -----
Th. Dubois: sacred aria ----- Guilmant ----- Rossini: aria from the Stabat
Mater ----- Mendelssohn aria from Lauda Sion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18870421
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Mme Vinci ni-Terrier, M. Maurin (vIn), Mlle Emma Gavioli,
Colonne, de la Tombelle, Guilmant
Music: Handel: organ concerto, aria from Athalie ----- Bach, sonata
PLUS Mendelssohn: organ work ----- LeFeb.vre ----- Beethoven: aria from
Fidelio ----- Franck: organ work ----- Saint-Saëns: aria from Samson et
Dalila ----- Beethoven romance for vIn ----- Charles Collin: organ march

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

1887 12 00 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux
Music: Handel: Concerto in E-flat
PLUS Verdi ----- Beethoven ----- Wagner ----- Chabrier, etc.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Jan. 1888 ): 7.

18880100
(between 15 and 22)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des compositeurs de musique
Performers: Louis Diémer and Mme Roger-Midos, Mme Durant-Ulbach (voice)
(with a brief lecture by Weckerlin on the history of the harpsichord)
Music: Byrd ----- John Bull ----- Bach ----- Couperin ----- Scarlatti -----
Dandrieu ----- Rameau ----- Daquin ----- Handel ----- Lully: Amadis
(air, Amour que veux-tu de moi?)
PLUS Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Jan. 1888): 32. (AlI works for the harpsichord played
on an original instrument)

18880100
(before 15)
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts du Châtelet
Performers: Louis Diémer
Music: Bach: concerto for vIn, fl and [pno] [Brandenburg #5 ??]
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Schumann, etc.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Jan. 1888 ): 24

 119

18880200
(between 05 and 12)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garcin (conducting), Alexandre Guilmant
Music: Handel: Concerto for Organ and Orchestra
PLUS Beethoven ----- Schumann ----- Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Feb. 1888 ); 48; (12 Feb. 1888); 56.

18880200
(between 12 and 19)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du conservatoire
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant
Music: Handel; Organ concerto

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Feb. 1888): 56

18880300
(between 1lth and 18th)
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux
Performers: Lamoureux
Music: Handel: an orchestral arrangement of a menuet
PLUS Beethoven ----- d'Indy: Wallenstein

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1888).

18880300
(between 04 and 11)
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour instruments à vent
Performers: Louis Diémer, Taffanel, Berthelier
Music: Bach: unspecified chaconne for [pno l, concerto for fi, vIn and [pno 1
PLUS Gounod ----- Schubert

Reference: Le Ménestrel (4 Mar. 1888): 80.

18880318
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garcin (conducting)
Music: Bach: Suite in B minor (excerpts)
PLUS Beethoven: Symphony no. 9 ----- Haydn: aria from the Creation
----- Mendelssohn: Overture to Ruy BIas

Reference: Le Ménestrel (18 Mar. 1888): 95.

18880322 ?
Venue/Assoc.: Bourgault-Ducoudray (Conservatoire)
Music: Purcell: unspecified arias and duos ----- Handel: unspecified
arias and duos

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Apr. 1888): 110.

 120

18880400
(between 15 and 22 )
Venue/Assoc.: Société des compositeurs de musique (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Mlle Durand (voice), Mlle Magnien (vIa d'a), M. Diémer, M. Taffanel,
M. Papin, Mlle Cremer (voice)
Music: Campra: l'ariette du Papillon from Les Fêtes vénitiennes ----- La
Romanesca ----- Rameau: pièces de concert ----- Lully: unspecified aria
fromAmadis

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Apr. 1888): 135.

18880400
(between 01 and 08)
Venue/Assoc.: La Gallia
Performers: M. Breitner, M. Rémy, M. Delsart, Mme Fuchs (voice), Mlle Dubray,
M.Fauré
Music: Bach: air de la Pentecôte, concerto for three [pnos1
PLUS Schuman: trio ----- Vidal ----- Ch. René: mélodies ----- Brahms:
Liebeslieder (?) ----- Fauré: vIn sonata

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Apr. 1888): 111. Fauré performed in the Bach.

18880400
(between 08 and 15)
Venue/Assoc.: Société moderne de musique
Performers: Mme Bordes-Pène, Eugène Ysaye, Mlle Jansen (voice),
Mlle Lavigne (voice)
Music: Bach: suite for solo vIn
PLUS d'Indy: trio ----- Beethoven ----- G. Fauré ----- Castillon ----- Bernard
----- Grieg: melodies ----- Duparc: melodies

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Apr. 1888): 119.

18880405
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Colonne (conducting), Mme Terrier-Vicini,
M. Johannès Wolff M. J. du Sautoy.
Music: Bach ----- Handel
PLUS Louis Lacombe

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1888): 88.

18880412
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Colonne (conducting), Mlle Fanny Lépine,
Auguez, de la Tombelle
Music: Bach ----- Handel
PLUS contemporaries

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1888): 88.

 121

18880419
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Colonne (conducting), Mlle Caroline Brun,
Mlle Thérèse Duroziez, M. Caron
Music: Bach: overture from Cantata #35 ----- Handel: concerto for organ
PLUS Th. Salomé ----- Krebs ----- Th. Dubois ----- Guilmant: 2nd sonata
for organ

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1888): 8; (8 and 22 Apr. 1888): 136.

18880426
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Colonne (conducting)
Music: Bach ----- Handel:
PLUS contemporaries

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1888): 88; (29 Mar. 1888): 143.

18880426
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Mme Boidin-Puisais (voice), M. Paul Viardot (vIn), M. Boussagol
(harp?), M. Cantié (fI), M. Boulard (oboe), Colonne, M. J. Du Sautoy
(pno), Guilmant
Music: Handel: concerto for organ ----- Bach: excerpt from mass in B minor
with vIn obbligato Laudamus te, sinfonia ----- Purcell: G minor
chaconne (transcription?)
PLUS de la Tombelle: organ sonata ----- Mandl: Ave Maria -----
Tartini: vIn work ----- Bruneau: excerpt from Requiem Mass ----- Mozart
fI and oboe piece ----- Guilmant: organ work, mélodie ----- Gigout

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Guilmant)

18880428
Venue!Assoc.: Louis Diémer and Jules Delsart (Salle Érard)
Performers: Louis Diémer and Jules Delsart, Taffanel, Mme Conneau (voice),
Mme Rose Delaunay (voice)
Music: Rameau: pièces concertantes ----- Couperin: Le Carillon de cythère -----
Daquin: Le Boucan ----- Handel: Chaconne variée
PLUS Diémer: Grande valse de concert ----- Widor ----- Albanèse
----- Martini

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 May 1888): 151-52.

 122

18880516
Venue!Assoc.: Concordia
Performers: Widor (conducting), Mme Fuchs, Mme Boidin-Puisais, M. Lafarge
(voice), M. Auguez (voice), M. Giraudet, Mlle Baldo, Mme Ed. Lalo,
M. Baudoin-Bugnet (narrator?)
Music: Bach: The Saint Matthew Passion (French transI. Charles Bannelier)

Reference: Original programme at the Archives Historique de l'Archvêché de

Paris and at Bn--Musique (file Concordia); Le Ménestrel (29 Apr. 1888);
(20 May 1888): 163-64.

18881118
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Ed. Colonne
Music: Bach: suite in B minor
PLUS Berlioz: Carnival Romain ----- Beethoven: Symphony no. 5 -----
Saint-Saëns: Le Rouet d'Omphale ----- Massenet: excerpt from Le Cid
----- Holmès: Irlande

Reference: Le Ménestrel (18 Nov. 1888): 376.

18881209
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Bilbaut-Vauchelet, Mme Vidaud-Lacombe, M. Saleza
Music: Campra: air de la Farfalla from Les Fêtes vénitiennes
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Gluck ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Dec. 1888): 398.

18881209
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Elysées)
Music: Handel: Menuet pour instruments à cordes
PLUS Berlioz ----- Beethoven ----- Wagner ----- Schumann
----- Chabrier

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Dec. 1888): 398.

18890113
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Diémer, Taffanel, Berthelier
Music: Bach: Concerto pour pno, flûte et violon (Brandenburg #5 ?)
PLUS Gouvy ----- Beethoven ----- Meyerbeer

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Jan. 1889): 16; (20 Jan. 1889): 23.
 123

18890116
Venue/Assoc.: Concordia (Salle Érard)
Performers: Widor (conducting), Vidal (pno accompaniment), Staub (pno solo)
Music: Bach: final chorus from the Saint Matthew Passion ----- Lully:
Choeur de l'Hyver from Isis
PLUS Chabrier ----- Schumann ----- Berlioz ----- Fauré -----
Délibes ----- Diémer

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Concordia); Le Ménestrel

(20 Jan. 1889): 23.

18890119
Venue/Assoc.: Concordia (Salle Érard)
Performers: Widor (conducting), Charles René (pno accompaniment), Mme Henriette
Fuchs, Mme 1. Jeanmaire, M. Lecler, Paul Vidal, M. Baudouin-Bugnet,
Mme Berthault, Mme de Visme, Mlle de Bovet, Mlle Thébault
Music: Rameau: Trio des Songes from Castor et Pollux
PLUS Saint-Saëns ----- Chopin ----- St. Heller ----- Godard ----- Berlioz -----
Wagner ----- Schumann: Faust ----- Mendelssohn ----- Chopin -----
Gounod

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (file Concordia);

Le Ménestrel (20 Jan. 1889): 23.

18890120
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Diémeri Taffanel, Berthelier
Music: Bach: Concerto pour pno, flûte et violon (Brandenburg #5 7)
PLUS Gouvy ----- Beethoven ----- Meyerbeer

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Jan. 1889): 23.

Note this is a repeat of the concert held 13 January.

18890124
Venue/Assoc.: Future Société des instruments anciens (Salle Érard)
Performers: Delsart (basse de viole), Remy, Parent, Van Waefelghem (vIa d'a),
Taffanel, Delaborde, Diémer, Bailly and Mlle Leprince
Music: Marais: Sarabande grave et rondo, Menuet, Gavotte ----- Le Clair:
Tambourin ----- Handel: an aria from Rodelinda ----- Legrenzi: an ariette
from Étéocle ----- Rameau: quatre pièces en concert pour pno, flûte et
basse de viole
PLUS Milandre and modern works for the 1st half of the programme

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Jan. 1889): 23; (27 Jan. 1889), 31.

18890127
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Palestrina: Gloria patri
PLUS Berlioz ----- Mendelssohn ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Jan. 1889): 31.

 124

18890127
Venue/Assoc.: Future Société des instruments anciens (Salle Érard)
Perforrners: Delsart, Remy, Parent, Van Waefelghem, Taffanel, Delaborde, Diémer,
Bailly and Mlle Leprince
Music: Rameau: Pièces en concert ----- Loeillet: gigue ----- Couperin: Le Carillon
de cythère ----- Daquin: Le Coucou ----- unspecified: Une Vieille
Chanson normande
PLUS modern works for the 1st half of the programme

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Jan. 1889): 23; (3 Feb. 1889): 39.

18890203
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Palestrina: Gloria Patri (choral number)
PLUS Berlioz ----- Mendelssohn ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Feb. 1889): 39.

18890203
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Music: Bach: 5e concerto (Brandenburg #5 ?)
PLUS Massenet ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Wagner ----- Berlioz
----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Feb. 1889): 39.

18890217
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Perforrners: J. Garcin, Mme Duvernoy-Viardot (voice)
Music: Handel: an aria from Rodelinda
PLUS Franck: Symphony in D minor ----- Weber ----- Beethoven
----- Mozart ----- Haydn ----- Mendelssohn.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Feb. 1889): 55.

18890221
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour instruments à vent (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Taffanel, Diémer, Turban, Delsart
Music: Bach: 2e Sonate (for fi ?)
PLUS Raff ----- Beethoven ----- Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Feb. 1889): 56; (3 Mar. 1889): 72.

 125

18890224
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garein, Mme Duvernoy-Viardot (voice)
Music: Handel: an aria from Rodelinda
PLUS Franck: Syymphony in D minor ----- Webern ----- Beethoven
----- Mozart ----- Haydn ----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Feb. 1889): 64.

Note this is a repeat of the programme for 17 February.

18890302
Venue/Assoc.: Soeiété nationale
Performers: Mme Hellemann (voice)
Music: Bach: Cantata Liebster Gott (transI., Maurice Bouchor)
PLUS Gluck: Armide Act III ----- Berlioz ----- d'Indy: Sur la mer
----- Alary

Reference: Duchesneau, 248; Le Ménestrel (10 Mar. 1889): 79.

18890310
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Mme Duvernoy-Viardot
Music: Handel: reeitative and aria from Xerxes
PLUS Bizet ----- Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Salvayre
----- Widor ----- Haydn ----- Jomelli ----- Mendelssohn.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Mar. 1889): 79. (Most of the modern works were arias.)

18890317
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Mme Duvernoy-Viardot
Music: Handel: reeitative and aria from Xerxes
PLUS Berlioz ----- Schubert ----- Moszkowski ----- Salvayre
----- Jomelli ----- Massenet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Mar. 1889): 87.

18890324
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garein, M. Delmas (voice)
Music: Handel: Messiah (excerpts) ----- Rameau: Castor et Pollux
(2 choral numbers)
PLUS Schumann ----- Reyer ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Mar. 1889): 96.

 126

18890331
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garein, M. Delmas (voice)
Music: Handel: Messiah (excerpts) ----- Rameau: Castor et Pollux
(2 choral numbers)
PLUS Schumann ----- Reyer ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Mar. 1889): 103

18890331
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Louis Diémer
Music: Handel: Chaconne in G major
PLUS Beethoven ----- Tchaikovsky ----- Holmès ----- Saint-Saens
----- Wagner ----- Bizet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Mar. 1889): 103.

18890404
Venue/Assoc.: Société de chant classique, Fondation Beaulieu
Performers: Danbé (conducting), Auguez, Mlle Durant, Mlle Patoret, Mme
Panchioni, Mme Roger Mielos, M. Sivori, M. Heyberger (choir conductor).
Music: Rameau: Les Fêtes d'Hébé
PL US Rossini

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Mar. 1889): 104.

18890407
Venue/Assoc.: Soeiété des concerts du Conservatoie
Performers: Garein (conducting), Gillet (oboe)
Music: Handel: oboe concerto
PLUS Beethoven ----- Wagner ----- Mendelssohn ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (7 Apr. 1889): 111; (14 Apr. 1889): 119.

18890414
Venue/Assoc.: Soeiété des concerts du Conservatoie
Performers: Garein (conducting), Gillet (oboe)
Music: Handel: oboe concerto
PLUS Beethoven ----- Wagner ----- Mendelssohn ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Apr. 1889): 119.

18890528
Venue/Assoc.: Concordia (Trocadéro, Salle des conferences?)
Performers: Widor (conducting), Mme H. Fuchs, M. Lafarge, M. Auguez, M. Delsart
Music: Handel: Alexander's Feast ----- Bach: Saint Matthew Passion
PLUS Gounod ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Concordia); Le Ménestrel

(26 May 1889): 168; (2 June 1889): 175.
 127

18890600
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Guilmant, Colonne (conducting), Mmes Terrier-Vicini, Fanny Lépine,
Landy, M. Caron, M. Auguez, Paul Viardot (vIn?),
de la Tombelle (pno?)
Music: Handel ----- Bach
PLUS Mozart ----- Lefebvre ----- Canoby ----- Guilmant -----
Bordier ----- Salomé

Reference: Le Ménestrel (30 June 1889): 207.

18890610
Venue/Assoc.: Société Philanthropique (Trocadéro)
Performers: Fauré (organ), Vianesi (conducting), Mme Rose Caron, Mme
Deschamps,
M. Vergne t, M. Auguez
Music: Handel: Messiah

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 May 1889): 167.

18890703
Venue/Assoc.: Widor (Trocadéro)
Performers: Widor and Delsart (vc)
Music: Bach: aria and sarabande for vc, toccata and fugue (organ)
PLUS Widor: Symphony no. 5, Symphony no. 8

Reference: Le Ménestrel (30 June 1889): 207

18890909
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Guilmant, Mme Montégu-Montibert, Auguez
Music: Gabrielli ----- Palestrina ----- Merulo ----- Byrd ----- Monteverdi -----
Titelouze ----- Scheidt ----- Frescobaldi ----- Cesti ----- Muffat ----- Lully ---
-- Frohberger ----- Buxtehude ----- Sacrlatti (A.) ----- Pachelbel -----
Dandrieu ----- Clérambault ----- Rameau ----- J.S. Bach
PLUS Haydn ----- Boëly ----- Mendelssohn ----- Lemmens

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Aug. 1889): 271; (8 Sept. 1889): 288; (15 Sept. 1889): 303.
"Grand concert historique d'orgue avec chant."

18891027
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Music: Handel: concerto for string instruments (excerpt)
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Grétry ----- Massenet ----- Berlioz -----
Bizet ----- Wagner ----- Godard ----- Saint- Saëns ----- Martini

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Oct. 1889): 344.

 128

18891208
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Judas Maccabeus (excerpts)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Wagner ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Dec. 1889): 390.

18891218
Venue/Assoc.: Cercle Saint-Simon
Perforrners: Julien Tiersot (conducting), Mme Montégut-Montibert, Mlle Bréjeau,
MIlle Lucy Humblot, M. David, M. Tisseyre, M. Dorel, etc.
Music: J.S. Bach: excerpts from the Christmas Oratorio
PLUS excerpts from the x-mas oratorios of Lesueur and Saint-Saëns.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Dec. 1889): 408.

18900000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Ode to Saint Cecilia
PLUS contemporary repertoire

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3700

18900000
(possibly later)

Venue/Assoc.: Countess Greffulhe, Société des grandes auditions (Salle Mainz)

Perforrners: M. Marco Foa (voice), Mme Faliero Dalcroze (voice), A. Casella (pno),
M. Calvocoressi (lecturer)
Music: Palestrina: unspecified fragments
PLUS Perosi ----- Mahler

Reference: Original invitation at Bn--Musique (file Société des grandes auditions)

18900112
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Perforrners: J. Garcin, M. Delmas
Music: Lully: Alceste (scène des Enfers, air de Caron)
PLUS Wagner ----- Brahms ----- Garcin ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Jan. 1890): 16

18900126
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Melba, M. Engel
Music: Handel: Ode to Saint Cecilia
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Weber?

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Jan. 1890): 30. Reviewed in (2 Feb. 1890): 37.
 129

18900202
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Melba, M. Engle
Music: Handel: Ode to Saint Cecilia
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Weber?

Reference: Le Ménestrel (2 Feb. 1890): 38.

Note this is a repeat of the concert given 26 January.

18900300
(between 02 and 09)
Venue/Assoc.: Annual dinner of the Philosophes du XVIIIe siècle
(Arthur Pou gin and Tiersot, collaborators)
Performers: Mme Bilbaut-Vauchelet, M. David M. Hettich, Mlle Berthe
de Montalant, Mme Montégu-Montibert, Mme Vidaud-Lacombe
Music: J.-J. Rousseau: Consolations des misères de ma vie (seclections),
Romances du saule (one song) ----- Rameau: Tristes apprêts, arrangement
of Rameau motives into a choral number
PLUS Gluck: Divinités du Styx ----- Grétry: a song

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Mar. 1890): 78.

18900321
Venue/Assoc.: Société nationale
Music: Bach: Cantata Actus Tragicus/ C'est Dieu qui Gouverne
PLUS Franck ----- Chabrier ----- Beethoven: Chant /légiaque

Reference: Duchesneau, 249-50; Le Ménestrel (30 Mar. 1890): 103.

18900309
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'Été)
Performers: Mme Materna
Music: Handel: aria from Judas Maccabeus
PLUS d'Indy ----- Paderewski ----- Wagner ----- Beethoven -----
Saint-Saëns ----- Liszt

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Mar. 1890): 77.

18900422
Venue/Assoc.: Les Orphelinats agricoles et les orphelins d'Alsace-Lorraine
(Hôtel Continental)
Performers: M. Frémaux (conducting), Mme de Tredern, Mme Wolf-Taylor,
M. Warmbrodt M. Lorrain
Music: Beaujoyeux ----- Lully ----- Rameau
PLUS Mozart ----- Donizetti ----- Ambroise Thomas -----
Victor Massé ----- Bizet ----- etc.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Apr. 1890): 128

Histoire de la musique au théâtre, de 1682 jusqu'à nos jours
 130

18900500
(between 11 and 18)
Venue/Assoc.: Société chorale d'amateurs G. de Sainbris)
Performers: Mlle Marcella Pregi, Mlle Fanny Lépine, M. Martapoura,
Mlle L. Menusier, M. Gluck, M. Martapoura, M. Maton (conducting)
Music: Handel: Choral number from Salomon
PLUS Polignac ----- de Boisdeffre ----- Gounod ----- Ch. Lefebvre
----- Edmond Diet ----- Maréchal.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (18 May 1890): 160.

18900500
(between 11 and 18)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des instruments à vent
Performers: Louis Diémer, Taffanel, Gillet, Garrigue, van Waefelghem,
Delsart, de Bailly
Music: Rameau: Pièces de concert
PLUS Beethoven ----- Diémer ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Mozart.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 May 1890): 152.

18901019
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Music: Bach: aria from the Suite in D
PLUS Massenet ----- Beethoven ----- Lalo ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Wagner ----- Grieg ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Oct. 1890): 335.

18901026
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Music: Bach: aria from the Suite in D
PLUS Raff ----- Mozart ----- Godard ----- Wagner ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Oct. 1890): 342; (2 Nov. 1890).

18910102
Venue/Assoc.: Arthur Pou gin (Théâtre de l'Application)
Performers: Mme Vidaud-Lacombe, Auguez, Pougin (lecturer)
Music: Cambert: Pomone (excerpts) ----- Lully: excerpts from Cadmus,
Amadis, Armide.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Dec. 1890), 414. Lecture title: Les origines de l'opéra
français au dix-septième siècle, Cambert et Lully.
 131

18910111
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (at the Châtelet)
Performers: Mlle de Montalant
Music: Gluck: air de la Naïade from Armide
PLUS Berlioz ----- Dolmetsch ----- Fischof ----- Holmès -----
Paladilhe ----- Widor ----- Fauré ----- Godard

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Jan. 1891): 15.

18910222
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme F. Lépine, Mme Boidin-Puisais, Mme Landi, M. Warmbrodt
(voice), M. Auguez (voice), Garein (conducting)
Music: Bach: Mass in B minor

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Feb. 1891): 1; (22 Feb. 1891): 8; (15 Mar. 1891);
Le Monde Musical (15 Jan. 1895 ); (15 Feb. 1895).

18910300
(between 01 and 08)
Venue/Assoc.: Arthur Pou gin lecture at the Théâtre d'application
Performers: M. du Wast, Mme du Wast, Mme Bilbaut-Vauchelet,
Mlle Juliette Barat.
Music: Rameau: Hippolyte et Aricie (a duo), Castor et Pollux (Tristes
apprêts, pâles flambeaux), Les Fêtes d'Hébé (an aria and a duo)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Mar. 1891): 78.

A lecture given by Arthur Pougin with musical examples.

18910307
Venue/Assoc.: Société Nationale
Performers: Vincent d'Indy (conducting), Mme Leroux-Ribeyre, Mlle Lavigne
Music: Bach: D minor keyboard concerto, Cantata Bleib bei uns/Reste avec
nous, (BWV 6, transI. M. Bouchor)
PLUS Fauré ----- Chausson ----- Vidal----- Franck ----- Polignac.

Reference: Duchesneau, 251; Le Ménestrel (15 Mar. 1891): 82.

18910315
Venue!Assoc.: Concert Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Numa Auguez
Music: Handel: aria from LUCIFER
PLUS Beethoven ----- Lefebvre ----- Mendelssohn ----- Grandval
----- Saint-Saens

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Mar. 1891): 86.

 132

18910405
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garein, Mlle Domenech, M. Warmbrodt, M. Auguez,
unspeeified pianists
Music: Handel: Messiah (excerpts--Alleluia, For unto us a child is born,
vocal Pastorale? Come unto him?)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Apr 1891): 109.

18910412
Venue/Assoc.: Soeiété des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garein, Mlle Domenech, M. Warmbrodt, M. Auguez,
unspeeified pianists
Music: Handel: Messiah (excerpts--Alleluia, For unto us a child is born,
vocal Pastorale? Come unto him?)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Apr 1891): 117. A repeat of the concert given 5 April.

1891 05 02 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Mlle Madeleine ten Have (Salle Érard)
Performers: Mlle Madeleine ten Have (vIn), M. Wilhelm ten Have (vIn)
Music: Bach: concerto in D minor for [pno]
PLUS Beethoven (Kreutzer sonata)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 May 1891):144

18910514
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Edouard Colonne (conducting), Mlle Marcella
Pregi, M. Herwegh, M. Auguez
Music: Bach: aria for (vIn?), organ works? ----- Handel: organ works ?
PLUS Wagner ----- Guilmant ----- Lefebvre

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 May 1891):152

18910521
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Edouard Colonne (conducting),
Mlle Fanny Lépine (voice).
Music: Bach: an aria, an organ Passacailla, another organ work? -----
Handel: an aria, an organ work ?
PLUS Guilmant ----- Emile Bernard ----- Salomé ----- Franck
----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 May 1891): 152; (24 May 1891): 168.
 133

18910528
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Perfonners: Alexandre Guilmant, Edouard Colonne (conducting), M. Warmbrodt,
M. Paul Viardot (vIn?)
Music: Bach: organ work? ----- Handel: organ work ?
PLUS Gluck: Sommeil d'Armide ----- Schumann: BACH Fugue?
----- Dubois ----- de la Tombelle ----- Guilmant -----
Mendelssohn: vIn concerto?

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 May 1891): 152; (31 May 1891): 176.

18910600
(between 24 and 31)
Venue/Assoc.: Société chorale d'amateurs G. de Sainbris
Perfonners: Mme Héglon, Mme Menusier, M. Gogny, M. Gennaro, M. Charles René
(conductor, replacing M. Maton, indisposed)
Music: Handel: Jepthe (excerpts, French text by Paul Collin)
PLUS Maréchal----- Holmès ----- Godard ----- Gounod ----- Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 May 1891): 175.

18910603
Venue/Assoc.: Société des grands auditions (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Gabriel-Marie (conducting), Georges Marty (chef de choeurs),
Mme Gabrielle Krauss, Mme Deschamps-Jehin, Mme Boidin-Puisais,
M. Lafarge, M. Auguez, M. Manoury, M. d'Indy (organ)
Music: Handel: Israel in Egypt (French translation, Xavier Perreau).

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (Société des grandes auditions);

Le Ménestrel (15 Mar. 1891): 88.

18910604
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Edouard Colonne (conducting), Mme Montégu-
Montibert, M. Auguez, M. c.-L. Werner, M. de la Tombelle.
Music: Bach? ----- Handel? ----- Pachelbel: unspecified chaconne

Reference: Le Ménestrel (la May 1891): 152.

18910610
Venue/Assoc.: Société des grands auditions (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Gabriel-Marie (conducting), Georges Marty (chef de choeurs),
Mme Gabrielle Krauss, Mme Deschamps-Jehin, Mme Boidin-Puisais,
M. Lafarge, M. Auguez, M. Manoury, M. d'Indy (organ)
Music: Handel: Israel in Egypt (French translation, Xavier Perreau).

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique (Société des grandes auditions).

Note this is a repeat of the concert held 3 June 1891.
 134

189111 01
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: Lamoureux (conducting), M. Dorel (oboe)
Music: Handel: concerto for organ
PLUS Meyerbeer ----- Bethoven ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Nov. 1891): 359-60.

18911209
Venue/Assoc.: Cercle Saint-Simon
Performers: Mme Paulin-Archaimbaud (voice), M. Diémer, M. Taffanel,
M. van Waefelghem, M. Delsart. Julien Tiersot (lecture)
Music: Campra: Daphné (a cantata) (transcription by Tiersot) ----- Rameau:
Pièces en concert, La Timide, Tambourins, Musette, Le Rappel des
oiseaux, Gavotte variée ----- Marais: Sarabande pour vIa d'a, Sarabande
grave, Fantaisie en echo, Gavotte en rondeau ----- De boismortier:
Gavotte pour vIa d'a ----- Couperin: Le Carillon de cythère, Les
Papillons, Le Reveil-matin ----- Loeillet: Andante et gigue de la 6me
sonate pour fl----- J.J. Rousseau: Le rosier, Que le jour me dure, Romance
d'Alexis

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Dec. 1891): 391. Original concert programme at Bn-

Opéra (file programmes, Cercle Saint-Simon, PRO.B.331)

18911227
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Mme de Montalant, Mme Pregi, M. Delaquerrière, M. Auguez.
Music: Bach: Christmas oratorio (an aria)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Tchaikowsky ----- d'Indy ----- Wagner.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Dec. 1891): 413.

18920110
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Solomon (excerpt--unspecified choral number)

Reference: Journal des Débats (9 Jan. 1892)

18920110
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garcin (conducting)
Music: Handel: Solomon (unspecified choral number)
PLUS Mozart ----- Wagner ----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Jan. 1892): 15; (17 Jan. 1892): 20.
 135

18920117
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garcin (conducting)
Music: Handel: Solomon (unspecified choral number)
PLUS Mozart ----- Wagner ----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Jan. 1892): 21. A repeat of the concert held 10 January.

18920122
Venue/Assoc.: Société des grandes auditions (Théâtre du Vaudeville)
Performers: Mme Deschamps-Jehin, Mme B. de Montalant, M. Auguez, M. 1. David
(J. David?), Gabriel Marie (conducting), Alexandre Guilmant (organ)
Music: J.S. Bach: Christmas OratorioFrench transl., Xavier Perreau)

Reference: Journal des Débats (18 Jan. 1892 ); (23 Jan. 1892 ); original programme at
Bn--Musique (file Société des Grandes auditions musicales); La Revue
Hebdomadaire (Feb. 1894)--later reprinted in Dukas's Écrits, 162-68.

18920124
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Louis Diémer, Marcella Pregi, Colonne (conducting)
Music: Couperin: Le Carillon de Cythère ----- Rameau: Le Rappel des Oiseaux
----- J.S. Bach: Gavotte in D minor
PLUS Schubert ----- Pauline Viardot ----- Beethoven ----- Godard
----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Journal des Débats (16 Jan. 1892); (25 Jan. 1892); Le Ménestrel
(24 Jan. 1982): 31; (31 Jan. 1892).

18920128
Venue/Assoc.: Société Nationale (Saint-Gervais)
Music: Vittoria: 0 Jesu Dulcis ----- Josquin: Ave vera virginitas -----
J.S. Bach: Tantum Ergo ----- Palestrina: Suscepit Israël ----- Anon:
Antienne pour le souverain Pontife
PLUS Fauré ----- Schumann ----- Franck ----- Chausson ----- de Bréville

Reference: Duchesneau, 252

18920128
(plus 02 02, 02 09, and 02 16)
Venue/Assoc.: Arthur de Greef (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Arthur de Greef (pno), Ed. Colonne (conducting)
Music: music for keyboard from the 16th century onwards

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Jan. 1892): 23

 136

18920131
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Louis Diémer, Colonne (conducting)
Music: Bach: Sarabande in G minor ----- Daquin: le Coucou -----
Rameau: Gavotte variée en la mineur

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Jan. 1892): 37

1892 02 06 or 13
Venue/
Association: Société national
Music: J.S. Bach: Sonata in C minor for vIn
PLUS Gaston Sarre au ----- Paderewski ----- Alexis de Castillon -----
Charles Bordes ----- Vicomtesse de Grandval ----- Vincent d'Indy

Reference: Duchesneau, 252; Journal des Débats (4 Feb. 1892)

18920214
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Edouard Colonne (conducting), M. Longy (oboe)
Music: Handel: 2nd concerto for oboe
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Raff ----- Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Journal des Débats (11 Feb. 1892); Le Ménestrel (14 Feb. 1892): 53.

18920214
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garcin (conducting), Mlle Ph. Levy, Mme Boidin-Puisars, Mlle Landi,
M. Warmbrodt, M. Ballard
Music: J.S. Bach: Mass in B minor

Reference: Journal des Débats, 11 Feb. 1892; Le Ménestrel (14 Feb. 1892): 53. There
were 3 performances.

18920217
Venue/Assoc.: Société d'Horticulture
Performers: Marcel Herwegh
Music: J.S. Bach: Chaconne for vIn

Reference: Journal des Débats (10 Feb. 1892)

18920221
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garcin (conducting), Mlle Ph. Lévy, Mme Boidin-Puisars, Mlle Landi,
M. Warmbrodt, M. Ballard
Music: J.S. Bach: Mass in B minor

Reference: Journal des Débats (18 Feb., 1892), Le Ménestrel (21 Feb. 1892): 62.
 137

18920228
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garcin (conducting)
Music: Handel: Judas Maccabeus (unspecified excerpts)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Lalo ----- Godard ----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Feb. 1892): 70; (6 Mar. 1892): 78.

18920300
(between 06 and 13)
Venue/Assoc.: Société La Trompette
Performers: Mme Fuchs (voice) and others
Music: Handel: Alexander's Feast (unspecified aria)
PLUS Brahms ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Mar. 1892): 85.

18920306
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: J. Garcin (conducting)
Music: Handel: Judas Maccabeus (excerpts)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Meyerbeer ----- Godard ----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Journal des Débats (3 Mar. 1892); Le Ménestrel (6 Mar. 1892): 78.

18920311
Venue/Assoc.: Mlle Solange de Croze and Ferdinand de Croze (Salle Érard)
Performers: Mlle Solange de Croze and Ferdinand de Croze
Music: Bach: Gavotte for left-hand only (?)
PLUS Chopin ----- Liszt ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Mar. 1892): 88.

18920313
Venue/Assoc.: Salon de la Rose + Croix
Performers: d'Indy (conducting the Bach)
Music: Palestrina: Pope Marcellus Mass (96 voices) - Bach: Saint Matthew Passion

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Mar. 1892): 87.

18920317
Venue/Assoc.: Charles-Marie Widor (Église Saint-Germain-des-Prés)
Performers: Charles-Marie Widor, M. Delsart
Music: Bach: organ passacaglia, prelude and fugue in E, Aria (for vc?)
----- Handel: Largo
PLUS Widor

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Mar. 1892): 95.

 138

18920319
Venue/Assoc.: Société nationale
Performers: Mme Hellmann (voice), Albert Geloso (vIn)
Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata Liebster Jesu
PLUS Léon Boëllmann ----- Vincent d'Indy ----- Camille Chevillard
----- Franck ----- Hélène Munktell ----- Chabrier

Reference: Duchesneau, 252; Journal des Débats (18 Mar. 1892)

18920320
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: M. Pennequin (vIn), Colonne (conducting)
Music: Bach: sixth sonata for solo vIn
PLUS Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Messager ----- Charpentier
----- H üe ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Mar. 1892): 93; (27 Mar. 1892)

18920402
Venue/Assoc.: Société nationale
Performers: Vincent d'Indy (conducting), Mme Gramaccini, Mme Vincent, M. Bagès
Music: Handel: Samson
PLUS stage music by Paul Bergon ----- Gabriel Fauré ----- de Bréville
----- Vidal ----- Chausson

Reference: Duchesneau, 252; Journal des Débats (2 Apr. 1892); Le Ménestrel

(27 Mar. 1892): 103.

18920413
(Holy Week)
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Mme Terrier-Vicini, Mlle Thérèse Duroziez,
M. Caron, Gabriel Marie (conducting)
Music: Bach ----- Handel ----- Marcello ----- Corelli
PLUS Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Th. Dubois ----- Ch. Lefebvre
----- Guilmant

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Apr. 1892): 119.

1892 04 15 (?)
(between 13 and 24)
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Reference: Alexandre Guilmant, Paul Viardot, Mme Conneau,
Gabriel-Marie (conducting)
Music: Bach: unspecified cantata (an aria), unspecified vIn sonata
PLUS Rheinberger ----- SaintSaëns ----- Guilmant

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Apr. 1892): 136.

 139

18920428
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: A. Guilmant, Mlle f. Lépine, Jeanne Bourgaud, M. Auguez, M. Dorel,
M. Pennequin, M. Baretti, M. de la Tombelle, Gabriel-Marie (conducting)
Music: Bach ----- Handel ----- Scarlatti
PLUS Godard ----- de la Tombelle ----- Clément Loret ----- Guilmant

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Apr. 1892): 136; (1 May 1892): 143

18920428
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant, Mlle Effie Stuart, M. Giraudet, M. Pennegrin,
M. Baretti, M. Werner, Gabriel-Marie (conducting)
Music: Bach ----- Handel ----- Couperin
PLUS Kirnberger ----- Rheinberger ----- Guilmant

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 May 1892): 143; (8 May 1892): 152

18920517
Venue/Assoc.: Mme Saillard-Dietz (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Mme Saillard-Dietz (pno)
Music: keyboard music from 1650 to 1850

Reference: Journal des Débats (16 May 1892)

18920600
(between 12 and 19)
Venue/Assoc.: Société chorale d'amateurs G. de Sainbris (Salle d'Horticulture)
Performers: Mme Terrier-Vicini, Mlle Lépine, Mlle C. de Mentque, M. Fonssagrives,
M. Villaret, M. Maton (conducting)
Music: Handel: an unspecified choral work
PLUS choral works by Ch. Lefebvre ----- Gounod ----- Wagner
----- Th. Dubois ----- Paul Vidal ----- Ad. Deslandres -----
Wekerlin; songs by Beethoven ----- Giordano ----- Franck -----
Widor ----- Tchaikowsky.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 June 1892): 199

18920602
Venue/Assoc.: Société des grandes auditions (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Gabriel-Marie (conducting), Guilmant, Mme Deschamps-Jehin,
Mme Berthe de Montalant, M. Ziloty
Music: Handel: Messiah (Alleluia), Israel in Egypt (choral number)
----- Bach: Christmas Oratorio (aria and pastorale)
PLUS Borodine ----- Glazounow ----- Tchaikowsky -----
Rimsky-Korsakov ----- Glinka ----- Napravnik -----
Arensky ----- Rubinstein ----- Pabst

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique, (file Société

des grandes auditions).
 140

18921127
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Carissimi: 0 Felix anima ----- Lassus: Fuyons tous l'amour le jeu
PLUS Beethoven ----- Gounod ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Journal des Débats (25 Nov. 1892); Le Ménestrel (27 Nov. 1892): 382.

18921204
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Carissimi: 0 Felix anima ----- Lassus: Fuyons tous l'amour le jeu
PLUS Beethoven ----- Gounod ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (4 Dec. 1892): 389. A repeat of the concert given 27 Nov.

18921212
Venue/Assoc.: Bourgault-Ducoudray' s "Après-midi littéraires et artistiques"
(Salle des Capucines)
Performers: Mlle Thérèse Ganne, Gabriel Lefeuvre, Georges Caussade
Music: Troubadour and trouvère songs? -----parts of Le Jeu de Robin et de
Marion

Reference: Le Ménestrel (18 Dec. 1892): 407.

18921215
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe
Performers: Mme Hellman, M. Dumontier, M. Auguez, M. Duteil-d'Ozanne
(conducting), M. Britt (pno)
Music: Bach: Cantata Ich hatte viel Bekummernis, (BWV 21)
PLUS Brahms ----- Beethoven ----- Glinka ----- Colonne

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Dec. 1892): 412.

18921219
Venue/Assoc.: Mendels (Théâtre d'Application)
Performers: Mendels, Casella, Diémer
Music: Bach: concerto for two vIns
PLUS Schumann ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Massenet ----- Wagner
----- Hahn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Dec. 1892): 412. Original concert programme at

Bn--Opéra (file programmes, Théâtre de l'application, PRO.B. 19).

18930129
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Éléonore Blanc (voice), M. Gillet (oboe)
Music: Handel: Concerto in B minor for oboe
PLUS Schumann ----- Chabrier ----- Beethoven ----- Mendelssohn:
overture to Athalie

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Jan. 1893): 37; (5 Feb. 1893): 46.

 141

18930129
Venue/Assoc.: Société d'art, Musique ancienne et moderne
Music: Rameau: Hippolyte et Aricie (A l'amour rendez les armes)
PLUS nineteenth-century pieces

Reference: La Musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et Cie (1893).

18930205
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Louis Diémer (pno), Édouard Risler (pno)
Music: Bach: suite in B minor
PLUS Wagner ----- Saint-Saëns: Varations for 2 pnos ----- Charpentier

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Feb. 1893): 46.

18930207
Venue/Assoc.: A. Petschnikoff (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: A. Petschnikoff, R. Pugno
Music: Handel: Air varié for pno

Reference: La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et Cie (1893).

18930209
Venue/Assoc.: Société des compositeurs (Petite Salle Érard and Salle Pleyel?)
Performers: M. Cottin, Mlle Spencer-Owen (harp), Werckerlin (lecture)
Music: Bach: 5-voice fugue arr. for harp, unspecified gigue arr. for harp -----
Lully: Le Bourgeois-gentilhomme (menuet arr. for orchestra by Cottin

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Feb. 1893): 53; La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel,
Wolff, et Cie (1893)

18930209
Venue/Assoc.: Louis Coenen and others (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Louis Coenen (pno), François Dressen
Music: Handel: unspecified Sonata

Reference: La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et Cie (1893).

18930216
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour instruments à vent
Performers: Diémer, Taffanel, Berthelier
Music: Bach: Concerto for [pnol, fI, vIn and string quartet

Reference: La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff, et Cie (1893).

 142

18930218
Venue/Assoc.: Société nationale de musique
Performers: Stojowski, Lematte, Geloso, Lafleurance, Capet, Monteux, Schnek1üd
Music: Bach: Concerto for [pno J, 2 fls and string quartet
PLUS Grieg ----- Fortunato Luzzato ----- Fauré ----- Sigismond
Stojowsky ----- Bordes ----- Fauré ----- Henri Quittard

Reference: Duchesneau, 253; La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1893)

18930220
Venue/Assoc.: Albert Houfflack
Performers: Albert Houfflack, Mme Granié
Music: Handel: Air varié

Reference: La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff, et cie (1893).

18930221
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique française (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Diémer, Nadeau, Taffanel
Music: Bach: Concerto in D Major for [pnoJ, fl, vIn and string instruments

Reference: La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1893).

18930226
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Léon Delafosse (pno), Société chorale Amsterdamsch a capella Koor
Music: Bach: concerto in D minor for pno ----- Sweelinck: Psaume, Cantio sacra
----- an unspecified chanson ----- Ockeghem: Kyrie e Christe ----- Josquin:
Petite camussette ----- Clemens non Papa: Le Maître Pierre ----- Lassus:
Matona mia cara
PLUS Beethoven ----- Franck ----- Godard

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Feb. 1893): 69.

18930302
Venue/Assoc.: Société chorale d'amateurs G. de Sainbris
Performers: Mme la Vtesse de Trédern, Mlle Pouget, M. Warmbrodt, M. Auguez
Music: Handel: choral numbers from Acis and Galatea
PLUS Gouvy ----- Joncières ----- Lenepveu ----- Saint-Saëns -----
Bourgault-Ducoudray

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Feb. 1893): 63.

18930302
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt éclectiques populaires (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: d'Harcourt (conducting), M. Dallier (organ)
Music: Handel: Organ concerto in F

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Mar. 1893): 77

 143

18930312
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Colonne (conducting), Louis Diémer (pno), Edouard Risler (pno),
M. Pierret (pno), M. Warmbrodt, Mlle du MinH
Music: J.s. Bach: Concerto for three [pnos]
PLUS Berlioz -----, Saint-Saëns: Scherzo pour deux pnos
----- Tchaikowsky ----- Félicien David

Reference: Journal des Débats (13 Mar. 1893); Le Ménestrel (12 Mar. 1893): 85.

18930320
Venue/Assoc.: Mlle Aline Brisset (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Hasselbrink (vIn)
Music: Corelli: unspecified vIn sonata

Reference: La Musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1893).

18930327
(Holy Week)
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Music: Bach - Hillemacher: Passion

Reference: Journal des Débats (26 Mar. 1893)

1893 03 28 /29 (?)

(Holy Week)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: A. Gabrieli: Benedictus for triple choir (unaccompanied)
PLUS other Concert spirituel repertoire

Reference: Journal des Débats (27 Mar. 1893)

18930330
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour instruments à vent
(Salle Pleyel)
Performers: M. Gillet (oboe), Diémer (pno)
Music: Handel: Sonata in C minor for oboe and [pno 1

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1893).

18930331
Venue/
Association: Concerts d'Harcourt éclectiques et populaires (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: Eugène Gigout, Mme Marie Lovano, M. Piroia, Mlle Jane Riwinach (vIn)
Music: Bach: toccata in F for organ
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Ugalde ----- Gigout ----- Franck -----
Saint-Saens ----- Rossini ----- Miles ----- Chopin ----- Haydn

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file concerts éclectiques

et populaires)
 144

18930406
Venue/Assoc.: Salon Rose + Croix
Music: musique classique

Reference: Journal des Débats (6 Apr. 1893)

18930515
Venue/Assoc.: Soirée Madame Saillard-Dietz (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Duhamel, Frings, Galia, Laury
Music: Lassus: Fuyons tous d'amour le jeu

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1893).

1893 05 20 (?)
(between 14 and 20)
Venue/Assoc.: Conservatoire--classe d'ensemble vocal de Georges Marty
Performers: Mlle Grandjean, Mlle Guénia, Mlle Créhange, Mlle Michl,
M. Thomas, M. Lefeuvre, M. Delpouget
Music: Bach: Cantata Pour tous les temps/Ich hatte viel Bekümmernis,
(BWV 21)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 May 1893): 168.

1893 05 27 (?)
(between 21 and 28)
Venue/Assoc.: Alexandre Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Guilmant, Mlle Sidner, M. Gillet, Gabriel Marie (conducting)
Music: Bach: sinfonia from the Bach cantata BWV 146 (arranged for organ)
----- Handel: oboe concerto (played by Gillet)
PLUS Ch. Lefebvre ----- Th. Dubois ----- Georges Syme -----
Ad. Populus ----- S. Rousseau.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 May 1893): 175.

18931115
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: d'Harcourt (conducting), Mme Gramaccini-Soubre, M. Guarnieri (vIn)
M. Jandelli (harp), Doret (conducting the d'Indy)
Music: Bach: Aria arr. for orchestra ----- Handel: Largo arr. for orchestra
PLUS Saint-Saëns: unspecified arias ----- d'Indy ----- Gounod: ballet
number from Polyeucte? ----- Lucien Lambert ----- Max Bruch: vIn
concerto ----- Widor ----- Dubois ----- Delibes.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Nov 1893): 374.

 145

18931119
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt (Salle d'Harcourt)
Perfonners: d'Harcourt, Gigout
Music: Handel: concerto for organ
PLUS Gluck: Tauride, finale act II ------ Wagner ----- Borodine ----- Bargiel
----- Massenet ----- Tchaikowsky ----- Schumann: Le Chant de l'avent -----
Guiraud

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Nov 1893): 374; (26 Nov 1893): 383.

18931126
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: d'Harcourt, Gigout, M. Guiraudet (voice), Mme Auguez-Montalant
Music: Handel: concerto for organ ----- Lully: air de Caron
PLUS Wagner ----- Saint-Saëns: unspecified aria, Symphony no. 3
----- Tchaikowsky ----- Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Nov 1893): 383.

18931224
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Perfonners: RaoulPugno
Music: Handel: Israel in Egypt (unspecified choral numbers)
PLUS Schumann ----- Grieg ----- Haydn ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Dec. 1893): 413.

1893 12 30 (?)
(between 24 and 31)
Venue/Assoc.: Conservatoire--classe d'ensemble vocal de Georges Marty
Music: Handel: Cantata (?) for Saint Cecilia (unspecified excerpt)
-----Palestrina: two motets ----- Lotti: Crucifixus
PLUS Gounod

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Dec. 1893): 420

18931231
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: RaoulPugno
Music: Handel: Israel in Egypt (unspecified choral numbers)
PLUS Schumann ----- Grieg ----- Haydn ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Dec. 1893): 419. A repeat of the concert held 24 Dec.
 146

18940118
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: Mme Auguez de Montalant, M. Augez, M. Jules Loëb (vc),
M. Franck (harp), M. Boëllmann, Eugène Gigout (organ)
Music: Frescobaldi ----- Bach ----- Rameau
PLUS Gluck ----- Boëly ----- Chauvet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Jan. 1894): 16.

18940128
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Sarasate
Music: Lassus: Fuyons tous d'amour le jeu
PLUS Beethoven ----- Borodine ----- Raff ----- Saint-Saëns: Ave verum
----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Jan. 1894): 30.

18940128
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: Éléonore Blanc (voice), Louis Diémer (pno)
Music: Bach: concerto in F for pno
PLUS Wagner ----- Gounod ----- Weber: unspecified aria -----
Schumann: Le Chant de l'avent ----- Borodine

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Jan. 1894): 30.

18940225
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: Mlle Caroline Brun, Mme Colombel, M. Mazalbert, M. de Bardy,
M. Sureau-Bellet
Music: Handel: Judas Maccabeus (unspecified choral number)
PLUS Weber ----- Schumann ----- Gluck

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Feb. 1894): 62.

18940304
Venue!Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: M. Gillet (ob), Mme Bosman, M. Clément (voice ?), M. Fournets (voice?)
Music: Handel: oboe concerto
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Schumann ----- Paladilhe ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (4 Mar. 1894): 69; (11 Mar. 1894): 77.

 147

18940311
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: M. Gillet (ob), Mme Bosman, M. Clément (voice ?), M. Fournets (voice?)
Music: Handel: oboe concerto
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Schumann ----- Paladilhe ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1894): 77.

A repeat of the concert given Il March.

18940320
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique française (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Warmbrodt, Gigout, Nadeau
Music: Bach: Mass in B Minor (excerpt--Benedictus)

Reference: La Musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1894).

18940400
(before 04 08)
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Guilmant, Mmes Auguez de Montalant, Marguerite Lavigne, M. Caron,
M. Case lIa, Gabriel Marie
Music: unspecified classics
PLUS Kerval: wedding march ----- Noble ----- Guilmant

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Apr. 1894): 112.

18940412
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle Érard)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting),
Music: Bach: Tantum Ergo
PLUS Schumann ----- Mozart: unspecified pno piece (for the
intermission)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Apr. 1894): 127-28.

1894 04 15 (?)
(before 04 22)
Venue!Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Guilmant, Mlle Thérèse Durozier, Mme Auguez de Montalant,
M. A. de Vroye, Gabriel Marie
Music: perhaps early music
PLUS Guilmant ----- Edwin Lemare ----- H. Deshayes ----- Samuel
Rousseau ----- Michel Rosen

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Apr. 1894): 120.

 148

18940422
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Taffanel (conducting)
Music: Bach: Suite in B minor (excerpts--introduction, Polonaise, Badinerie)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mendelssohn ----- Meyerbeer ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Apr. 1894): 127; (29 Apr. 1894): 134.

18940429
Venue!Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Taffanel (conducting)
Music: Bach: Suite in B minor (excerpts--introduction, Polonaise, Badinerie)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mendelssohn ----- Meyerbeer ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Apr. 1894): 134.

Note this is a repeat of the concert given 18940422.

18940507
Venue!Assoc.: Société des concerts de chant classique (Hôtel Continental)
Performers: Danbé (conducting), Mlle Cleclerc, M. Mouliérat, M. Challet,
M. Vianna da Motta, choeurs et orchestre de l'Opéra-Comique
Music: unspecified workes from the 15th, 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries
PLUS Franck ----- Gounod

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 May 1894): 144.

189411 04
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Pister? (Jardin d'Acclimatation)
Performers: Pister (conducting), Louis Diémer ?
Music: Bach: gavotte en ré mineur ----- Rameau: rigodon de Dardanus
PLUS Tchaikovsky ----- Dubois ----- Nicolaï ----- Ritter -----
Bizet ----- Gounod

Reference: Le Ménestrel (4 Nov 1894): 348.

18941111
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Louis Diémer (pno), Cantié (fi), Rémy (vIn), Colonne
Music: Bach: 5th Brandenburg concerto
PLUS Beethoven ----- Godard ----- Wagner ----- Liszt

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Nov 1894): 358; (18 Nov 1894): 365.
 149

18941124
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle Érard)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Mme Devisme, Mme Mayer,
Mme Ducamp, M. Drouville, M. Auguez, M. Cannuel, M. Bernard,
M. Marçon, Mlle Chaigneau (vIn)
Music: Bach: Actus tragicus/ Cantata Gottes Zeit, (BWV 106) -----
Waelrant: unspecified madrigal
PLUS Gorski ----- Gounod ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Popper

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Dec. 1894): 391.

18941202
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Palestrina: Gloria Patri
PLUS Beethoven, Mozart, Mendelssohn, Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (2 Dec. 1894): 380; (9 Dec. 1894): 388.

18941202
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Pister? Gard in d'Acclimatation)
Performers: Pister (conducting), Gigout or Guilmant?
Music: Handel: concerto in D for organ and orchestra
PLUS Wagner ----- Schumann ----- Mozart ----- Gigout -----
Gounod ----- Haydn ----- Meyerbeer

Reference: Le Ménestrel (2 Dec. 1894): 380.

18941209
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Palestrina: Gloria Patri
PLUS Beethoven, Mozart, Mendelssohn, Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Dec. 1894): 388. A repeat of the concert given 2 Dec.

18941209
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Pister? Gardin d'Acclimatation)
Performers: Pister (conducting)
Music: Handel: Largo (for orch?)
PLUS Gounod ----- Tchaikowksy ----- Bruch ----- Rimski-Korsakov
----- Massenet ----- Rubinstein

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Dec. 1894): 388.

 150

18941216

Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Pister? (Jardin d'Acclimatation)

Performers: Pister (conducting), Gigout?
Music: Handel: concerto in D for orchestra and organ
PLUS Joncières ----- Godard ----- Taubert ----- Boëllmann -----
Gounod ----- Massenet ----- Gigout

Reference: Le Ménestrel (16 Dec. 1894): 397.

18941220
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt chamber music series (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: M. Crickboom, M. Angenot, M. Mérey, M. H. Gillet, M. Sauvage (pno)
Music: Bach: concerto for two vIns and pno in D major
PLUS quartets by Beethoven ----- Borodine.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Dec. 1894): 407.

18941223
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'Hiver)
Performers: M. Delaquerrière M. J. Viana da Motta
Music: Bach: Christmas Oratorio (sinfonia and an aria)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Balakirew ----- Berlioz ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Dec. 1894): 405.

18941223
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Taffanel, Louis Diémer
Music: Handel: Messiah (excerpts)
PLUS Schumann ----- Saint-Saëns: 4th piano concerto -----
Mendelssohn ----- Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Dec.1894): 405.

18950100
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Leroux-Ribeyre, Mme Eustis, Mme Kinen, M. Warmbrodt,
M. Douailler (voice), Paul Taffanel (conducting), Guilmant (organ)
Music: Bach: Mass in B minor

Reference: Le Monde Musical (15 Jan. 1895).

18950113
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'Été)
Performers: Diémer (pno), Bertram (fi), Maquarre (fi)
Music: Bach: concerto in F major for pno and two fis with string orchestra

Reference: Robert vol. 1, 215-16.

 151

18950121
Venue/Assoc.: Madame Saillard-Dietz Musique Ancienne (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: M. Christ. Gallia (vocal ensemble director), Mme Saillard-Dietz (pno),
Mme Duhamel (voice), Mme Ibanez (voice), Mme Lannes (voice),
Mme L. Richard (voice), M. Deschamps (fl), Mlle A. Pérémé (pno),
Mme Amel (voice) Mme Marie Gillard (pno accompaniment)
Music: Couperin: Les petits moulins à vent ----- J. S. Bach: prelude and
fugue in C minor ----- Handel: G minor passacaglia, Le Rossignol pour
chant et flûte ----- Anon: Pavane for 4 voices unaccompanied, Noël
provençal, Chansons d'autrefois (16th-18th centuries), Vieux Noël avec
choeur ----- Palestrina: unspecified madrigal for unaccompanied voices
----- Du Caurroy: Charmante Gabrielle ----- J. Cavalli: air de Xerxès
----- J. Rameau: À L'amour rendez les armes from Hippolyte et
Aricie, Musette et Rondeau ----- C. Daquin: Coucou
PLUS Mozart: unspecified fI concerto, unspecified sonata for two pnos
----- Gluck: (Cythère assiégée sous un ormeau), Air d'Orphée -----
J. Haydn: Menuet du Boeuf

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1895).

18950126
Venue/Assoc.: Société nationale (Salle d'Harcourt)
Performers: M. Douailler (voice)
Music: Handel: Messiah (an aria)
PLUS Léon Boëllmann ----- Georges Marty ----- Édouard Lalo
----- Paul Lacombe ----- Augustin Saard ----- Eugène Gigout

Reference: Duchesneau, 255; Robert vol. 1,217-18.

18950228
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'Été)
Performers: Louis Diémer (pno), Raoul Pugno (pno), Mme M. Jaëll (pno)
Music: Bach: concerto for three [pnos]

Reference: Robert vol. l, 222.

18950307
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux
Performers: Louis Diémer
Music: Handel: Chaconne ----- Rameau: Le Rappel des oiseaux

Reference: Robert vol. l, 224-25.

 152

18950308
Venue/Assoc.: Louis Diémer (private salon)
Performers: Louis Diémer, Delsart, Van Waefelghem, Grillet
Music: Couperin: Sarabande, Le je ne sçay quoy, Forlane, Carillon et
courante de la reine d'angleterre ----- Locatelli: Cantabile for gamba
----- d'Hervelois: Le Papillon ----- Ariosti: sonata for vIa d'a ----- Martini:
L'Amour est un enfant trompeur ----- Naudot ----- Rameau: Musette -----
Daquin: Le Coucou ----- J.S. Bach: Gavotte -----
de Grigni ?: Air fait pour M. Le Comte d'Harcourt

Reference: Original Concert Programme at Bn-Musique (File Diémer); original

invitation to Hughes Imbert atBn-Musique (File Diémer)

18950328
Venue/Assoc.: Société des instruments anciens (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Diémer (harpsichord), Delsart (gamba), Van Waefelghem (vIa d'a),
Grillet (vielle), Mlle Éléonore Blanc (voice)
Music: Couperin: Sarabande, Le je ne scay quoi, Forlane, Musette dans le goût
de
carillon ----- Locatelli: Cantabile ----- de Caix-d'Hervelois: Le Papillon ----
- Rameau: Castor and Pollux (unspecified aria), Musette, Les Boréades
(Air--Andante et gracieux) ----- Ariosti: unspecified sonata for vIa d'a -----
Daquin: Le Coucou ----- J.S. Bach: Gavotte ----- Monsigny: Air du
Déserteur ----- Naudot: unspecified concerto for vielle

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1895).

18950404
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Instruments Anciens (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Diémer (harpsichord), Delsart (gamba), Van Waefelghem (vIa d'a),
Grillet (vielle), Mme R. Delaunay (voice), M. Gillet (oboe d'a),
M. G. Lantelme (voice), Me. Georges Boyer (lecturer)
Music: F. Couperin: Air tendre et louré, Les Grâces, Courante française, Le
Carillon de cythère, Le réveil-matin ----- Handel: unspecified sonata for
oboe d'a ----- Anon: Iris, brunette ----- M. Giroflée: Le Guet (chanson
gauloise), La Petite Jeanneton, (chanson gauloise en duo) ----- Rameau:
Le Rappelle des oiseaux, La Timide, l'Indiscrète, Tambourin -----
Monsigny: 0 ma tendre musette ----- Chédeville: Rigaudon ----- Martini:
Plaisir d'amour ----- Milandre: Menuet ----- Anon: La Belle bourbonnaise
----- Lully: Air d'Amadis

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1895).

 153

18950411
Venue/Assoc.: Société des instruments anciens
Performers: Diémer (harpsichord), Delsart (gamba), Van Waefelghem (vIa d'a),
Grillet (vielle), Mlle Marcella Pregi (voice), M. Fillastre (viol), Armand
Silvestre (lecturer)
Music: Rameau: La Livri, Menuets, Gavotte variée, Air gai, Air tender, La
Forêt, Petite chasse ----- Locatelli: Sicilienne, Allegro ----- Marais:
Fantaisie en écho, Gavotte en rondeau ----- F. Couperin: Papillons,
Rigaudon - - J.S. Bach: Sarabande --- Lully: Air d'Amadis, Air d'Alceste
PLUS Gluck: Air d'Iphigénie en Aulide ----- Boccherini: Menuet

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1895).

18950425
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: Handel: Gavotte in G
PLUS Grieg ----- Leroux ----- Chopin ----- Wagner

Reference: Robert vol. 1, 232.

18950502
Venue/Assoc.: Société des instruments anciens (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Diémer (harpsichord), Delsart (gamba), Van Waefelghem (vIa d'a),
Grillet (vielle), Mme Leroux-Ribeyre (voice)
Music: F. Couperin: Sarabande, Le je ne sçay quoy , Papillons, Forlane,
Musette dans le goût de Carillon ----- Locatelli: Cantabile -----
de Caix-d'Hervelois: Le Papillon ----- Martini: L'Amour est un
enfant trompeur, Plaisir d'amour ----- Anon 18th-C: Mon petit coeur
soupire ----- Milandre: Menuet ----- C. Daquin: Le Coucou -----
J.S. Bach: Gavotte ----- Anon 17th-c: Toujours lui plaire, Brunette -----
Desmarets: Menuet des fêtes galantes ----- Naudot: 3rd vielle concerto
(excerpt--Andante) ----- Rameau: Les Boréades (Air--Andante et
gracieux)

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1895).

18950522
Venue/Assoc.: Louis Diémer (11 bis boul. Malesherbes)
Performers: Louis Diémer, Jules Boucherit, Mme B. Deschamps-Jehin,
M. van Waefelghem, Mlle Marcella Pregi, M. Edouard Risler,
M. J. Diaz de Soria, M. L. Grillet, Mlle Arbel
Music: Ariosti: sonata for vIa d'a ----- Couperin: Les Papillons -----
Bach: Gavotte ----- Rameau: Air tender, La Forêt
PLUS Diémer ----- Paesiello ----- Schumann ----- Lenepveu -----
Swendsen ----- Filipucci ----- Trémisot ----- Péril hou ----- Pouvier
----- Thomé

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique, (file Diémer)

 154

18951116
Venue!Assoc.: Lectures of Louis Bourgault-Ducoudray (Conservatoire)
Performers: Mme Ador, Mme Leudet, Mme Montegu-Montibert, Mme Cécile Boutet
de Monvel, M. Ciampi, M. Diémer, M. Dimitri, M. Houfflack,
M. Guilmant, M. Rémy, M. van den Heuvel, Bordes (conducting)
Music: Palestrina ----- Pergolesi ----- Marcello ----- Frescobaldi ----- Corelli
----- Tartini ----- Scarlatti ----- Monteverdi
PLUS Cimarosa ----- Paisiello ----- Salieri ----- Paer ----- Spontini
----- Donizetti ----- Rossini

Reference: Le Ménestrel (30 Nov. 1895): 264.

18951117
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'Été)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant
Music: Handel: Concerto in G minor (organ)
PLUS Wagner ----- Charpentier ----- Saint-Saëns -----
Beethoven ----- Grieg

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 243-44.

18951124
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'Été)
Performers: Jenny Passama (voice)
Music: Handel: Rinaldo (unspecified aria)
PLUS Georges ----- Guilmant ----- Wagner ----- G. Charpentier

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 245.

18951201
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts de l'Opéra
Music: Rameau: Les Fêtes d'Hébé (a musette and tambourin), Castor et Pollux
(a passepied) ----- Lulli: Armide (unspecified aria)
PLUS Gluck: Orphée (a menuet), air de Renaud ----- Auber
----- Erlanger ----- Widor ----- Paladilhe

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 247. The Rameau pieces and Gluck menuet were danced.

18951215
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts de l'Opéra
Music: Rameau: Les Fêtes d'Hébé (a musette and tambourin), Castor et Pollux
(a passepied) ----- Lulli: Armide (unspecified aria)
PLUS Gluck: Orphée (a menuet), air de Renaud ----- Auber
----- Erlanger ----- Widor ----- Paladilhe

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 249. A repeat of the concert held 1 December.

 155

18951222
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'Été)
Performers: Mme Lovano, Mlle Remy, M. E Lafarge, Charles Morel, M. Bailly
Music: Bach: Cantata Phoebus und Pan, (BWV 201)
PLUS Gluck: Iphigénie en Aulide (Overture) ----- Wagner
----- Beethoven

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 251.

18960112
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'Été)
Performers: Mme Lovano, Mlle Remy, M. E Lafarge, Charles Morel, M. Bailly
Music: Bach: Cantata Phoebus und Pan, (BWV 201)
PLUS Schumann ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Franck ----- Wagner
----- Chabrier

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 253 ; Journal des Débats (19 Jan. 1896).
Note festival en dehors de l'abonnement.

18960209
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts de l'Opéra
Performers: Rose Caron, Delmas (voice), Douaillier (voice)
Music: Destouches: a sarabande ----- Rameau: a musette and passepied
PLUS Gluck: a menuet, Alceste (Act I)

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 257.

18960220
Venue/Assoc.: Mme Henry Jossic (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Mme Henry Jossic
Music: J.S. Bach ----- Handel----- Daquin ----- Rameau

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1896).

AlI keyboard works, aIl in Diémer's transcriptions.

1896 02 22 (?)
(before 03 01)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Éléonore Blanc, M. Gillet, Warmbrodt, Auguez, Dupuy
Music: Bach: Cantata Ich hatte viel Bekümmernis, (BWV 21)
PLUS Beethoven Symphony No. 9

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Mar. 1896): 68.

 156

18960300
Venue/Assoc.: M. Gustave Lefèvre (venue unspecified)
Performers: Jules Stoltz (organ), Mlle Carbonnier (voice), M. Marthe (vc)
Music: Bach: unspecified cello works
PLUS Gluck: Elena e Paride (an aria) ----- Niedermeyer: Marie Stuart
(unspecified scene) ----- Boccherini: unspecified cello sonata

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Mar. 1896): 103.

18960300
Venue/Assoc.: André Tracol (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: André Tracol

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1896). Historique du

violon et musique de chamber
(1st of 3 sessions; programme not included in this source)

18960315
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux
Performers: Lamoureux (conducting), Mlle Jenny Passama, Mme Marie Morel,
M. E. Lafarge, M. Auguez
Music: Handel: Messiah

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 263.

18960316
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle Érard)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Mlle Lucy Jeanneret, M. Scriabine,
Music: Bach: Cantata Bleib bei uns

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe).

Sous la présidence d'honneur de Mme Clara Schumann.

18960322
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux
Performers: Lamoureux (conducting), Mlle Jenny Passama, Mme Marie Morel,
M. E. Lafarge, M. Auguez
Music: Handel: Messiah

Reference: Journal des Débats (29 Mar. 1896); Le Ménestrel (22 Mar. 1896): 92;
(29 Mar. 1896): 101. Robert vol. 2, 263. This the 2 nd of 3 performances.
 157

18960325
Venue/Assoc.: André Tracol (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: André Tracol (vIn), M. Ch. Morel (voice), M. C. Geloso, M. Monteux,
M. F. Schneklud, Ch. Tournemire (unspecified keyboard)
Music: G. B. Fontana: unspecified vIn sonata (b.c. realization by Ch.
Tournemire) ----- F. H. Biber: Unspecified vIn sonata ----- T. Vitali:
unspecified ciaccona
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Grieg ----- Rubinstein ----- J. Svendsen
----- Saint-Saëns
Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Mar. 1896): 101; La musique de chambre ... Pleyel,
Wolff et cie (1896).
Historique du Violon et Musique de Chambre (second session)

1896 03 29
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux
Performers: Lamoureux (conducting), Mlle Jenny Passama, Mme Marie Morel,
M. E. Lafarge, M. Auguez
Music: Handel: Messiah

Reference: Robert vol. 2, 265; Le Ménestrel (29 Mar. 1896): 101.

This the 3rd of 3 performances.

18960400

Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour instruments à vent et à cordes

(venue unspecified)
Performers: M. 1. Phlipp, M. rémy, M. Loeb, M. Balbreck, M. Gillet, M. Turban,
M. Hennebains, M. Reine, M. Letellier, M. Longy, M. de Bailly,
M. Lammers, M. Landormy
Music: Bach: 5th Brandenburg Concerto ----- Handel: Sonata for two ob and 1 bn

PLUS Schumann: 2 romances for ob and pno ----- Beethoven: septet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Apr. 1896): 118. (3rd of 3 concerts)

18960409
Venue/Assoc.: GuiImant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant (organ), Gabriel Marie (conducting), poss.
Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Music: unspecified

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Mar. 1896): 101.

 158

18960416

Venue/Assoc.: Albeniz, Crickboom, Angenot, Miry and H. Gillet

(Salle des Agriculteurs de France)
Performers: Albeniz, Crickboom, Angenot, Miry and H. Gillet

Music: B. Marcello: Sonata for vc and [pno 1

PLUS Franck and Schumann

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Apr. 1896): 128; original programme at Bn--Opéra

(file programmes, Salle des Agriculteurs, PRO.B. 6)

18960416
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant (organ), Gabriel Marie (conducting),
poss. Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Music: unspecified

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Mar. 1896): 101.

18960423
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant (organ), Gabriel Marie (conducting),
poss. Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Music: unspecified

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Mar. 1896): 101.

18960429
Venue/Assoc.: André Tracol (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: André Tracol, J. Thibaud, A. Geloso, Monteux, Schneklud, Lachnaud,
de Bailly, Mme Boidin-Puisais (voice),
AND POSSIBLY: Mme Boidin-Puisais, M. Joseph Thibuad,
M. Boëllmann, M. Dumontier, M. Tournemire, M. Salmon,
M. Lachanaud, M. de Bailly.
Music: F. Bonporti: Invenzione (Lamentevole) ----- Aubert Père: Presto,
Gigue ----- F. Geminiani: unspecified sonata ----- F. Veracini: unspecified
suite
PLUS Smetana ----- R. Mandl: three songs ----- Schumann -----
Liszt ----- Saint-Saëns.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 May 1896): 143; La musique de chambre ... Pleyel,

Wolff et cie (1896). Historique du Violon et Musique de Chambre
(3 rd of 3 sessions)
 159

18960430
Venue/Assoc.: Guilmant (Trocadéro)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant (organ), Gabriel Marie (conducting),
poss. Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais
Music: unspecified

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Mar. 1896): 101.

18960430
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour instruments à vent et à cordes
(venue unspecified)
Performers: M. 1. Phlipp, M. Rémy, M. Loeb, M. Balbreck, M. Gillet, M. Turban,
M. Hennebains, M. Reine, M. Letellier, M. Widor, M. Franquin,
M. de Bailly, M. Lammers, M. Landormy.
Music: Bach: Triple Concerto
PLUS Schumann: works for oboe? ----- Lalo: Aubade -----
Widor: Sérénade ----- Saint-Saëns: septet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Apr. 1896): 136; (3 May 1896): 143.

18960505
VenuefAssoc.: Société des instruments anciens (Salle Érard)
Performers: Diémer (harpsichord), Delsart (gamba), Van Waefelghem (vIa d'a),
Grillet (vielle), Mlle Marcella Pregi (voice), M. Gaubert
Music: Frescobaldi ----- Gervaise ----- Boismortier: Les Révérences nuptiales
----- Bach: unspecified prelude, unspecified aria for female voice,
Cantata Phoebus und Pan (excerpt-aria) ----- Handel-----
Caix-d'Hervelois: Marche du Czar ----- Dandrieu: Le Concert des
oiseaux, Les fifres ----- Corelli ----- Le Cadet ----- Couperin -----
Anon ----- de Grigni

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Apr. 1896): 119; (3 May 1896): 143; original programme
at Bn-Musique (file Diémer). First concert of a series.

1896 05 08
Venue/Assoc.: Eugène Ysaye and Raoul Pugno (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye, Raoul Pugno
Music: J. S. Bach: vIn sonata in E Major
PLUS Beethoven ----- Franck: sonata

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Apr. 1896), 135. La Musique de chambre ... Pleyel,
Wolff et cie (1896). La Sonate Ancienne et Moderne

18960512
Venue/Assoc.: Albert and Cesare Geloso (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Albert Geloso, Cesare Geloso, Mme Colomb el (voice), André Tracol
Music: Bach: VIn sonata in A Major, unspecified organ prelude and fugue
(transcribed by Liszt), unspecified vIn chaconne, aria Willst du dein
Herz Mir schenken, unspecified aria from Cantata BWV 21, Concerto in
D Major for [pno], Concerto for 2 vIns

Reference: La Musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1896).

 160

18960512
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Instruments anciens (Salle Érard)
Performers: M. 1. Diémer, M. Delsart, M. Van Waefelghem, M. Laurent Grillet
Music: unspecified

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Apr. 1896): 119.

18960519
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Instruments anciens (Salle Érard)
Performers: M. 1. Diémer, M. Delsart, M. Van Waefelghem, M. Laurent Grillet
Music: Rameau: Les Boréades (excerpts)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Apr. 1896): 119. Dictionnaire de la musique en France

au XIXe siècle, ed. J.-M. Fauquet, 1037.

1896 05 21
Venue/Assoc.: Mlle Juliette Levasseur (Salle Pleyel)
Music: Juliette Levasseur
Music: J. S. Bach: keyboard work ----- Rameau: keyboard work
PLUS many more non-early music works

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1896). Deux Séances de
Musique Classique et Moderne

18961015
Venue/Assoc.: Théâtre-Lyrique de la Galerie Vivienne
Music: Duni: Les Deux Chasseurs, La Laitière
PLUS Méhul: L'Irato ----- Clapisson: La Perruche

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Sept. 1896): 302-03.

189611 02
Venue/Assoc.: M. de Solenière (Palais de l'industrie)
Performers: Mlle Stéphanie Kerrion, M. de Solenière (lecturer)
Music: Handel: Messiah (alto aria)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Nov. 1896): 360.

18961227
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: Mme Henri Jossic (pno), M. Constantin Nicolaou (voice)
Music: J.5. Bach: Christmas Oratorio (pastorale) ----- Handel: Alexander's
Feast (aria)
PLUS Dubois: Overture to Frithiof ----- Boellmann: Fantaisie
dialoguée pour orgue et orchestre ----- Franck: Les Djinns ----- Wagner:
Siegfried (excerpt) ----- Brahms: 2 Hungarian dances

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Dec. 1896): 413; (3 Jan. 1897): 6.

 161

18970000
(aiter Apr.)
Venue/Assoc.: Eugène Ysaye and Raoul Pugno (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye and Raoul Pugno
Music: J. S. Bach: vIn sonata in F minor

Reference: La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1897).

Fifth session of La Sonate Ancienne et Moderne

18970100
Venue/Assoc.: Société des traditions populaires
Performers: Mme Molé-Truffier, Mme Lovano,
Music: de la Halle: Le Jeu de Robin et de Marion (excerpts)
PLUS various folk songs including En passant par la Lorraine

Reference: Le Ménestrel (7 Feb. 1897): 47. Organized by Julien Tiersot.

18970100
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour piano et instruments à cordes
(Salle Erard)
Performers: M. 1 Philipp, M. Rémy, M. Loeb, M. Gillet, M. Turban, M. Hennebains,
M. Reine, M. Letellier
Music: Handel: Concerto for [pno J, strings and oboe
PLUS Mendelssohn: Octet for strings ----- Mozart: pno quintet -----
Widor: Allegro cantabile ----- Saint-Saëns: Cavatine for pno and
harmonium ----- Benjamin Godard: Scènes écossaises

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Jan. 1897): 37-38.

18970100
Venue/Assoc.: Unspecified
Performers: M.1. Philipp, M. Herwegh, M. Casella, M. Van Waefelghem,
M. Saint-Saëns, M. Widor, M. Guilmant
Music: Rameau ----- Costeley ----- Lassus ----- Goudimel ----- Leclair:
Concertofor 3 vIns, viola, cello and organ ----- Jannequin -----
Milandre: Andante and Menuet for vIa d'a ----- Palestrina
PLUS Lalo: trio ----- Bourgault-Ducoudray ----- Widor: organ work
----- Saint-Saëns: organ work ----- Guilmant: organ work

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Jan. 1897): 38.

18970103
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: Mme Henri Jossie (pno), Henri Marteau (vIn)
Music: J.S. Bach: Christmas Oratorio (pastorale)
PLUS Dubois: Overture to Frithiof ----- Boellmann: Fantaisie
dialoguée pour orgue et orchestre ----- Dvorak: concerto for vIn -----
Franck: Les Djinns ----- Wagner: Siegfried (excerpt) ----- Brahms: 2
Hungarian dances

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Jan. 1897): 6; (10 Jan. 1897): 13; (17 Jan. 1897): 21.
A repeat of the concert given 27 December 1896.
 162

18970113
Venue/Assoc.: André Tracol (Salle Pleyel)
Perfonners: André Tracol (vIn), Mlle Jeanne Louvet, M. Charles Foerster,
A. Geloso, Giannini, Dulaurens, Schneklud, M. A. Catherine
(accompaniment)
Music: L. Somis: unspecified adagio and allegro for vIn -----Vivaldi:
unspecified corrente and gigue for vIn ----- J. S. Bach: unspecified
prelude, andante and gavotte for solo vIn ----- Handel: unspecified largo,
musette and rondeau for vIn -----Rameau: Pièces en concerts (La
Forqueray, La Livri, L'Indiscrète, La Marais, Tambourin)
PLUS Dvorak: pno quintet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Jan. 1897): 21. La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff
et cie (1897).
Historique du violon et de la musique de chambre (Year 2, no. 4)

18970114
Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour instruments à vent et à cordes
(Salle Erard)
Perfonners: M. 1. Philip(pno), M. Rémy, M. J. Loeb, M. G. Gillet, M. Turban,
M. Hennebains, M. Reine, M. Letellier, M. Balbreck, AND ONE OR
MORE OF: M. Delaborde, M. Widor, M. Delsart, M. Mimart, M. Bas, M.
Delgrange, M. Lafleurance, M. Van Waefelghem, M. Tracol,
M. Franquin
Music: J.S. Bach: triple concerto
PLUS Émile Bernard: Divertissement ----- Lalo: Allegro for pno
and vc ----- Louis Thille: sestet ----- Chopin: largo

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Dec. 1896): 397; (10 Jan. 1897): 13; (17 Jan. 1897): 21.

18970117
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts de la Conservatoire
Perfonners: Marcello: unspecified choral number from unspecified psalm setting
PLUS Schubert: Symphony in C ----- Mozart: Choral number from
Cosi ----- Lalo: Rapsodie ----- Mendelssohn: Overture from Ruy BIas

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Jan. 1897): 21.

18970124
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts de la Conservatoire
Performers: Marcello: unspecified choral number from unspecified psalm setting
PLUS Schubert: Symphony in C ----- Mozart: Choral number from
Cosi ----- Lalo: Rapsodie ----- Mendelssohn: Overture from Ruy BIas

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Jan. 1897): 30. A repeat of the concert given 17 January.
 163

18970127
Venue/Assoc.: André Tracol (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: André Tracol (vIn), Mlle Cécile O'Rorke (sic, voice), Gabriel Fauré
(pno), F. Luzzatto (pno), C. Liégeois, L. van Waefelghem. M. A.
Catherine (accompaniment)
Music: N. Porpora: unspecified vIn sonata ----- G. Tartini: VIn Sonata in G
Minor (Le Trille du Diable) ----- J. B. Senaillé: unspecified aria for vIn
----- Locatelli: Le Labyrinthe (vIn)
PLUS Fauré: songs, cello elegy, and op. 15 quartet ----- Luzzatto: trio

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Jan. 1897): 38; La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff
et cie (1897). Historique du violon et de la musique de chambre (Year 2, no. 5)

18970200

Venue/Assoc.: Société de musique de chambre pour instruments à vent et à cordes

(Salle Pleyel?)
Performers: M. I. Philip(pno), M. Widor (pno), M. Delabord (pno), M. Rémy (vIn),
M. Lammers, M. Loeb, M. Hennebains, M. Gillet, M. Turban
Music: Rameau: works for pno, fi and cello ----- Tartini: Le Trille du Diable
PLUS Mozart: Concerto for three pnos ----- Widor: pno quartet
-----Jacques Ehrhart: waltzes

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Feb. 1897): 54.

18970210
Venue/Assoc.: André Tracol (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: André Tracol (vIn), M. L. Berton (voice), A. Pierret (pno), Mimart,
A. Geloso, L. Van Waefelghem, F. Schneklud. A. Catherine
(accompaniment)
Music: J. M. Leclair: VIn Sonata in C Minor (Le Tombeau)
PLUS borderline Baroque/Pre-Classical violin pieces by:
F. Francoeur -----J. Guignon ----- L. Guillemain ----- Franz Benda

PLUS D'Indy: clarinet trio ----- Henri Lutz: songs ----- Chopin:
Fantaise ----- Beethoven: F Minor quartet op. 95

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Feb. 1897): 54. La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie
(1897). Historique du violon et de la musique de chamber (Year 2, no. 6)

18970221
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Bolska (voice), M. Guilmant
Music: Handel: unspecified concerto for organ and orchestra
PLUS Schumann: Symphony in C ----- Mendelssohn: Hyme, Hear my
prayer ----- Weber: Euryanthe (finale, Act I) ----- Haydn: Symphony in E-
fIat

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 Feb. 1897): 62.

 164

18970228
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Bolska (voice), M. Guilmant
Music: Handel: unspecified concerto for organ and orchestra
PLUS Schumann: Symphony in C ----- Mendelssohn: Hyme, Hear my
prayer ----- Weber: Euryanthe (finale, Act 1) ----- Haydn: Symphony in E-
fiat

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Feb. 1897): 69; (7 Mar. 1897): 77.

A repeat of the concert given 14 February.

18970321
Venue/Assoc.: Société des instruments anciens at Lamoureux
(Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: Louis Diémer (harpsichord), J. Delsart (gamba), van Waefelghem
(vIa d'a), Laurent Grillet (vielle), mme Bolsk (voice)
Music: F. Couperin: Sarabande, Le Je ne scay quoi, Le Carillon de Cythère,
Forlane, Musette ----- Rameau: Gavotte pour les Heures et les Zephirs,
Airs tendres, Pièces en concerts (La Timide, l'Indiscrète, Tambourin)
----- J.S. Bach: unspecified prelude, unspecified gavotte ----- Milandre:
unspecified menuet ----- Dandrieu: Le Ramage des oiseaux ----- Daquin:
Le Coucou ----- Naudot: Andante for vielle ----- Boismortier: Les
Revérences nuptiales ----- Caix d'Hervelois: Papillon
PLUS Mozart: Figaro (two arias for Cherubino), Don Giovanni
(aria for Don Giovanni) ----- Gluck: Alceste (aria for Alceste)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 Mar. 1897): 93.

18970401
Venue/Assoc.: Société des compositeurs de musique (Salle Pleyel)
Music: Lully: Amadis (unspecified choral number with soloist) ----- LeClair:
Tambourin for vIn
PLUS Gluck: Choeur d'Écho et Narcisse

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1897).

18970401
Venue/Assoc.: Société des instruments anciens (Salle Erard)
Performers: L. Diémer, Van Waefelghem, J. Delsart, L. Grillet, Mlle Marcella
Pregi, M. Fernand Maignien (on the Irish harp)
Music: Couperin ----- Telemann- ----- J.S. Bach: unspecified prelude for vIa d'a
----- Handel: unspecified sonata for gamba ----- Dandrieu: Le Ramage des
oiseaux ----- Lulli ----- Le Cadet ----- Braun: Les Bavardages ----- Rameau:
Gavotte des Heures et des Zéphirs ----- Carissimi: 2 arias for soprano
voice ----- Pergolesi: La Serva Padrona (unspecified aria) ----- Telemann
----- Lotti: Pur di cesti ----- Chédeville

Reference: Le Ménestresl (28 Mar. 1897): 101; (4 Apr. 1897): 109; original
programme at Bn--Musique (file Diémer)
 165

18970407

Venue/Assoc.: M. Chadeigne and M. Roillet (Salle Pleyel)

Performers: M. Chadeigne (pno), M. Roillet (vIn)
Music: Handel: unspecified sonata in D major
PLUS Schumann ----- Fauré

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1897)

18970408
Venue/Assoc.: Joseph Wieniawski (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Joseph Wieniawski (vIn)
Music: Bach ----- Handel----- Scarlatti (aIl unspecified vIn works)
PLUS unspecified works by Haydn ----- Beethoven ----- Mozart -----
Weber ----- Mendelssohn ----- Schubert ----- Schumann

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Mar. 1897): 101.

18970408
Venue/Assoc.: Société des instruments anciens (Salle Brard)
Performers: Diémer, Delsart, Van Waefelghem, Grillet, Mlle Éléonore Blanc,
M. G. Gillet, M. Longy, M. Letellier, Mme Leroux-Ribeyre
Music: Cambonnières ----- Muffat: Menuet des Amazones, Les Bossus, Les
Gendarmes ----- Quantz ----- Veracini: unspecified work for gamba and
harpsichord ----- Handel: unspecified sonata for two obs and bn -----
Ariosti: unspecified andante for vIa d'a ----- d'Agincourt ----- Dandrieu:
Les Tourbillons ----- Rameau ----- Le Cadet ----- Danguy l'Ainé -----
Couperin: Le Réveil-matin ----- Martini: Mon petit coeur soupier,
L'Amour est un enfant trompeur
PLUS Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Mar. 1897): 101; (11 Apr. 1897): 117-18; original
programme at Bn--Musique, FM (file Diémer)

18970411

Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)

Performers: Ysaye (vIn), Pugno (pno)
Music: Bach: Sonata in D minor for vIn
PLUS Lalo (Overture to the Roi d'Ys), Joncières (Prélude de la Reine
Berthe), Pugno (Pièces romantiques), Franck (Le Chasseur maudit),
Charles Lefbvre (prélude d'Eloa), Schumann (Concerto in A minor for
pno), Berlioz (Mar.e hongroise from La Damnation de Faust)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Apr. 1897): 117, Le Ménestrel (18 Apr. 1897): 125.
 166

18970414
Venue!Assoc.: Société des instruments anciens
Performers: Diémer, Delsart, Van Waefelghem, Grillet, Mme Auguez de Montalant,
M. Auguez, M. Gaubert
Music: Rameau ----- Marais ----- Lulli: L'Amour Peintre (excerpts) -----
Leclair ----- Valencin ----- d'Agincourt ----- Couperin ----- Dandrieu
----- Muffat ----- Saint-Saëns
Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Mar. 1897): 101; original programme at Bn-Musique
(file Diémer)

18970428
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: E. Ysaye (vIn), Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: Bach: Prélude and fugue in G minor for solo vIn
PLUS Bizet: Overture to Patrie ----- Grieg: Concerto in A minor for pno
----- Lalo: Divertissement ----- Chausson: Poème for vIn and orchestra
----- Franck: excerpts from Psyché ----- Schumann: Carnaval of Venice
----- Widor: Nocturne from Conte d'avril ----- Mendelssohn: Concerto for
vIn, op. 64 ----- Berlioz: Marche troyenne

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Apr. 1897): 134; (2 May 1897): 141.

18970430
Venue!Assoc.: Eugène Ysaye and Raoul Pugno (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn), Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: J. S. Bach: vIn sonata in B minor
PLUS Lekeu ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 May 1897): 168; La Musique de Chambre ... Pleyel,
Wolff et cie (1897). La Sonate Ancienne et Moderne (session no. 1)

18970502

Venue!Assoc.: La Tarentelle, Société instrumentale d'amateurs (Salle d'Harcourt)

Performers: Mme Deschamps-Jehin, M. Piroia, M. Henri Berthelier,
M. Pierre Sechiari
Music: Bach: Concerto for two vIns
PLUS Gluck ----- Méhul----- Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns -----
Fauré ----- Mozart ----- Grieg ----- Villain ----- Reyer ----- Weber

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file La Tarentelle)

 167

18970506
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts de chant classique, Fondation Beaulieu
(Hôtel Continental ?)
Performers: Jules Danbé (conducting), Mlle Laisné, Mme Carré-Delorn,
Mme C. Pierron, M. Maréchal, M. Belhomme, M. Henri Carré,
Mlle Magdelein Godard, M. Alexandre Guilmant, M. Fernand Rivière,
choir and orchestra of the Opéra-Comique
Music: Handel: Acis and Galatea (specified as a complete performance)
PLUS J. Brahms: string sestet (excerpts) ----- Benjamin Godard

Reference: Le Ménestrel (2 May 1897): 141; (9 May 1897): 151.

18970506

Venue/Assoc.: Conservatoire Students

Performers: Taffanel (conducting), Georges Marty (Choral conducting),
Mlle Hansen, M. Sechiari, Mlle de Buffon, Mlle Toutain,
Mlle Christianne, Mlle Truck, M. Cremel, Mlle Varin, M. J. Thibaud, Mlle
Ackté
Music: J.S. Bach: Christ lag in Todesbanden, (BWV 4) -----
Handel: Ode to Saint Cecilia
PLUS Mendelssohn: Tu es Petrus, Overture to Athalie ----- Mozart:
Symphony in D, and unspecified chamber work ----- Michael Haydn:
Tenebrae factae su nt for unaccompanied voices ----- Lotti: Crucifixus for
8 unaccompanied voices ----- Beethoven: Trio, op. 70

Reference: Le Ménestrel (2 May 1897): 143; (23 May 1897): 167.

18970512
Venue/Assoc.: Armand Parent (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Armand Parent (vIn), M. Catherine (pno accompaniment)
Music: Vitali: unspecified chaconne ----- Handel: unspecified sonata in A -----
J. S. Bach: unspecified Sarabande, double and bourrée for solo vIn,
unspecified chaconne for solo vIn ----- Corelli: La Folia ----- Vivaldi:
unspecified sonata ----- Tartini: Le Trille du Diable, with cadenza by
Armand Parent

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1897).

Le Violon aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles

18970516
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque d'hiver)
with Société philharmonique de Berlin
Performers: Arthur Nikisch (conducting), Louis Diémer (pno), Raoul Pugno (pno),
Edouard Risler (pno)
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for three [pnos] in C

Reference: Le Ménestrel (16 May 1897): 159; (23 May 1897): 168.
 168

18970518
Venue/Assoc.: Ch. Widor (Salle Erard)
Performers: Ch.-M. Widor (conducting), Mme Kinen, Mlle d'Aguiar, Mlle Pauline
Segond, Mlle Claudine Se gond, Mlle Lydia Eustis, Mme la Comtesse de
Lur-Saluces, M. Landesque-Dimitri, M. Bernard (voice), M. Etienne
Millot, M. Dorival, M. Diémer, M. Delsart
Music: J.S. Bach: Magnificat, Actus Tragicus/ Cantata Gottes Zeit,
(BWV 106)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 May 1897):168.

Au profit de l'Association des artistes musicians

18971017
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: RaoulPugno
Music: Bach: Italian Concerto
PLUS Schumann ----- Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns: pno concerto -----
Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Oct. 1897): 319; (17 Oct. 1897): 335; (24 Oct. 1897): 344.
Robert vol. 5-6, 269.

189711 04
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Jenny Passama, Sarasate, Diémer, Delsart, Van Waefelghem,
Armand Parent
Music: Bach: Cantata Ihr Menschen (aria) ----- Lotti: Crucifixus
(a capella choir) ----- Rameau: Concert pieces (La Timide, L,Indiscrète,
Tambourin)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (7 Nov. 1897): 359; Robert vol. 5-6, 270.

Thursday matinee series opener.

18971111
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Longy (Ob), Mlle Tanesi (voice), Mlle Alice Bodelli (voice),
Mlle de Jerlin (voice)
Music: Handel: Largo for oboe
PLUS Gluck: Tauride (unspecified scenes)

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 271.

18971118
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Émile Engel (voice), Lucien Wurmser (pno), Alexandre Petit (trp),
Hüe (pno accomp), Cantié (FI)
Music: Lassus: Je l'ayme bien et l'aymerai (a capella) ----- Rameau: Castor et
Pollux (arr. tambourin, menuet, passepied)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mozart ----- Gounod ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Hüe

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 Nov. 1897): 373. Robert vol. 4, 272.

 169

18971125
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Perforrners: Éléonore Blanc, Armand Parent (vIn), Mlle Boutet de Monvel (pno),
Lucien Wurmser (pno), Alexandre Petit (trp)
Music: Bach: Cantate Pour tous les temps/Ich hatte viel Bekümmemis,
(BWV21)
PLUS Weber ----- Campagnoli ----- Fiorillo ----- Beethoven
----- Franck ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 273.

18971205
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Perforrners: Mlle Lise d'Ajac, M. Harold Bauer, M. Marteau (vIn),
Music: J.S. Bach: Prelude and fugue for solo vIn
PLUS Beethoven ----- Gluck ----- Dubois ----- Gounod ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Dec. 1897): 389.

18971209
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Perforrners: Louis Laporte (conducting), Alfred Fock (choirs), Jeanne Raunay,
Alexandre Petit (trp), Cantié (Fl), Balleron (FI), Bareti (vc),
Mlle Marthe Dron (pno)
Music: The early music half induded: Gluck ----- Weber ----- Mozart
----- Beethoven
The second half was all d'Indy

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 274.

18971212
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Perforrners: Chevillard (conducting), A. Geloso (vIn), Séchiari (vIn)
Music: Bach: Concerto in D minor for 2 vIns
PLUS Beethoven ----- Bachelet ----- Balakirew ----- Wagner
----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Dec. 1897): 396. Robert vol. 4, 275.

18971216
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Parent (vIn), Lammers, Monteux, Baretti, Cantié (FI), Diémer (pno)
Music: Bach: Suite in B minor (FI, Canté)
Early Music also induded: Rossini ----- Beethoven ----- Mozart
Modems included: Schumann ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Godard
----- Brahms

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Dec. 1897): 404. Robert vol. 4, 275-6.

 170

18971219
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: Chevillard (conducting), Albert Geloso (vIn)
Music: Bach: Chaconne for solo vIn
PLUS Mozart ----- Balakirew ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Wagner
----- Chabrier

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Dec. 1897): 404; (26 Dec. 1897): 412. Robert vol. 4, 276.

18971223
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Diémer, Marcella Pregi (voice)
Music: Handel: Julius Cesar (Cleopatra aria) ----- Couperin: Le Carillon de
cythère ----- Dandrieu: Le Ramage des oiseaux ----- Bach: Gavotte in D
minor
Early Music also induded: Beethoven -----
Modems induded: Schumann ----- Brahms ----- Massenet

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 276-77.

18971229
Venue/Assoc.: Marcel Herwegh (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Gabriel Marie (conducting), Marcel Herwegh (conducting and vIn),
M. G. Pfeiffer, G. Pierné, L. Grétry (vIn) M. Van Waefelghem (vIa),
M. J-J Gurt (vc), Éléonore Blanc (voice), Mlle Enilora (voice),
Mme Sureau-Bellet (voice), Mlle C. O'Rorke (sic-voice),
Mme-Durand-Louhany (voice), M. E. Lubet (voice), M. Berton (voice),
M. de Clynsen (voice), M. Sureau-Bellet (voice)
Music: Sweelinck: unspecified chanson for 5 voices
PLUS Boccherini: String Quartet in A ----- A. Bazzini: string quartet
----- G. Pierné: work for 4 female vv and pno ----- E. Bernard:
work for 5 vv ----- G. Pfeiffer: pno quartet, op. 119

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1897).

18971230
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: A. Parent (vIn), Thibaud (vIn), Marcella Pregi, Mme Roger-Midos (pno)
Music: Bach: Concerto for 2 vIns ----- Lully: menuet
Early Music also induded: Boccherini: Sicilienne ----- Mozart
----- Beethoven ----- Schubert
Modems induded: Holmès ----- Chausson ----- Franck
----- Chabrier (modems)

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 277-8.

 171

18980113
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Lina Pacary (voice), jacques Thibaud (vIn), Joseph Thibaud (pno)
Music: Lully: menuet for vIn ----- Vittoria: 0 vos omnes (a capella)
Early Music also included: Mozart ----- Paesiello
Modems included: Grieg ----- Reyer ----- Delibes

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 278.

18980116
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: M. Bleuzet (English horn)
Music: Handel: Largo (arranged for orchestra, with solo section on English
horn accompanied by organ and four harps)
PLUS Weber ----- Haydn ----- Bethoven ----- Cherubini

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Dec. 1897): 407; (16 Jan. 1898): 21; (23 Jan. 1898): 29.
Robert vol. 4, 279.

18980119
Venue/Assoc.: André Tracol (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: André Tracol (vIn), M. Chansarel, Ch. Tournemire, M. Monteux,
M. Schneklud, M. R. Chansarel (pno), M. A. Catherine (pno
accompaniment)
Music: Davergne: unspecified allegro (vin) ----- Barbella: Tinna nonna, per
preder sonne (vIn) ----- Mondonville: La Chasse (vin) ----- Giardini:
Musette (vIn) ----- Stamitz: Divertissement pour violon seul----- Cupis de
Camargo: unspecified gavotte
PLUS Brahms: trio op. 40 ----- Chopin: Polonaise-Fantaisie
----- Tournemire: pno quartet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Feb. 1898): 45; La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff
et cie (1898).
Historique du violon et de la musique de chambre (Year 3, no. 7)

18980119
Venue/Assoc.: M. A. Parent and M. Baretti (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Armand Parent, M. Baretti
Music: Bach: 1st Sonata for vc and [pno]
PLUS Fauré ----- d'Indy ----- Huë ----- Beethoven

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1898).

 172

18980120
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Horace Britte (vc), Jacques Thibaud (vIn), Joseph Thibaud (pno),
Cantié (fl), Longy (Ob), Terrier (clar), Alexandre Petit (trp),
F. Delgrange (Hn), Hamburg (bn), Simon (bn), Jeanne Raunay
Music: Rameau: Dardanus (rigaudon) ----- Lacatelli: Vc sonata in D (adagio)
Early Music also included: Gluck (finished by Wagner): Aulide
(Overture) ----- Beethoven
Moderns included: Grieg ----- Pierné ----- Duparc ----- Lalo
----- Magnard ----- Chaminade

Reference: Robert vol., 4, 279-80.

18980123
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: G. Gillet (Ob)
Music: Handel: Largo and Concerto for oboe
PLUS Mozart and Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Jan. 1898): 29; (30 Jan. 1898): 37; Robert vol. 4, 280.

18980123
Venue/Assoc.: Given by 1. Philipp, Rémy and J. Loeb
with Société des instruments à vent (Salle Erard)
Performers: M. I. Philipp, M. Rémy, M. J. Loeb, M. G. Gillet, M. Turban,
M. Hennebains, M. Reine, M. Letellier
Music: Handel: Sonata for oboe and [pno]---- J.S. Bach: Concerto for three [pnos]
PLUS Schubert: octet for winds and strings ----- Saint-Saëns: vIn sonata,
op. 78 ----- Pierné: pno pastorale transcribed for fI, oboe, clarinet, horn,
2 basoons and trumpet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Jan. 1898): 16; (30 Jan. 1898): 37.

18980127
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Lise d'Ajac (voice), Rosa Olitzka (voice)
Music: Early Music included: Pergolesi: Stabat Mater -----
Mozart ----- Beethoven
Moderns included Fauré ----- Godard ----- Chabrier ----- Bizet

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 281.

189801 [30]
Venue/Assoc.: I. Philipp, Rémy and J. Loeb (Salle Erard)
Performers: M. 1. Philipp, M. Rémy, M. J. Loeb, M. Reine
Music: J.S. Bach: unspecified vIn concerto
PLUS Gabriel Fauré: Quartet, op. 15 ----- Beethoven: Sonata, op. 69
----- Brahms: Trio for pno, vIn and horn)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Feb. 1898): 45; (13 Feb. 1898): 54.

 173

18980203
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Perfonners: Ferrucio Busoni (pno), Mme Élise Kutscherrra (voice)
Music: Leclair: vin sonata arranged for orchestra (Andante only)
PL US Mozart: overture to Cosi ----- Beethoven: Fifth pno concerto
----- Schubert: 3 unspecified Lieder ----- Charles Lefebvre:
Prelude to Eloa ----- Schumann: unspecified variations -----
Liszt: La Prédication aux oiseaux and Saint Franôis Marchant sur les flots
----- Richard Wagner: trois poèmes ----- Bizet: Jeux d'enfants (excerpts)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Feb. 1898): 45. Robert vol. 4, 282.

18980206
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Éléonore Blanc
Music: Bach: Cantata Ich stehe mit einem Fuss im Grabe, (aria)
----- Handel: Largo
PLUS Beethoven ----- Schumann ----- Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Feb. 1898): 45; (13 Feb. 1898): 54; Robert vol. 4, 283.

18980210
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Perfonners: Mme Monteux-Barrière (pno), Longy (ob), Terrier (clar), Hambrug (bn),
Delgrange (hn)
Music: Lully (adapted by G. Pierné): Psyché (act 2)
Early Music also included: Weber ----- Cherubini ----- Beethoven
Modems included: Gouvy ----- Joncières ----- Leroux ----- Schumann

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 283.

18980213
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: Mlle Lina Pacary (voice)
Music: Handel: Menuet for string instruments
PLUS Mozart ----- Le Borne ----- Rimsky-Korsakov -----
Wagner ----- Weber

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 284.

18980213
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Perfonners: E. Lafarge (voice)
Music: Handel: Largo
PLUS Mozart ----- Méhul ----- Beethoven ----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Feb. 1898): 54; Robert vol. 4, 284.

 174

18980217
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Mathieu d'Ancy, M. Dantu (voice), Mlle Susanne Jancourt (voice),
Mlle Isabelle Asruc (voice), Mlle Bodelli (voice), Alfred corto (pno),
Georges Enesco (pno)
Music: Lully (adapted by G. Pierné): Psyché (act 2)
Early Music also included: Mozart ----- Haydn
Moderns included: Enesco ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Schumann

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 284.

18980219
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle Érard)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Mme Auguez de Montalant,
Mlle Gaëtane Vicq, Mlle de Jan.nel de Vauréal, Mlle Thérèse Chaigneau,
M. Muratet, M. Auguez, M. Frédérick Schnérlud, Eugène Wagner
Music: Bach: Magnificat (aIl), aria in D major for vc and (pno), Prelude
and Fugue in E minor, Suite for solo cello (3 numbers only), Cantate Pour
tous les temps/J'avais de l'ombre plein le coeur/Ich hatte viel
Bekümmernis, (BWV 21, French transI., M. Bouchor)

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe)

18980220
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire (at the Opéra)
Music: Bach: Motet for double choir
PLUS Berlioz ----- Beethoven ----- Massenet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Feb. 1898): 61; (27 Feb. 1898): 68; Robert vol. 4, 284-5.

18980220
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: Chevillard (conducting), M. Mauzin (voice), M. Thomson (vIn),
Mlle Lina Pacary (voice)
Music: Tartini: VIn sonata (Le Trille du Diable)
PLUS Beethoven: vIn concerto ----- Mendelssohn: Symphony in A
minor ----- Saint-Saëns: Marche héroique ----- Le Borne: Lune blanche
----- Wagner: Gôtterdiimmerung (final scene)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Feb. 1898).

18980224
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Paul Viardot (vIn), Mme Auguez de Montalant, J. Philip(pno),
Brou, Giannini, Seitz, Schidenhelm
Music: Tartini: Variations pour vIn sur un thème de Corelli
PLUS Spontini ----- Sacchini ----- Mozart ----- Sv end sen -----
Philipp ----- Lenepveu ----- Mendelssohn.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Feb. 1898): 68; Robert vol. 4, 285.

 175

18980227
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire (Opéra)
Music: Bach: Motet for double choir
PLUS Berlioz ----- Beethoven ----- Massenet

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 285.

A repeat of the concert given 20 February.

18980303
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Gluck: aria from Aulide
Early Music also included: Mozart ----- Grétry ----- Beethoven
Modems included: Marsick ----- Lutz ----- Bourgault-Ducoudray
----- Rachmaninov ----- Grieg ----- de Greef ----- Gounod -----
Mendelssohn

Reference: Robert, 286.

18980310
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Diémer (pno), Cantié (Fl), Boucherit (vIn)
Music: Bach: Brandenburg Concerto no. 5 ----- Beaujoyeux: Le Ballet
comique de la Reine
Early Music also included: Mozart ----- Méhul
Modems included: de Grandval ----- Diémer -----
Bourgault-Ducoudray ----- Auber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Mar. 1898): 85; Robert vol. 4, 287.

18980310
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Diémer (pno), Joseph Thibaud (pno), Alfred Fock (choir conductor)
Music: Lassus: Je l'ayme bien et l'aymeray (a capella)
Early Music also included: Beeethoven ----- Haydn
Modems included: Saint-Saëns ----- Tchaikowsky ----- Ferrari
----- Dvorak

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 289-90.

18980313
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Rose Caron (voice), Ballard (voice), Bleuzet (english hom)
Music: Handel: Largo, for english hom with six harps accompanying
PLUS Beethoven and Gluck

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Mar. 1898): 85; Robert vol. 4, 288.

 176

18980320
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Eugène Gigout (organ)
Music: Handel: Concerto for organ and orchestra in D
PLUS Beethoven ----- Weber ----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Mar. 1898): 92; (27 Mar. 1898): 101. Robert vol. 4, 289.

18980327
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Performers: Mme Armande Bourgeois (voice)
Music: Corelli: Célèbre adagio
PLUS Weber ----- Schubert ----- Beethoven

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 291.

18980331
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Jeanne Leclerc (voice), Jacques Thibaud (vIn),
Joseph Thibaud (pno)
Music: Boïeldieu: Overture from Calife de Bagdad ----- Rameau: ariette
trom Hippolyte et Aricie (Rossignols amoureux) -----two
unspecified 16 th -century chansons transcribed by Périlhou
PL US Grieg ----- Bréville ----- Salvayre ----- de Serres -----
Bachelet ----- Leroux

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 291.

189803 [01]

Venue/Assoc.: Given by MM. 1. Philipp, Rémy, and Loeb

with the Société des instruments à vent (Salle Erard)
Performers: 1. Philipp, M. Rémy, M. Loeb (cello), M. Gillet (ob), Turban, Reine,
Letellier, Pierné (pno)
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for two [pnos]
PLUS Charles Lefebvre: Aubade for string and wind instruments,
caprice for vIn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Mar. 1898): 85. (Concert no. 5 of a series of 6)

189803 [14]
Venue/Assoc.: Arthur Pougin (Sorbonne)
Performers: Mlle Jeanne Truck (voice), M. Lafitte (voice), Pougin (lecturer)
Music: Campra: unspecified aria from Hésione ----- Rameau: Castor et Pollux
(Tristes apprêts, pâles flambeaux and unsepcified aria for Castor),
Hippolyte et Aricie (unspecified duo)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Mar. 1898): 94.

Pougin's 3rd music history lecture at the Sorbonne that season.
 177

18980403
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt
Music: Handel: Largo ----- Bach: Aria from the Suite in D
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mozart ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Apr. 1898): 109; (17 Apr. 1898): 124; Robert vol. 4, 293.

18980407
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Éléonore Blanc, Mlle Planès (voice), Émile Cazeneuve (voice),
Ballard (voice)
Music: Bach: Cantata Bleib bei uns
PLUS Mendelssohn: Athalie (excerpts?) ----- Mozart ----- Pergolesi:
excerpts from the Stabat Mater ----- Beethoven ----- Berlioz ----- Gounod --
--- Franck

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 294.

1898 04 07 and 08
(Holy Week)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire (Opéra)
Music: Handel: Concerto in B-flat for orchestra
PLUS Beethoven ----- Verdi ----- Franck

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Apr. 1898): 109; (10 Apr. 1898): 116; Robert vol. 4, 292.

18980417
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire (Opéra)
Performers: Palestrina: Gloria Patri (double choir)
PLUS Schumann ----- Raff ----- Borodine ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Mozart ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Apr. 1898): 124; (24 Apr. 1898): 133; Robert vol. 4, 295.

18980417
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Raoul Pugno (pno), Lucien Wurmser (pno), Mme Héglon (voice),
Music: J. S. Bach: Concerto for two [pnos], Prelude and fugue in F minor,
PLUS Mozart: Figaro (overture) ----- Schubert: 2 unspecified Lieder
----- Scarlatti: A major pno piece ----- Schumann: Three pieces
in the form of a canon orchestrated by Th. Dubois -----
Saint-Saëns: Lever du soleil, Variations on a theme of
Beethoven ----- Leroux: Le Nil

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Apr. 1898): 124.

 178

18980419
Venue/Assoc.: Les Petites Auditions (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: La Quatuor Vocal des Petites Auditions (individual names not noted)
Music: Lassus: Madonna mia cara ----- Clemens non Papa: La, la ,
la maistre Pierre

Reference: La musique de chambre ... Pleyel, Wolff et cie (1898)

18980421
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Raoul Pugno (pno), Mme Héglon (voice), Lucien Wurmser (pno),
Jacques Thibaud (vIn)
Music: Bach: Concerto for two [pnos], Prélude and Fugue in F minor -----
Scarlatti: keyboard work in A major (Pugno)
PLUS Mozart ----- Schubert ----- Schumann ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Leroux ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Apr. 1898): 133; Robert vol. 4, 295-6.

18980424
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire (Opéra)
Music: Palestrina: Gloria Patri (double choir)
PLUS Schumann ----- Raff ----- Borodine ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Mozart ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Apr. 1898): 133; Robert vol. 4, 296.

A repeat of the concert given 17 April.

18980428
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Édouard Risler (pno), Raoul Pugno (pno), Lucien Wurmser (pno),
Alfred Cortot (pno)
Music: Bach: Concerto for four pnos
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mozart ----- Schumann ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Salvayre.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Apr. 1898): 128; Robert vol. 4, 296.

18980517
(or 10)
Venue/Assoc.: Diémer, Delsart, Parent, Van Waefelghem and Sarasate (Salle Erard?)
Performers: Diémer, Delsart, Parent, Van Waefelghem and Sarasate
Music: J.S. Bach: Sonata for vIn and [pno] in A major, Sonata for vIn and
[pno] in E major
PLUS Beethoven: String quartet no. 6 ----- Haydn: string quartet in G

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 May 1898): 167.

 179

18980518
(or 11)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des instruments anciens
Performers: Diémer, Delsart, Van Waefelghem, Grillet, M. Gaubert (fl),
Mme Leroux-Ribeyre (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: unspecified sonata for solo gamba, unspecified sonata for fi
----- Ariosti: unspecified adagio for vIa d'a ----- Anon: unspecified Italian
menuet transcribed for vielle ----- Mondonville: Air Gracieux -----
Martini: L'Amour est un enfant trompeur ----- Dandrieu: La Gémissante -
---- Rameau: Pièces de concert.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 May 1898): 167.

18980525
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Instruments Anciens
Performers: Diémer, Delsart, Van Waefelghem, Grillet, Marcella Pregi,
M. Georges Gillet
Music: Rameau ----- Couperin ----- Dandrieu ----- Chédeville ainé
PLUS Rust ----- Caldara

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 May 1898): 167.

18980527
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Raoul Pugno (pno), Jacques Thibaud (vIn), Mme Augeuz de Montalant,
J. Hollman (vc)
Music: Bach: La Gigue in B-flat
PLUS Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Mozart ----- Schumann
----- Chopin ----- Berlioz: songs ----- Bruch: vc Kol Nidre

Reference: Robert vol. 4, 297.

18980531
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts d'Harcourt (Trocadéro)
Performers: Eugène d'Harcourt (conducting), Alexandre Guilmant
Music: Handel: Concerto in D minor for organ and orchestra, Largo
arranged for English horn and 20 chromatic harps
Music: J.S. Bach: Aria from the Suite in D
PLUS Beethoven: Overture to Léonore no. 3, Symphony no. 3
(funer al march and finale) ----- Hadn: Symphony in G (Menuet
and Allegro)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 May 1898): 175; (12 June 1898): 183.
 180

189811 03
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mme B. Marx-Goldschmidt (pno), Sarasate (vIn), A. Parent (vIn),
Van Waefelghem (vIa?), Delsart (vc?)
Music: Handel: Concerto in D major for orchestra
PLUS Scarlatti (D?): Allegro molto from the G major suite (keyboard)
----- Schubert ----- Haydn ----- Beethoven ----- Raff ----- Rubinstein
----- Sarasate ----- Léo Delibes

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Nov. 1898): 358; Robert vol. 5-6, 320.

18981117
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mme Monteux-Barrère (pno), Cesare Geloso (pno), Mme Ekman (voice),
Tracol (vIn), Monteux, Schneklud, Thibaud (vIn), Fauré (pno)
Music: Handel: Concerto in D major for orchestra
PLUS Schubert ----- Beethoven ----- Fauré ----- Grieg ----- Pfeiffer
----- Schumann-Reinecke ----- Schumann-Dubois

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Nov. 1898): 374; Robert vol. 5-6, 322

18981127
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Lovano, Mme Mathieu, M. Affre, M. Sizes, M. Auguez
Music: Rameau: Quam dilecta (in Saint-Saëns's edition) -----
Anon: 16th-century pavane
PLUS Saint-Saëns ----- Beethoven ----- Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Nov. 1898): 380; (4 Dec. 1898): 388; Robert vol. 5-6, 323.

18981204
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Lovano, Mme Mathieu, M. Affre, M. Sizes, M. Auguez
Music: Rameau: Quam dilecta (in Saint-Saëns's edition) -----
Anon: 16th-century pavane
PLUS Saint-Saëns ----- Beethoven ----- Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Nov. 1898): 380; (4 Dec. 1898): 388; Robert vol. 5-6,324.
A repeat of the concert held 27 Nov.

18990108
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Lovano, Mme Dupuy, M. Cazeneuve, M. Auguez.
Music: Bach: Cantata !ch hatte viel Bekümmernis, (BWV 21)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Jan. 1899): 14; (15 Jan. 1899): 20. Robert vol. 5-6, 327.
 181

18990108
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn), Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: Bach: Suite (orch. by Gevaert), VIn concerto in E major,
Pno concerto in D minor, Badinerie
PLUS Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Jan. 1898): 14, Le Ménestrel (15 Jan. 1899): 21;
Robert vol. 506, 327.

18990112
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn), Raoul Pugno (pno), Baretti (bass viol),
1. Laporte (conducting)
Music: Rameau: Pièces de concerts (2 excerpts) ----- Tartini: VIn sonata
in A major ----- Bach: VIn prelude in E major, Badinerie -----
Handel: 14th suite for pno
PLUS Mozart ----- Chausson

Reference: Robert vol. 5-6, 327-8.

18990115
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Lovano Mme Dupuy,. Cazeneuve, M. Auguez.
Music: Bach: Cantata Ich hatte viel Bekümmernis, (BWV 21)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Jan. 1899): 21, Robert vol. 5-6, 328; Journal des Débats
(22 Jan. 1899). A repeat of the concert held 8 January.

18990115
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn), Raoul Pugno (pno), Rémy (vIn)
Music: Bach: Concerto in D minor for two vIns
PLUS Rabaud ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Lalo ----- Sarre au ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Jan. 1899); (22 Jan. 1899): 28; Robert vol. 5-6, 328.

18990122
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn and conducting), Jean Gérardy (vc)
Music: Bach: Concerto in D minor for two vIns
PLUS Franck ----- Lalo: vc concerto ----- d'Indy ----- Saint-Saëns: vc
concerto ----- Chabrier

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Apr. 1899): 37; Robert vol. 5-6, 328.
 182

18990127
Venue/Assoc.: Eugène Ysaye and Raoul Pugno (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vin), Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: Bach: whole concert of works for vIn and pno

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Jan. 1899): 21; (5 Feb. 1899): 45.

18990129
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Cirque des Champs-Élysées)
Performers: M. Thomson (vin), Mme Berthe Marx-Goldschmidt (last minute
replacement for Thomson)
Music: J.S. Bach: Chaconne for vIn
PLUS Beethoven ----- Carraud ----- Max Bruch -----
Richard Strauss ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Apr. 1899): 37.

18990209
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mme Lovano (voice), Louis Diémer (harpsichord7), Mlle Dellerba
(voice 7), Baretti (bass viol 7), Gérardy (vc), Mlle Louise Epstein (pno)
Music: Rameau: Diane et Actéon ----- Couperin: Carillon de Cythère -----
Dandrieu: Ramage des oiseaux ----- Bach: Gavotte in D
PLUS Spontini ----- Boccherini ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Godard -----
Schumann ----- Liszt ----- Chauvet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Feb. 1899): 53; Robert vol. 5-6, 331.

18990224
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Félix Mottl (conducting), Cantié (FI), Balleron (FI 7), Jacques Thibaud
(vIn) Mme Félix Mottl (voice), Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: Bach: Concerto in G major for two fis and vIns (orch. by FélixMottl)
PLUS Schubert ----- Mozart ----- Beethoven ----- Liszt -----
Schumann ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Feb. 1899):69; Robert vol. 5-6, 332-33.

18990226
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Grandjean
Music: Bach: excerpts from the suite in B minor (fi)
PLUS Schumann ----- Gounod ----- Dubois ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Feb. 1899): 60; (5 Mar. 1899): 77; Robert vol. 5-6, 333.

1899 03 04 (?)
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne
Music: Rameau: unspecified cantata

Reference: Journal des Débats (5 Mar. 1899)

 183

18990305
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlles Mathieu, d'Ancy, Ackté, M. C. Gillet (ob)
Music: Bach: Motet for double chorus ----- Handel: concerto for oboe
PLUS Brahms ----- Weber ----- Massenet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Mar. 1899): 78; (12 Mar. 1899): 84; Robert vol. 5-6, 333.

18990305
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Jacques Thibaud (vIn), José Vianna da Motta (pno), Mlle Tanesi (voice),
Mlle Renée du Mini!
Music: Bach: Chorale-preludes for organ, transcribed for the pno by Busoni
PLUS Berlioz ----- d'Indy ----- Bruch: VIn concerto ----- Franck:
Rédemption

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Mar. 1899): 78; (12 Mar. 1899): 84; Robert vol. 5-6, 333-34.

18990312
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlles Mathieu, d'Ancy, Ackté, M. C. Gillet (ob)
Music: Bach: Motet for double chorus ----- Handel: concerto for oboe
PLUS Brahms ----- Weber ----- Massenet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Mar. 1899): 85, Robert vol. 5-6, 334.
A repeat of the concert held 5 March.

18990316
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Charlotte Vormèse (vIn), Renée Dellerba (vIn), Mlle d'Ancy,
Albert Géloso (vIn), Baretti (vc), César Géloso (pno), Pierre Monteux,
Schneklud, Mlle Marthe Gressler (pno), M. A. Petit (trp)
Music: Handel: Sonata for two vIns
PLUS Mozart ----- Grétry ----- Lefebvre ----- Baretti -----
Saint-Saëns ----- Fauré ----- Duvernoy

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Mar. 1899): 92; Robert, 335.

18990319
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Grandjean
Music: Bach: excerpts from the Suite in B minor
PLUS Schumann ----- Gounod ----- Dubois ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Mar. 1899): 93; Robert vol. 5-6, 335.
 184

18990330
(Holy Week)
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Éléonore Blanc (voice), Mme Émile Bourgeois (voice), M. Émile
Cazeneuve (voice) M. Ballard (voice), Paul Viardot (vIn), Mlle Berthe
Duranton (pno), M. Daraux (voice), Ch. Widor conducting
Music: Handel: Concerto for orchestra ----- Bach: Cantata Bleib bei uns / Reste
avec nous, (BWV 6, transI. by M. Bouchor)
PLUS Lekeu: vIn sonata ----- Franck: scene from Rébecca

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Apr. 1899): 110; Robert vol. 5-6, 337.

18990400
Venue/
Association: MM.!. Philipp, Rémy, and Loeb and Société des instruments à vents
(Salle Erard)
Performers: I. Philipp, M. Rémy, M. Loeb (cello), M. Gillet (ob), Turban, Reine,
Letellier, Pierné (pno)

Music: J.S. Bach: Triple Concerto for vIn, [pno J, and fi in A minor (BWV 1044)

PLUS Schubert: Octet, op. 166 ----- Beethoven: cello sonata, op. 69 -----
Weber: Andante and Scherzo, op. 63, for pno, fi and cello

Reference: Le Ménestrel (30 Apr. 1899): 141.

18990413
(HoIyWeek)
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Marix Loevensohn (vc), Mlle Rose Relda (voice), Mme Monteux-Barrère
(pno), Jacques Thibaud (vIn), Raoul Pugno (pno), Mlle Tanési (voice)
Music: Rameau: ariette from Hippolyte et Aricie
PLUS Rossini ----- Boccherini ----- Beethoven ----- Pugno -----
Bruch ----- Joncières ----- David ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (16 Apr. 1899): 125-26; Robert vol. 5-6, 338.

18990416
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mmes Lovano, Lafitte, Landi, MM. Laffitte, Auguez
Music: Bach: Mass in B minor

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Apr. 1899): 132-33; Gustave Robert vol. 5-6, 339.

18990423
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mmes Lovano, Lafitte, Landi, MM. Laffitte, Auguez
Music: Bach: Mass in B minor

Reference: Journal des Débats (30 Apr. 1899); Le Ménestrel (23 Apr. 1899): 133;
Robert vol. 5-6, 339. A repeat of the concert given 16 April 1899. Season
doser.
 185

1899 04 27 or 20
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Éléonore Blanc (voice), Diémer (pno), Boucherit (vIn), Cantié (fi),
Mlle Vera Eigena (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for [pno], fi and vIn (Brandenburg #5)
PLUS Beethoven: Egmont overture, entre'acte, chante de guerre, a
romance, la mort de Claire ----- Théodore Dubois: Suite for wind
instruments ----- Diémer: Romance and Caprice-Scherzando for pno and
vIn ----- Tchaikovsky: unspecified song ----- Rubinstein: unspecified
song ----- Schumann: Pièces en canon, orchestrated by Théodore Dubois

Reference: Le Ménestrel (30 Apr. 1899): 140.

18990500
Venue/Assoc.: Clarence Eddy (Trocadéro)
Performers: Clarence Eddy (organ), M. Mercier (voice), Mlle Léonora Jackson (vIn),
La Baronne de Reibnitz (voice).
Music: J. S. Bach: unspecified soprano aria from the Cantata for Pentecost/O
ewiges Feuer, (BWV 34), G minor fugue for organ ----- Handel:
unspecfied soprano aria from Xerses
PLUS Ernst: Airs hongrois ----- Tchaikovsky: Canzonetta -----
Wienawski: Polonaise in D major ----- Goudnod: aria from the Reine de
Saba ----- Wolstenholme: Overture ----- Enrico Rossi: Ave Maria,
Scherzo ----- Labor: Hymne autrichien ----- Guilmant: Organ concerto
no. 24 ----- Bartlett: Toccata in E major

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 May 1899): 175.

18990500
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Instruments Anciens
Performers: MM. Diémer, Delsart, van Waefelghme, Grillet, Ph. Gaubert (fi), Mlle
Marcella Pregi (voice)
Music: Rameau: Les Boréades (excerpts), Diane et Actéon ----- Fr. Couperin:
Air du Diable ----- J.S. Bach: unspecified sonata for fi ----- Simon Ives:
La Cloche ----- Dandrieu: Les Tourbillons, Les Fifre ----- Veraccini:
Sonata for viola da gamba

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 May 1899): 175.

18990500
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Instruments Anciens
Performers: MM. Diémer, Delsart, van Waefelghme, Grillet, M. Gillet (oboe),
Mme Leroux-Ribeyre(voice)
Music: Leclair: Tambourin for vIn ----- Handel: Oboe sonata ----- Caix
d'Hervelois ----- Daquin: Le Coucou ----- Couperin: Le Réveil-matin
----- Handel: Vielle sonate ----- Rameau: Le Berger fidèle

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 May 1899): 175.

 186

18990530
Venue/Assoc.: Given by Eugène Gigout at Église Saint-Augstin
Performers: Eugène Gigout (organ), M. A. Vivet (conducting),
Choirs of Saint-Augustin
Music: J.S. Bach: Magnificat, Prelude and fugue in E minor for organ,
Toccata in F ----- Palestrina: Tu es Petrus ----- Handel: Organ concerto in
D minor, Ave Maria, Alleluia
PLUS Gigout: Toccata, Communion, Grand Choeur Dialogué -----
Mendelssohn: Organ Sonata in F ----- Beethoven: Benedictus from the
Mass in D ----- Gluck (Tantum Ergo)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 May 1899): 176; (4 June 1899): 184.

18990601
Venue/Assoc.: Alphonse Thibaud with Orchestre Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Alphonse Thibaud (pno)
Music: Bach: two unspecified keyboard works
PLUS Saint-Saëns: unspecified concerto ----- Rubinstein: unspecified
concerto ----- Chopin ----- Liszt

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 May 1899): 176; (4 June 1899): 184.

18991119
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Rabaud (conducting Rabaud), Louis Laporte (conducting),
Raoul Pugno (pno), Marsick (vIn)
Music: Bach: Suite in B minor
PLUS Rabaud ----- De Castillon: pno concerto ----- Bruch: vIn concerto
----- Franck: Les Dijnns ----- Brahms

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Nov. 1899): 373, Robert vol. 5-6, 341.

18991203
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Ackté, M. Warmbrodt
Music: Handel: Ode to Saint Cecilia
PLUS Brahms ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Dec. 1899): 388; (10 Dec. 1899): 396-97; Journal des Débats
(30 Apr. 1899); Robert vol. 5-6, 342.

18991210
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Ackté, M. Warmbrodt
Music: Handel: Ode to Saint Cecilia
PLUS Brahms ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Dec. 1899): 397; Journal des Débats (30 Apr. 1899);
Robert vol. 5-6, 342. A repeat of the concert held 1899 12 03.
 187

18991221
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Marcella Prei, MM. Jacques Thibaud, Stanley Mosès, Casadesus, Francis
Thibaud, Lucien Wurmser
Music: Handel: concerto for orchestra ----- Lully: aria from Alceste
PLUS Mozart ----- Scarlatti ----- Grétry ----- Rabaud ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Berlioz ----- d'Indy

Reference: Robert vol. 5-6, 343-44.

19000104
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Jane Bathori (voice), Van Waefelghem (vIa d'a), Lazare
Lévy (pno), Jacques Thibaud (vl), Charles Baretti (vc), Mlle Cécile
Boutet de Monvel (pno)
Music: Bach: Suite in D for Orchestra
PLUS Saint-Saëns ----- Théodore Dubois ----- Weber -----
Berlioz ----- Perilhou

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Jan. 1900): 13; Robert vol. 5-6, 345.

19000107
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Nadaud (vIn), Brun (vIn)
Music: Rameau: Castor et Pollux (choral no.)----- Bach: Concerto for two vIns
PLUS Schumann ----- Verdi ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (7 Jan. 1900): 4; (14 Jan. 1900): 13; Robert vol. 5-6, 345.

19000111
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Jane Bathori (voice), Van Waefelghem (vIa d'a), Lazare
Lévy (pno), Jacques Thibaud (vl), Charles Baretti (vc), Mlle Cécile Boutet
de Monvel (pno)
Music: Handel: Aria for Gismonda from Othon ----- Scarlatti: aria for voice
and vIa d'a----- Bach: Prelude for solo vIa d'a.
PLUS Gedalge, Chausson, Brahms

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Jan. 1900): 13; Robert vol. 5-6, 345.

19000114
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Nadaud (vIn), Brun (vIn)
Music: Rameau: Castor et Pollux (choral no.) ----- Bach: Concerto for two vIns
PLUS Schubert ----- Schumann ----- Verdi ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Jan. 1900): 13; (14 Jan. 1900): 15; Robert vol. 5-6, 346. A
virtual repeat of the concert held 190001 07, with the addition of
Schubert only.
 188

19000118
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Louis Diémer, Mlle Jan.e Bathori (voice), Van Waefelghem
(vIa d'a), Cécile Boutet de Monvel (pno), Armand Parent (vIn),
M. Denayer, Charles Baretti (vc ?)
Music: Couperin: Le Carillon de Cythère ----- Dandrieu: Le Ramage des
oiseaux ----- Bach: Gavotte en ré mineur
PLUS Haydn ----- Ariosti ----- Chauvet ----- Franck ----- Brahms

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 Jan. 1900): 21; Robert vol. 5-6, 346.

19000118
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Grands Oratorios à l'Église Saint-Eustache
Performers: Eugène d'Harcourt (conducting), Bordes (chef des choeurs),
M. Steenman (sous-chef d'orchestre), Dallier (organ),
Éléonore Blanc, Jenny Passama, M. Lafarge, M. Nivette
Music: Handel: Messiah

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Dec. 1899): 399; Courrier Musical (27 Jan. 1900),
Le Ménestrel (21 Jan. 1900): 21; Journal des Débats, (23 Jan. 1900); original
concert programme at Bn--Musique (file d'Harcourt)

19000200
Venue/Assoc.: Ed. Nadaud
Performers: Edouard Nadaud (vIn), M. Dutten Hofer, M. Migard,
M. Cros-Saint-Ange, Mme G. Hainl
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for [pno J, fl, and vIn
PLUS Brahms ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (18 Feb. 1900): 52.

19000208
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Jane Bathori (voice), Émile Engel (voice), M. et Mme Crickboom,
Mlle Panthès (pno), d'Indy (pno), Parent (vIn), Denayer, Baretti (vc)
Music: Schütz: excerpts from the Symphonie Sacrée ----- Handel: Sonata for
vIn and pno ----- Lully: air de Roland
PLUS Chopin ----- Koechlin ----- Svendsen ----- Sarasate -----
Schumann ----- d'Indy

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Feb. 1900): 46 ; Robert vol. 5-6, 349.

19000222
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mme Alberty (voice), Bazelaire (vc), Lévy (pno), Thibaud (vIn),
Enesco (pno)
Music: Handel: aria from Alexandre Balus, aria from Xerxès
PLUS Mozart ----- Borghi ----- Tiersot ----- Schumann ----- Liszt
----- Saint-Saëns ----- Chopin ----- Enesco.

Reference: Robert vol. 5-6, 351.

 189

19000225
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Marty (voice), Pugno (pno), Wurmser (pno), Thibault (conducting)
Music: Palestrina: Gloria Patri
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Collin ----- Mozart ----- Meyerbeer

Reference: Le Ménestrel (4 Mar. 1900): 68; Robert vol. 5-6, 351.

19000300
Venue/Assoc.: Edouard Risler (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Edouard Risler (pno)
Music: Bach ----- Rameau ----- Couperin
PLUS Mozart ----- Beethoven ----- Liszt ----- Wagner (arrangements of the
Todeslied and the prelude to Meistersinger)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Mar. 1900): 93.

19000300
Venue/Assoc.: Ladislas Gorski (Salle Erard)
Performers: Ladislas Gorski (vIn) Chevillard (conducting) Lamoureux orchestra,
Mme Howland (vIn), Stojowski (pno), Mlle J. Lillie (voice)
Music: Bach: Concerto for two vIns
PLUS Sigismond de Stojowski: VIn concerto) ----- Ernst ----- Chopin
----- Liszt: Schubert transcription, unspecified German Lieder.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Apr. 1900): 100.

19000301
Venue/Assoc.: Given by René Chansarel (Salle Erard)
Performers: René Chansarel (pno)
Music: Bach----- Handel
PLUS Beethoven ----- Schumann ----- Chopin ----- Mendelssohn -----
Wagner: Arr. of finale scene from Walkyrie ----- Liszt: 8th Rhapsodie

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1900): 78.

19000304
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Marty (voice), Pugno (pno), Wurmser (pno), Thibault (conducting)
Music: Palestrina: Gloria Patri
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Collin ----- Mozart ----- Meyerbeer

Reference: Le Ménestrel (4 Mar. 1900): 68; Robert vol. 5-6, 352.

A repeat of the concert given 1900 03 25.
 190

19000308
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Renée Dellerba, Mme Monteux-Barrère
Music: Handel: Sonata for vIn and pno
PLUS Cimarosa ----- Glinka ----- Schumann ----- Tchaikowsky
----- Fauré ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Boëllmann

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1900): 86; Robert vol. 5-6, 352-53.

19000311
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Carissimi: 0 Felix anima ----- Lassus: Fuyons tous d'amour le jeu
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mozart ----- Lalo ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1900): 77; Robert vol. 5-6, 353.

19000315
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Jacques Thibaud (vIn), Georges Enesco (vIn), Lucien Wurmser,
Mme Lilli Lehmann, Edouard Risler Mlle Stiévenard (pno),
Alexandre Petit (trp)
Music: Bach: Concerto for two vIns
PLUS Mozart ----- d'Indy ----- Chabrier ----- Busser ----- Schubert
----- Frantz ----- Wieniawsky ----- Duvernoy

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1900): 86; Robert vol. 5-6, 354.

19000318
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Carissimi: 0 felix anima ----- Lassus: Fuyons tous d'amour le jeu
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mozart ----- Lalo ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1900): 86; (25 Mar. 1900): 92; Robert vol. 5-6, 354.
A repeat of the concert given 1900 0311.

19000318
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Louis Laporte (conducting), Mme Lilli Lehmann,
M. Théodore Reichmann
Music: Bach: Suite in B minor
PLUS Weber ----- Wagner ----- Beethoven ----- Schubert-Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1900): 86; (25 Mar. 1900): 92; Robert vol. 5-6, 354
 191

19000318
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Théâtre de la République)
Performers: Edouard Risler, Jeno Hubay, M. Engel (voice), M. Challet (voice),
M. Dufour (voice), Mme Chrétien-Vauget (voice), Mme Lormont (voice),
Mme Vicq (voice), Mme Melno (voice)
Music: Corelli: La Folia
PLUS Weber ----- Beethoven ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Mar. 1900): 86; (25 Mar. 1900): 92-93;
Robert vol. 5-6, 354-55.

19000412
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Grands Oratorios à l'Église Saint-Eustache
Performers: Eugène d'Harcourt (conducting), Bordes (chef des choeurs),
M. Steenman (sous-chef d'orchestre)
Music: Bach: Matthew Passion part 1

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Dec. 1899): 406; (14 Jan. 1900): 15;
(15 Apr. 1900): 117-18; original concert programme at Bn--Musique
(file d'Harcourt)

19000413
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Bréjean-Gravière (voice), Auguez
Music: Handel: air du Rossignol from the oratorio Allegro ed il Pensieroso
PLUS Brahms: Requiem ----- Beethoven: Pastoral symphony
----- Weber: Overture to Oberon.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Apr. 1900): 124-25; Robert vol. 5-6, 356-57.

19000413
(Good Friday)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Grands Oratorios à l'Église Saint-Eustache
Performers: Eugène d'Harcourt (conducting), Bordes (chef des choeurs),
M. Steenman (sous-chef d'orchestre)
Music: Bach: Matthew Passion part 2

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Dec. 1898): 406; (14 Jan. 1900): 15; original concert
programme at Bn--Musique (file d'Harcourt).

19000414
(HolyWeek)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Bréjean-Gravière (voice), Auguez
Music: Handel: air du Rossignol from the oratorio Allegro ed il Pensieroso
PLUS Brahms: Requiem ----- Beethoven: Pastoral symphony
----- Weber: Overture to Oberon.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Apr. 1900): 124-25. Robert vol. 5-6, 357.
A repeat of the concert held 13 April.
 192

19000531

Venue/Assoc.: Exposition Universelle 1900, Grand Concert Officiel (Trocadéro)

Performers: Paul Taffanel (conducting), Samuel Rousseau (choir conductor),
Mlle Ackté (voice), M. Leitner (voice), M. Delmas (voice),
Mme Lovano (voice), Mme Mathieu (voice), M. Auguez (voice),
M. Cazeneuve (tenor)
Music: Jannequin: Le Chant des oiseaux (4 voices unaccompanied) ----- Lully:
Alceste (excerpt--air et scène des enfers)
Rameau: Quam dilecta (excerpts)
PLUS Saint-Saëns, Grétry, Gluck, Gounod, Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 May 1900): 167.

19000726
Venue/Assoc.: Congrès d'histoire de la musique (Bibliothèque de l'Opéra?)
Performers: Camille Saint-Saëns (harpsichord)
Music: J.S. Bach ----- Rameau ----- Couperin

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 July 1900): 232.

1900 08 02 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Official concert of the Exposition Universelle at the Trocadéro
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant
Music: J.S. Bach: Cantate Pour tous les temps/lch hatte viel Bekümmernis,
(BWV 21, excerpt--duo)
PLUS Guilmant: 5e sonate ----- Th. Salomé: La Berceuse

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Aug. 1900): 248.

19000911
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Instruments Anciens
(Salle d'Auditions, Exposition Universelle 1900)
Performers: Louis Diémer, Georges Papin, M. Van Waefelghem, Laurent Grillet
Music: Rameau: Air / Andante et gracieux des Boréades, Musette, Air Gay,
Air Tendre, Le Foret ----- Boismortier: Les Révérences nuptiales -----
Couperin: Air du diable, Le Reveil-Matin ----- Locatelli: Andante -----
Scarlatti: Ariette ----- Ariosti: sonata for vIa d'a and harpsichord -----
Dandrieu: Le Ramage des oiseaux
PLUS Gluck: Gavotte ----- Anon (3 songs harmonized by Périlhou)
----- Dezéde (Ariette de Blaise et Babet)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (16 Sept. 1900: 296; original programme at

Bn-Musique (file Diémer).
 193

1900 09 30 or 10 06

Venue/Assoc.: Organized by Arthur Pou gin (École internationale de l'Exposition)

Performers: Mme du Wast-Du prez, Mme Morlet, Fernand Baer, M. Gouze,
Mlle Marguerite Pou gin
Music: Rameau: excerpts from Hippolyte et Aricie, Castor et Pollux,
Dardanus,and Les Fêtes d'Hébé

Reference: Le Ménestrel (7 Oct. 1900): 320.

19001125
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Lotti: Crucifixis
PLUS Brahms - Mendelssohn - Bizet - Schumann ---- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Nov. 1900): 373; (2 Dec. 1900): 381.

19001204
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Lotti: Crucifixis
PLUS Brahms --- Mendelssohn --- Bizet --- Schumann ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (2 Dec. 1900): 381.

A repeat performance of the concert given 25 Nov.

19001223
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Messiah (excerpts)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Gounod ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Dec. 1900): 405.

19010113
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Willy Burmester (vin), Diémer (pno), Georges de Lausnay (pno)
Music: Bach: Concerto in E major for vIn, unspecified Aria for vIn
PLUS Lalo ----- Rabaud ----- Mozart -----
Paganini-Burmester ----- Charpentier

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Jan. 1901): 13.

19010120
Venue/Assoc.: Concert Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Mlle Hatto (voice), Pugno (pno)
Music: Handel: unspecified recit and aria from Judas Maccabeus
PLUS Beethoven ----- Pugno ----- Koechlin ----- Franck ----- Rabaud

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Jan. 1901): 21; (27 Jan. 1901): 30.
 194

19010127
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Jeanne Raunay (voice), Mme Chrétien-Vaguet (voice),
M. Hennebains (fi)
Music: J.S. Bach: Excerpts from the Suite in B minor
PLUS Gluck ----- Michael Haydn ----- Mendelssohn ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Jan. 1901): 30; (3 Feb. 1901): 37.

19010203
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Jeanne Raunay (voice), Mme Chrétien-Vaguet (voice), M. Hennebains (fi)
Music: J.S. Bach: Excerpts from the Suite in B minor
PLUS Gluck ----- Michael Haydn ----- Mendelssohn ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Jan. 1901): 30; (3 Feb. 1901): 37.

A repeat performance of the performance given 27 Jan.

19010203
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Chevillard (conducting), M. Séchiari (vIn), M. Soudant (vIn)
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for two vIns
PLUS Schubert ----- Fauré ----- Beethoven -----
Rimsky-Korsakov ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Feb. 1901): 37; (10 Feb. 1901): 44-45.

19010217
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Felix Weingartner (conducting)
Music: Handel: Concerto in D minor (for two vins, cello and string instruments)
PLUS Mozart ----- Beethoven ----- Schubert

Reference: Le Ménestrel (17 Feb. 1901): 53; (24 Feb. 1901): 61.

19010303
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Je reste avec toi/Ich lasse dich nicht
PLUS Vidal----- Weber ----- Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (3 Mar. 1901): 68; (10 Mar. 1901): 77.

19010310
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Je reste avec toi/Ich lasse dich nicht
PLUS Vidal----- Weber ----- Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Mar. 1901): 77. A repeat of the concert given 3 March.
 195

19010326
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle du Nouveau Cirque)
Perfonners: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Mlles marguerite Chabry,
Pauline Vaillant, Charlotte Melno, Marguerite Roulleau,
M. Bourgeuil, M. Edmond Villard, M. Eugène Wagner (accompanying)
Music: Bach: Cantata Reste avec nous/Bleib bei uns (excerpts)
PLUS Hubertus Waelrant ----- Gounod ----- Wagner ----- Brahms
----- Saint-Saens

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe).

19010328
Venue/Assoc.: Les Grands Concerts symphonique de Paris (Théâtre du Vaudeville)
Music: Bach: Concerto no. 3 in G major for strings
PLUS Beethoven, Brahms, Schubert, Smetana

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Mar. 1901): 93; (31 Mar. 1901): 101.

19010405
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne
Perfonners: Anton van Rooy (baritone), Ysaye (vin), Raoul Pgno (pno), M. Wurmser,
M. Cantié (fl), M. Blanquart (fl)
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for two fis and vIn
PLUS Franck ----- Wagner ----- Schubert ----- Rimsky-Korsakov
(arr. by Saint-Saëns) ----- Mozart ----- Liszt ----- Bizet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Apr. 1901): 118.

1901 04 05-06
(HolyWeek)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Israel in Egypt (excerpts--3 choral numbers)
PLUS Fauré ----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Apr. 1901): 118.

19010416
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle du Nouveau Cirque)
Perfonners: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Mlle Charlotte Lavigne,
Mlle de Kemo, Mlle Lavigne, M. Drouville, M. Couturier, M. Eugène
Wagner (accompanying)
Music: Handel: Alexander's Feast (aIl)
PLUS Polignac ----- Gounod

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe).

 196

19010422
Venue/Assac.: Edouard Risler (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Edouard Risler (pno)
Music: Couperin --- Daquin ---- Rameau --- Bach - - Handel-- Scarlatti
PLUS Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (7 Apr. 1901): 108; (5 May 1901): 144.

19010425
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Vaudeville
Performers: Gabriel Marie (conducting), Kubelik (vIn)
Music: J.S. Bach: Chirstmas Oratorio ----- Handel: Water Music
PLUS Chabrier ----- Beethoven ----- Berlioz ----- Grieg
----- Vieuxtemps ----- Paganini

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Apr. 1901): 144.

19010506
Venue/Assoc.: Eugène Ysaye and Raoul Pugno (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn), Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: Bach: unspecified
PLUS Possibly: Mozart ----- Schubert ----- Brahms -----
Vreuls ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 May 1901): 152.

19010507
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle du Nouveau Cirque)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Mme C. Marteau,
Mme Vaillant-Couturier, Mlle Charlotte Lavigne, Mlle Gaëtane Vicq,
Mlle de Kerno, Mlle Ricci, M. Drouville, M. Brulfert, M. Couturier,
M. David, Eugène Wagner (accompanying)
Music: Handel: Alexander's Feast (part two)
PLUS Polignac ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe).

19010513 or 15
Venue/Assoc.: Eugène Ysaye and Raoul Pugno (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn), Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: Bach: Sonata in B minor
PLUS Possibly: Beethoven ----- Franck ----- Lazzari

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 May 1901): 159.

1901 05 25 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe
Music: Handel: Alexander's Feast

Reference: Journal des Débats (26 May 1901)

 197

19011020
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne at the Châtelet
Performers: Jacques Thibaud (vIn), Arthur de Greef (pno), M. Oliveira (vIn)
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for two vins
PLUS Beethoven ----- Lalo ----- Gossec ----- Liszt ----- Haydn
----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Oct. 1901): 336; (27 Oct. 1901): 341.

19011124
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Corsi: Adoramus te ----- Lotti: Vere languores nostros, Sanctus
PLUS Beethoven ----- Grétry ----- Cherubini ----- Thomas
----- Mozart ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (24 Nov. 1901): 374; (1 Dec. 1901): 380.

19011200
Venue/Assoc.: Nouvelle Société Philharmonique
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn), Harold Bauer (pno), Mlle Thérèse Behr
Music: J.S. Bach: unspecified sarabande, double, and bourrée
for vIn, unspecified aria
PLUS Brahms ----- Beethoven ----- Schubert ----- Schumann -----
Brahms ----- Tchaikovsky ----- Peter Cornelius ----- Giordani -----
Salvator Rosa

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Dec. 1901): 388.

19011201
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Corsi: Adoramus te ----- Lotti: Vere languores nostros, Sanctus
PLUS Beethoven ----- Grétry ----- Cherubini ----- Thomas -----
Mozart ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Dec. 1901): 380.

A repeat performance of the concert given 24 November.

19011201
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Émile Cazeneuve (voice), M. Oliveira (vIn), M. Blanquart (fl),
M. Forest (vIn), Mlle Hildur Fjord (voice)
Music: Purcell: unspecified overture ----- Bach: unspecified gavotte and
prelude for solo vIn ----- Vivaldi: unspecified sonata for fI ----- Lully:
Menuet from Le Bourgeois gentilhomme
PLUS Salzédo ----- Chopin ----- Liszt ----- Pierné ----- Cherubini
----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Dec. 1901): 381.

 198

19011212
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Casadesus (viola d'amore), M. Nanny (double bass), Mme Jeanne
Remacle (voice), Georges Dantu (voice), Mme Monteux-Barrière, M.
Armand Forest Paul Daraux (voice), M. Émile Cazeneuve (voice), Alfred
Casella, Lazare Lévy
Music: Bach: unspecified orchestral suite ----- Rameau: Tambourin, Menuet and
Passepied from Castor et Pollux for orchestra ----- Haesler: Ariette et
variations for viola d'amore and double bass ----- Bruni: Le Coucou for
viola d'amore and double bass
PLUS Schumann ----- Berlioz ----- Émile Bernard ----- Saint-Saëns -----
Massenet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Dec. 1901): 397.

190112 26 (or 19)

Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: André Bloch, Georges Enesco, M. Abbiate, Mlle Jeanne Leclerc,
Mlle Marguerite Béryza, M. Dantu, Philippe Gaubert, Henri Rabuad,
Mathieu d'Ancy.
Music: Handel: Concerto for Orchestra in D Major
PLUS Cimarosa ----- Weber ----- Charles LeFebvre -----
Henri Rabaud ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Brahms

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Dec. 1901): 412.

19020000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Palestrina: Omnes ami ci mei (a capella) ----- Rameau:
In convertendo, Hippolyte et Aricie (act 3),
Les Indes galantes (airs de ballets)
PLUS contemporary repertoire

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3700

19020112
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Rameau: Excerpts from the Act III of Hippolyte et Aricie
PLUS Mozart ----- Humperdinck ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Jan. 1902): 13.

19020112
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-ThéMre)
Performers: Moritz Rosenthal (pno), M. Feodorow, M. Daraux, M. Lubet,
Mme Adiny, Mme Vicq.
Music: Couperin: La Tendre Nanette (keyboard)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Liszt ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Brahms ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (12 Jan. 1902): 13.

 199

19020116
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle du Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Mme C. Marteau, Mlles Anne Vila,
Gaëtane Vicq, Mme marie Gay, Mlle Marguerite Roulleau,
M. Robert Le Lubez, M. Challet, M. David, M. L-A Blanc,
M. Locatelli, Louis Diémer
Music: Handel: Chaconne en sol majeur (played by Diémer) ----- Daquin:
Le Coucou
PLUS Schumann ----- Liszt.

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe)

19020119
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Rameau: Excerpts from the Act III of Hippolyte et Aricie
PLUS Mozart ----- Humperdinck ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Jan. 1902): 21; (26 Jan. 1902): 29.
A repeat performance of the concert given Jan. 12th.

19020126
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Music: Handel: unspecified Menuet arranged for orchestra
PLUS Gluck ----- Liszt ----- Beethoven ----- Wagner ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Jan. 1902): 30; (2 Feb. 1902): 38.

1902 02 01 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Société Rameau
Performers: Mme Ribeyre, Henri Casadesus, Edouard Nanny
Music: Lully: Cadmus et Hermione (excerpt--an unspecified
chaconne),Proserpine (excerpts), Alceste (excerpts) ----- Rameau: Cantate
Le Berger fidèle ----- Destouches

Reference: Journal des Débats (2 Feb. 1902)

19020216
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Alfred Brun (vIn)
Music: Palestrina: Omnes amici mei
PLUS Haydn ----- Beethoven ----- Mendelssoh ----- Th. Dubois
----- Meyerbeer, Lalo

Reference: Le Ménestrel (16 Feb. 1902): 52.

 200

19020216

Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)

Performers: Willy Burmester (vIn), mlle Julie Cahun
Music: J.S. Bach: Chacone for solo vIn
PLUS Saint-Saëns, Spohr, Franck, Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (16 Feb. 1902): 52; (23 Feb. 1902): 62.

19020223
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Alfred Brun (vIn)
Music: Palestrina: Omnes amici mei
PLUS Haydn ----- Beethoven ----- Mendelssoh ----- Th. Dubois
----- Meyerbeer ----- Lalo

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Feb. 1902): 62.

A repeat performance of a concert given 16 February.

19020223
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Félix Mottl (conducting)
Music: Handel: Concerto for Orchestra No. 12
PLUS Liszt ----- Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Chabraer-Mottl
----- Cornelius ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Feb. 1902): 62.

19020301
(or late Feb.)
Venue/Assoc.: Société chorale d'amateurs Guillot de Sainbris
Performers: J. Griset (conducting), mme Drees-Brun, M. Boucrel, Mme Deligand,
Mme Fourrier, M. Damad, M. B., Mlle Olga de Melgounoff, Diémer
(accompanying on pno
Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata Bleib bei uns
PLUS Schmitt ----- Koechlin ----- Dubois ----- Borodine -----
Diémer ----- Fournier

Reference: Le Ménestrel (2 Mar. 1902): 72.

19020302
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Willy Burmester (vIn), Mme Héglon
Music: J.S. Bach: Adagio in C-sharminor and Fugue in G minor for vIn
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Delibes -----
Saint-Saëns ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (2 Mar. 1902): 71. A la mémoire de Victor Hugo

 201

19020328
(Good Friday)
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Rameau: In convertendo
PLUS Mozart ----- Gounod ----- Meyerbeer ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Wagner ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Apr. 1902): 109.

19020328
(Good Friday)
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne
Performers: Mme Émile Bourgeois (voice), Mlle Julie Cahun (voice),
M. Warmbrodt (voice), Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata Bleib bei uns
PLUS Berlioz ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Beethoven ----- D. Scarlatti
----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Apr. 1902): 109; Journal des Débats (13 Apr. 1902)

19020406
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Lovano (voice), Mme Vicq (voice), Georges Marty (voice),
M. Drouville (voice), M. Daraux (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: B Minor Mass

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Apr. 1902): 110; (13 Apr. 1902): 116.

19020410
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mlle Lucie Léon (pno), Louis Fournier (cello), armand Forest (vin),
Mme Provinciali-Celmer (harp), Mme Ida Ekman (voice)
Music: Rameau: unspecified ballet airs from Hippolyte et Aricie
PLUS Boieldieu ----- Duvernoy ----- Albert Périlhou ----- AND SONGS BY
Schubert ----- Schumann ----- Brahms ----- Strauss ----- Lalo ----- Franck ---
-- Sibelius ----- Backer-Grondahl ----- Grieg ----- Merikanto

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Apr. 1902): 116.

19020413
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Lovano (voice), Mme Vicq (voice), Georges Marty (voice),
M. Drouville (voice), M. Daraux (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: B Minor Mass

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Apr. 1902): 117.

 202

19020420
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Francis Planté (pno), M. Hennebains, M. Nadaud,
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto in D Major for [pno], fi and vIn
PLUS Schumann, Mendelssohn, Mozart, Borodine

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Apr. 1902): 126; (27 Apr. 1902): 133-34.

19020426
Venue/Assoc.: Fierens-Gevaert and V. d'Indy (Opéra-Comique)
Music: Lully: Excerpts from Armide et Renaud and Alcest -----
Destouches: unspecified ----- Rameau: Excerpts from Dardanus
and Hippolyte et Aricie

Reference: Le Ménestrel (5 Jan. 1902): 7. A lecture-recitai by d'Indy

19020427
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Francis Planté (pno), M. Hennebains, M. Nadaud,
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto in D Major for [pno], fi and vIn
PLUS Schumann, Mendelssohn, Mozart, Borodine

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Apr. 1902): 134.

A repeat performance of the concert given 20 April.

19021019
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Colonne (conducting), M. Coss ira (voice), M. Ballard (voice),
Mlle Playfair (vIn), Mlle Chemet (vIn)
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for two vIns
PLUS Brahms ----- Koechlin ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Gounod
----- Weber ----- Massenet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Oct. 1902): 341.

190211 09
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: M. David Henderson (voice), H. Henderson (voice)
Music: Handel: unspecified concerto in D minor
PLUS Schumann ----- Debussy ----- Gluck ----- Mendelssohn
----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (9 Nov. 1902): 357; (16 Nov. 1902): 364.

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19021118
Venue/Assoc.: Société Philharmonique (Salle des Agriculteurs)
Performers: Mlle Marie Delna (voice), Édouard Risler (pno)
Music: J.S. Bach: unspecified keyboard work ----- Couperin: unspecified
keyboard work
PLUS Gluck ----- Beethoven ----- Berlioz ----- Mozart ----- R. Strauss

Reference: Le Ménestrel (16 Nov. 1902): 367; (23 Nov. 1902): 373.

19021123
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Rameau: Airs de ballet from Les Indes Galantes
PLUS Beethoven ----- Haydn ----- Mendelssohn ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (23 Nov. 1902): 373; (30 Nov. 1902): 379-80.

19021130
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Rameau: Airs de ballet from Les Indes Galantes
PLUS Beethoven ----- Haydn ----- Mendelssohn ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (30 Nov. 1902): 380.

A repeat performance of the concert given Nov. 23rd.

19021130
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle des Ingénieurs Civils de France)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Eugène Wagner (accomp),
André Mellerio (lecture), Mme Vaillant-Couturier, Mlle Gaëtane Vicq,
Mme Monteux-Barrière, MM. Vallade, Couturier, Bernaert, Locatelli
Music: Bach: Mass in B minor (excerpts--Incarnatus, Crucifixus-choral
numbers) ----- Palestrina: Adoramus te, Vinea mea
PLUS Brahms ----- Schumann ----- Chabrier ----- Alexandre Georges: La
Passion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe)

19021214
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle des Ingénieurs Civils de France)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Eugène Wagner (accomp), André
Mellerio (lecture), Mme Jane Arger, Mlle J. Bracks, Mlle L. Brébant, Mme
Marie Gay, Mlles Hélène et Hedwige Ziélinska, Mlle M.L. Roy MM.
Drouville et Challet.
Music: Bach: Cantate Pour tous les temps/Ich hatte viel
Bekümmernis/J'avais l'ombre plein le coeur, (BWV 21, French transI.
Maurice Bouchor)
PLUS A. Deslandres ----- C. Carissan ----- Mestres ----- Gounod

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe)

 204

19030111
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Léon Laffitte (voice), Paul Daraux (voice), M. Boussagol (voice),
Mlle C. Mastio (voice), Mme Georges Marty (voice)
Music: Bach: Saint John Passion (French translation by Maurice Bouchor)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Jan. 1903): 13; (18 Jan. 1903): 21;
Lavignac II, vol. 11, 3700

19030111
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle des Ingénieurs Civils de France)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Eugène Wagner (accomp), André
Mellerio (lecture), Mme Jane Arger, Mlle Jane Bernardel, Mme Marie
Gay, M. Gabriel Fauré, M. Georges Enesco, M. Dardignac, M. Marc-
David.
Music: Bach: Cantata Pour tous les temps/Ich hatte viel Bekümmernis, (BWV 21,
1st and final choral numbers) ----- Jean-Baptiste Casali: Ave maria (for a
capella choir)
PLUS Gabriel Fauré instrumental works, melodies and La Naissance
de Vénus (scène mythologique pour soli et choeurs)

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe)

19030118
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Léon Laffitte (voice), Paul Daraux (voice), M. Boussagol (voice),
Mlle C. Mastio (soprano), mme Georges marty (contralto)
Music: Bach: Saint John Passion (French translation by Maurice Bouchor)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (18 Jan. 1903): 22, Lavignac II, vol. 11,3700.
A repeat of the concert given Jan. 11th.

19030125
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Léon Laffitte (voice), Paul Daraux (voice), M. Boussagol (voice),
Mlle C. Mastio (soprano), mme Georges marty (contralto)
Music: Bach: Saint John Passion (French translation by Maurice Bouchor)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Jan. 1903): 30; Journal des Débats (15 Feb. 1903);
Lavignac II, vol. 11,3700. Another repeat of the concert given Jan. 11th.

19030125
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Victor Charpentier (Salle Humbert-de-Romans)
Performers: Mme Olga de Névosy, M. I. Phlipp
Music: Rameau: Excerpts from Les Indes Galantes
PLUS Franck ----- Alexandre Georges ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Jan. 1903): 30.

 205

19030125
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Léon Laffitte (voice), Paul Daraux (voice), M. Boussagol (voice),
Mlle C. Mastio (soprano), mme Georges marty (contralto)
Music: Bach: Saint John Passion (French translation by Maurice Bouchor)

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Jan. 1903): 32, Lavignac II, vol. lI, 3700.
Another repeat of the COncert given 11 January.

19030200
Venue/Assoc.: André Tracol
Performers: Paul Daraux (voice), Blanche Selva (pno), André Tracol (pno),
M. Schneklud
Music: Handel: unspecified aria from Xerses ----- Rameau: Pièces en concert
PLUS Brahms ----- Vreuls ----- Georges Guiraud

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Feb. 1903): 62.

19030201
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme. Lovano, Mme Hénault, M. Gresse, M. Geyre, M. Boussagol
Music: Rameau: 0 Quam Dilecta (motet, using Saint-Saëns's edition) -----
Jannequin: Le Chant des oiseaux
PLUS Beethoven ----- Massenet ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Feb. 1903): 38; (8 Feb. 1903): 44-45.

19030207
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme. Lovano, Mme Hénault, M. Gresse, M. Geyre, M. Boussagol
Music: Rameau: 0 Quam Dilecta (motet, using Saint-Saëns's edition) -----
Jannequin: Le Chant des oiseaux
PLUS Beethoven ----- Massenet ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Feb. 1903): 45.

A repeat performance of the cOncert given 1 February.

19030208
Venue/Assoc.: Concert Louis Pister (Théâtre Marigny)
Performers: M. Stigwalt (voice), Mlle Marguerite Revel (voice)
Music: Lully: aria from Alceste
PLUS Bizet ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Godard ----- MontaIent
----- Massenet ----- Leroux ----- Haydn ----- Massenet ----- Saint-Saëns

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Feb. 1903): 45.

 206

19030215
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: M. Ballard (voice), M. Berton (voice) M. Dardignac (voice),
M. Guillamat (voice), Mme Auguez de Montalant (voice), Mme D'Ancy
(voice), Mme Richebourg (voice), Mme Cahun (voice), Mme Depagneux,
Mme Clamoussan, Jacques Thibaud (vin)
Music: J.S. Bach: Prelude from the 1st sonata for vIn, Gigue and Gavotte
from the 6th Sonata for vIn
PLUS Schumann ----- Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Feb. 1903): 54.

19030215
Venue/Assoc.: Concert Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Music: Handel: Concerto for 2 vins, 1 cello and string quartet in D minor
PLUS Schumann ----- Liszt ----- d'Indy ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Feb. 1903): 54; (22 Feb. 1903): 62.

19030308
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Jeanne Leclerc (voice), Mme Leclerc (voice), Mme Laffitte (voice),
M. Laffitte (voice), M. Bartet (voice)
Music: Handel: Allegro il Pensieroso ed il moderato
PLUS Schumann ----- Lalo ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Mar. 1903): 77.

19030308
Venue/Assoc.: Concert Lefort (Salle des Sociétés Savantes)
Performers: M. Fugère (voice), Th. Dubois (pno and conducting), Mlle C. Richez
(pno), Mlle C. Forte (vIn), Max d'Ollone (conducting), Ch. Levade
(pno), Jeanne Raunay (voice)
Music: Rameau: Excerpts from Castor et Pollux (Overture, Gavotte, Tambourin)
PLUS Max d'Ollone ----- Th. Dubois ----- Saint-Saëns -----
Ch. Levade ----- Wieniawsky ----- Schumann

Reference: Le Ménestrel (8 Mar. 1903): 78; (15 Mar. 1903): 85.

19030315
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Jeanne Leclerc (voice), Mme Leclerc (voice), Mme Laffitte (voice),
M. Laffitte (voice), M. Bartet (voice)
Music: Handel: Allegro il Pensieroso ed il moderato
PLUS Schumann ----- Lalo ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Mar. 1903): 85; (22 Mar. 1903): 93.
A repeat of the concert given 8 March.
 207

19030322
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Je reste avec toi/Ich lasse dich nicht
PLUS Schumann ----- Berlioz ----- d'Indy ----- Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Mar. 1903): 93; (29 Mar. 1903): 100-01.

19030322
Venue!Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle des Ingénieurs Civils de France)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Eugène Wagner (accomp),
André Mellerio (lecture), Mme la Vicomtesse de Trédern, Mlle Cécile
O'Rourke, M. Robert le Lubez, M. Dardignac, M. Marc-David
Music: Bach: Actus Tragicus/Cantata Gottes Zeit, (BWV 106)
PLUS aIl of Massenet's Ève Mystère

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe)

19030326
Venue!Assoc.: Raoul Pugno (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Raoul Pugno (pno)
Music: Bach: unspecified keyboard concerto
PLUS Beethoven ----- Schumann

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Mar. 1903): 94.

19030328
Venue!Assoc.: Sarasate (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Sarasate (vIn), M. Barrère (fi)
Music: Bach: Chaconne for fi, Largo and Allegro assai for solo vIn
PLUS Beethoven ----- Sarasate

Reference: Le Ménestrel (22 Mar. 1903): 94; (5 Apr. 1903): 109.

19030329
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Je reste avec toi!Ich lasse dich nicht
PLUS Schumann ----- Berlioz ----- d'Indy ----- Haydn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (29 Mar. 1903): 101.

A repeat performance of the concert held 22 March.

19030405
Venue!Assoc.: Euterpe (Salle des Ingénieurs Civils de France)
Performers: A. Duteil d'Ozane (conducting), Armand Ferté, Mme Poinsot,
Mlle Suzanne Hesdey et Grégoire, M. Dardignac, M. Marc-David,
M. Boucrel, Eugène Wagner (pno), André Mellerio (lecture)
Music: Bach: Actus Tragicus/Cantata Gottes Zeit, (BWV 106)
PLUS Planchet ----- Puget ----- Beethoven ----- Tiersot.

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Euterpe)

 208

19030419
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Sarasate (vIn)
Music: Bach: Chaconne, Largo, Allegro assai for vIn ----- Handel: choral
excerpts from Messiah
PLUS Saint-Saëns ----- Lalo ----- Thomas

Reference: Le Ménestrel (19 Apr. 1903): 126; (26 Apr. 1903): 134.

19030426
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Sarasate (vIn)
Music: Bach: Chaconne, Largo, Allegro assai for vIn ----- Handel: choral
excerpts from Messiah
PLUS Saint-Saëns ----- Lalo ----- Thomas

Reference: Le Ménestrel (26 Apr. 1903): 134.

A repeat performance of a concert given Apr. 19th.

19030510
Venue/Assoc.: Given by Edouard Risler at Salle Pleyel
Performers: Edouard Risler (pno)
Music: Bach: unpsecified keyboard work ----- Couperin: unspecified
keyboard works
PLUS Mozart ----- Liszt ----- Beethoven ----- Dukas ----- Strauss

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 May 1903): 151.

19031025
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Colonne (Conducting), Mlle de Nocé (voice), Mlle Deville (voice),
M. Daraux (voice), M. Dantu (voice), Mlle Réol (vIn), M. Arthur (vIn),
M. Tourret (vIn)
Music: J.S. Bach: Concerto for three vIns
PLUS Berlioz ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Oct. 1903): 341-42.

19031115
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Music: Handel: Concert in B-Flat for two oboes
PLUS Mozart ----- Büsser ----- Debussy ----- Tchaikovsky

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 Nov. 1903): 365; (22 Nov. 1903): 372.
 209

19031122
(Saint Cecilia's Day)
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: J.S. Bach: Magnificat
PLUS Franck ----- Haydn ----- Liszt ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Duparc
----- Dukas ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (1 Nov. 1903): 350.

19031200
Venue!Assoc.: Fondation Bach (Salle Pleyel)
Performers: Charles Bouvet (vIn), J. Jemain (harpsichord and pno),
Mlle Marie Lasne (voice), M. Bouvet (vioin), M. D. Herrmann (vIn),
M. Choinet (cello)
Music: J.S. Bach: Sonata in B minor for vIn and [pnol, unspecified sacred vocal
works ----- Leclair: unspecified sonata for vIn and [pno 1----- Rameau: Le
Berger Fidèle

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Dec. 1903): 413.

19031220
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Lormont, M. Philip(pno)
Music: Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est ----- Jannequin: Ce moys de May -----
Costeley: Mignonne, allons voir
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Chabrier ----- Mozart ----- Liszt ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Dec. 1903): 405.

19031227
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Lormont, M. Philip(pno)
Music: Nanini: Hodie Christus natus est ----- Jannequin: Ce moys de May -----
Costeley: Mignonne, allons voir
PLUS Mendelssohn ----- Chabrier ----- Mozart ----- Liszt ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Dec. 1903): 413; (3 Jan. 1904): 5.

A repeat performance of a concert given Dec. 20th.

19040100
Venue!Assoc.: Société Philharmonique
Performers: Eugène Ysaye (vIn)
Music: Handel: unspecified vIn sonata ----- J.S. Bach: Concerto for Two VIns,
unspecified Sarabande, Gigue and Chaconne (the last as an encore)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Schumann ----- Vieuxtemps

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Jan. 1904): 38.

 210

19040110
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Perfonners: M. Hubermann (vIn), M. Gillet (oboe), M. Bouillon (oboe)
Music: Handel: Concerto in B-flat (for orchestra?)
PLUS Schumann ----- de Bréville ----- Lalo ----- Liszt ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Jan. 1904): 13; (17 Jan. 1904): 21.

19040200
Venue/Assoc.: Fondation J.S. Bach Founded by Ch. Bouvet (Pleyel)
Performers: Charles Bouvet (vIn), Joseph Jemain (harpsichord), D. Hermann
(gamba?), Victor Debay (voice?). M. Casadesus, M. G. Drouet,
M. Papin, M. Filastre, M. H. Choinet, M. L. Bouter.
Music: J.S. Bach: unspecified vin sonata in E, Fugue in G minor, unspecified
invention, unspecified aria from a cantata with vIn obligato, Concerto
for two vIas, two gambas, cello and bass ----- Couperin: Trio Sonata
l'Apothéose de Corelli, two unspecified works for gamba and
harpsichord, Soeur Monique ----- Carissimi: Les Plaintes d'Ezéchias
----- Locatelli: unspecified Cantabile

Reference: Le Ménestrel (7 Feb. 1904): 45.

19040200
Venue/Assoc.: Société Chorale d'Amateurs Guillot de Sainbris
Perfonners: Mme A. Duvernoy (voice), Mme Durand, Mme Grosseteste-Thierry,
M. Sautelet, M. Jules Griset (conducting)
Music: Three unspecfied chansons from the Renaissance
PLUS Saint-Saëns ----- A. Coquard ----- Augusta Holmès -----
O. Letorey ----- M. Ph. Bellenot

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 Feb. 1904): 64.

19040203
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe as part of the Société des Matinées Danbé
Performers: Duteil d'Ozanne (conducting), M. Soudant, M. de Bruyne, M. Migard,
M. Polain, Mlle Lanrezac (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: First choral number from Cantata Reste avec nous/
Bleib bei uns, (BWV 6) ----- Palestrina: Adoramus te and Vinea mea
PLUS Schumann ----- Bizet ----- Gounod

Reference: Le Ménestrel (31 Jan. 1904): 40.

19040207
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Perfonners: Ernest von Schuch (conducting), Lucien Wurmser (pno)
Music: Handel: Allegro Moderato from Concerto in D minor for Orchestra
PLUS Berlioz ----- Wagner ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Beethoven

Reference: Le Ménestrel (7 Feb. 1904): 45; (14 Feb. 1904): 53.

 211

19040214
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Huascar, M. Clark
Music: Rameau: Les Indes Galantes (excerpts)
PLUS Brahms ----- Dukas ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (14 Feb. 1904): 53; (21 Feb. 1904): 69; Journal des Débats,
(8 May 1904); Lavignac II, vol. 11, 3701.

19040221
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Huascar, M. Clark
Music: Rameau: Les Indes Galantes (excerpts)
PLUS Brahms ----- Dukas ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 Feb. 1904): 62; Journal des Débats (8 May 1904);
Lavignac II, vol. 11, 3701.
A repeat performance of the concert given 14 February.

19040221
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Mme Ida Ekman (voice), M. Malats, Mlle Richebourg (voice),
Mlle Deville (voice), M. Dantu (voice), M. Daraux (voice)
Music: Handel: Aria from Xerses
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mozart ----- Marty ----- Saint-Saëns
----- Schubert ----- Brahms ----- Liszt ----- Sibelius ----- Merikanto

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 Feb. 1904): 62; (28 Feb. 1904): 69.

19040224
Venue/Assoc.: Euterpe with Société des Matinées Danbé (Théâtre de l'Ambigu)
Performers: Duteil d'Ozanne (conducting), Mlle Jane Arger, M. E. Cazeneuve,
M. Bernard, M. Soudant, M. de Bruyne, M. Migard, M. Jean Bedetti,
M. A. Dodement (pno)
Music: Handel: Alexander' s Feast
PLUS Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (21 Feb. 1904): 62.

19040228
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Augusez de Montalant, Mlle Eléonore Blanc, Mme Georges Marty,
M. Émile Cazeneuve, M. Frôlich
Music: J.S. Bach: Magnificat
PLUS Schumann ----- Th. Dubois ----- Wagner ----- Grieg

Reference: Le Ménestrel (28 Feb. 1904): 70; (6 Mar. 1904): 77;

Journal des Débats (8 May 1904)
 212

19040300
Venue/Assoc.: Fondation Bach (Founded by Charles Bouvet)
Performers: Charles Bouvet (vIn), Joseph Jemain (harpsichord and pno),
M. Blanquart, M. G. Papin, M. Bleuzet, Mme Lovano (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: Sonata for fl and [pno J, unspecified trio, aria for
Pentecost 0 ewiges Feuer, (BWV 34), aria from the Cantata
for the birthday of the Duke of Saxony ----- Francoeur: unspecified vIn
sonata ----- Couperin: pièce en concert for vIn, viola da gamba, and
harpsichord

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Mar. 1904): 93.

Note: Julien Tiersot also gave a lecture at this concert.

19040306
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mme Augusez de Montalant, Mlle Eléonore Blanc, Mme Georges Marty,
M. Émile Cazeneuve, M. Frôlich
Music: J.S. Bach: Magnificat
PLUS Schumann ----- Th. Dubois ----- Wagner ----- Grieg

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Mar. 1904): 77, Journal des Débats (8 May 1904)
Note: This is a repeat performance of the concert given Feb. 28th.

19040306
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Mme Panthès (pno)
Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata, Bleib bei uns, (BWV 6)
PLUS Berlioz ----- Brahms ----- Liszt ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (6 Mar. 1904): 78; (13 Mar. 1904): 84.

19040313
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Colonne
Performers: Jacques Thibaud (vIn), Mme Cahun-Hekking (voice),
Mme Deville (voice), M. Gluck (voice), M. Reder (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach Easter Cantata, Prelude and fugue from the 1st
sonata for vIn
PLUS Lefèvre-Derodé ----- Brahms ----- Mozart ----- Wagner

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Mar. 1904): 84; (20 Mar. 1904): 92.

19040320
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Lassus: Fuyons tous d'amour le jeu ----- Jannequin: La Bataille
de Marignan
PLUS Beethoven ----- Schubert ----- Gluck ----- Borodine
----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Mar. 1904): 93; (27 Mar. 1904): 101.
 213

19040327
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Lassus: Fuyons tous d'amour le jeu ----- Jannequin: La Bataille
de Marignan
PLUS Beethoven ----- Schubert ----- Gluck ----- Borodine
----- Mendelssohn

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Mar. 1904): 102; Lavignac II, vol. 11, 3701.
Note: This is a repeat performance of the concert given Mar. 20th.

19040331
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: J.S. Bach: Saint John Passion

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Apr. 1904): 117; Journal des Débats (8 May 1904).

19040401
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: J.S. Bach: Saint John Passion

Reference: Le Ménestrel (10 Apr. 1904): 117. Journal des Débats (8 May 1904). Note:
This is a repeat performance of the concert given 31 March.

1904 04 09 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux
Music: Bach: Easter Cantata Bleib bei uns

Reference: Journal des Débats (10 Apr. 1904)

19040500
Venue/Assoc.: Fondation J.S. Bach
Performers: Charles Bouvet (vIn), M. F. Debruille (vIn), J. Jemain
(harpsichord and pno), 1. Frôlich (voice)
Music: Handel: unspecified aria ----- Bach: unspecified aria -----
Rameau: unspecified aria ----- other unspecified early music for
two vIns.

Reference: Le Ménestrel (15 May 1904): 160.

19041113
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Johannès Wolff (vIn)
Music: Handel: Concerto in D Minor for Orchestra
PLUS Mozart ----- Beethoven ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Berlioz ----- Liszt

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Nov. 1904): 365.

 214

19041120
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau Théâtre)
Performers: M. 1 Phlipp, M. Deschamps, M. Sechiari
Music: J.s. Bach: Fifth Concerto [for fl, vIn and pno, Brandenburg #5?]

Reference: Le Ménestrel (20 Nov. 1904): 373.

19041127
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Saul

Reference: Le Ménestrel (13 Nov. 1904): 368.

19041127
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Mary Garnier (voice), M. Clark, Jacques Thibaud (vIn),
M. Cazeneuve (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata Pour tous les temps/ !ch hatte viel Bekümmernis,
(BWV 21, excerpt--aria with oboe obligato)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Mozart ----- Chabrier ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Nov. 1904): 381; (4 Dec. 1904): 387-88.

19041127
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau Théâtre)
Performers: Mme Lillian Blauvelt (voice)
Music: Handel: aria from Il Pensiero (Air du Rossignol with flobligato)
PLUS Schumann ----- Coquard ----- Rimsky-Korsakov ----- Mozart
----- Wagner ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (27 Nov. 1904): 381; (4 Dec. 1904): 388.

19041200
Venue/Assoc.: Fondation Bach (Salle Pleye!), Ist concert of a series
Performers: M. Bouvet (vIn), M. Jemain (pno and harpsichord),
Mlle Marie Lasone (voice), M. Papin
Music: Handel: Sonata in D for vIn and [pno], unspecified aria from
Rodelinda ----- J.S. Bach: Sonata in A for vIn and [pnol,
unspecified aria from the Christmas Cantata ----- Marais: suite
for viola da gamba and harpsichord ----- Leclair: unspecified trio sonata -
---- Lully: unspecified aria for Thésée
PLUS Mozart

Reference: Le Ménestrel (25 Dec. 1904): 413.

 215

19041204
Venue!Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Performers: Mlle Mary Garnier (voice), M. '::::lark, Jacques Thibaud (vIn),
M. Cazeneuve (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: Cantate Pour tous les temps !lch hatte viel Bekümmernis,
(BWV 21, excerpt--aria with oboe obligato)
PL US Beethoven ----- Mozart ----- Chabrier ----- Weber

Reference: Le Ménestrel (4 Dec. 1904): 388.

Note: This is a repeat performance of the concert given Nov. 27th.

19041208
Venue!Assoc.: Julien Tiersot (École des Hautes Études Sociales)
Performers: Mme Marie Mockel, Mme Mayrand, M. Jean Ruder,
Julien Tiersot (lecturer)
Music: Excerpts taken from Tiersot's Chants de la vieille France

Reference: Le Ménestrel (4 Dec. 1904): 391.

19041211
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Gabriel Pierné (conducting), Mme Auguez de Montalant (voice),
Mme Deville (voice), M. Cornubert (voice), M. Daraux (voice)
Music: J.S. Bach: Cantata Pour tous les temps/lch hatte viel
Bekümmernis, (BWV 21)
PLUS Beethoven ----- Koechlin ----- Enesco

Reference: Le Ménestrel (11 Dec. 1904): 396; (18 Dec. 1904): 404.

19041218
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Colonne (Châtelet)
Performers: Gabriel Pierné (conducting), Mlle Lindsay (voice), Raoul Pugno (pno),
M. Maugière (voice)
Music: Rameau: vocal excerpts from Les Indes Galantes
PLUS Beethoven ----- Gaubert ----- Schumann ----- Bruneau
----- Franck ----- Berlioz

Reference: Le Ménestrel (18 Dec. 1904): 404; (25 Dec. 1904): 421.

19041218
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux (Nouveau-Théâtre)
Performers: Mme Bressler Gianoli (voice)
Music: Handel: Concerto in D Minor for Orchestra
PLUS Schumann ----- d'Indy ----- Beethoven ----- Gluck -----
Wagner ----- Saint-Saëns ----- Bizet

Reference: Le Ménestrel (18 Dec. 1904): 404; (25 Dec. 1904): 412.
 216

19050000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Suite in B minor, Suite in D major

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3701

1905 0114 (?)

Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Lamoureux
Reference: Rameau: Les Indes Galantes

Reference: Journal des Débats (15 Jan. 1905)

19050412
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Alexandre Guilmant (organ and harpsichord), Mme Maurice Gallet
(voice), Mme Maria Gay (voice), Mlle Blanche Selva, M. Alfred Cortot,
M. Jan. Reder (voice), M. Paul Gibert (voice), Gustave Bret (conducting)
Music: Bach: Concerto for two [pnos] in C minor (Selva and Cortot), Cantata
Wer weiss wie nahe, Cantata Weichet nur, betrübte Schatten,
Concerto for two [pnos] in C Major.

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19050418
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gigout (organ), Lucien Capet (vIn), Marguerite Long (pno)
Music: Bach: Fantaisie and Fugue in G minor for organ, Sonata in B minor
for vIn and [pno], two organ chorals, 4th sonata for solo vIn, Prelude and
Fugue in F minor (WTC book 2) and C-sharmajor (WTC book 1), toccata
and Fugue in D minor for organ

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

1905 05 20 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Alfred Cortot?
Performers: Alfred Cortot
Music: Bach: Brandenburg Concerto (no. 5?)

Reference: Journal des Débats (21 May 1905)

1905 06 03 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Reynaldo Hahn
Performers: Reynaldo Hahn
Music: Lulli: unspecified (vocal?) works ----- Rameau: unspecified
(vocal?) works

Reference: Journal des Débats (4 June 1905)

 217

19051122
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Louis Diémer, M. Lazare-Lévy (pno), M. Alfredo Casella (pno),
Mlle Mathieu d'Ancy (voice), Daniel Herrmann (vin), M. Krauss (fl),
Nadia Boulanger (organ), M. Mondain (oboe), Gustave Bret
(conducting), Mlle Gabrielle Noiriel, M. Jan. Reder.
Music: Bach: Concerto for three pnos and orchestra in C major, Cantata 0
Holder Tag, Concerto for three pnos and orchestra in D minor, Cantata
Liebster Jesu, meein Verlangen (transI. by G. Bret)

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19051129
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Mlle Boutet de Monvel (pno), M. Joseph Debroux (vin),
M. Henri Dallier (organ)
Music: Bach: Prelude and fugue in A minor for organ, Suite for pno and vin in
A major, Fantaisie in G major for organ, Sonata in G minor for solo vin,
Chromatic fantasie and fugue for pno, organ choral Valet will ich dir
geben

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19051209
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Music: Bach: Le Choix d'Hercule--Dramma per Musica (1er aud à Paris),
Cantata Herr wie du willt, Brandenburg Concerto no. 1 (with 2 horns)

Reference: Notice in Original concert programme for concerts of Nov. 1905, at

Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19060000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Suite in C major, Cantata Phoebus and Pan

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3701

1906 0113 (7)

Venue/Assoc.: Société J.S. Bach
Music: J.S. Bach: Le Choix d'Hercule

Reference: Journal des Débats (14 Jan. 1906)

 218

19060117
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Georg Walter (tenor from Berlin), Éléonore Blanc, Louis Bourgeois,
Mlle M. L. Ritter, M. Hennebains, M. Daniel Hermann,
Nadia Boulanger (organ), Gustave Bret (conducting)
Music: Bach: Cantata Nun Komm, der heidenHeiland, Cinq Chants
Spirituels (Geistliche Lieder), Concerto in A minor for pno, fi and vIn,
Cantata Ich armer Mensch

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19060124
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Mme Rey-Gaufrès (pno), M. Krauss (fl), M. Tournemire (organ),
M. Pablo Casals (vc), Gustave Bret (conducting)
Music: Bach: Prelude and fugue in B minor for organ, 4th sonata for pno and fi
in
C major, organ chorale An Wasserflüssen Bablyon, WTC Prelude and
Fugue in F minor, Fantaisie in C minor for pno, Suite in C major for solo
cello, Toccata and Fugue in C major for organ

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19060127 ?
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Cantata Phoebus and Pan

Reference: Journal des Débats (28 Jan. 1906)

19060207
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Nadia Boulanger (organ and harpsichord),
Mlle Gabrielle Noiriel, Mlle Claire Hugon, M. Plamondon,
M. Sigwalt, M. Louis Bourgeois, M. Daniel Herrmann (vIn), M. Krauss
(fl), M. Mondain (oboe)
Music: Bach: Brandenburg Concerto no. 1 (with horns), Cantata Ach wie
fIüchtig, ach wie nichtig (for the 24th Sunday after Trinity), Suite in B
minor for fi and orchestra, Cantata Herr, wie du willst

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19060221
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Mme Marie Panthès (pno),
M. Ch-M. Widor (organ), Georges Enesco (vIn)
Music: Bach: Prelude and fugue in C minor for organ, 3rd sonata for pno and
vIn
in E major, Organ chorales Herzlich thut mich verlangen and In du Ici
jubilo, Solo vIn partita in E (3 mvts), WTC Preludes and fugues in C
minor, C-sharmajor, D minor, d major, Concerto in A minor for organ

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 219

19060314
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Mlle Mary Pironnay (voice), M. Monys
(voice), Mlle Marguerite Hamman, Ph. Gaubert, Daniel Herrmann, Mlle
Mary Ado (voice)r, Fernand Francell (voice), Joseph Bonnet (organ)
Music: Bach: Cantata Burlesque Nous avons un nouveau gouvernement,
5thBrandenburg Concerto for pno, fi, and vIn, Cantata HaIt im
Gedachtniss

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19060321

Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)

Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Mme Wanda Landowska (harpsichord and
pno), Mlle Carlotta de Féo (voice), M. Joseph Bonnet (organ), Daniel
Herrmann (vIn)
Music: Bach: Prelude and Fugue in D major for organ, ltalian Concerto (on
harpsichord), Sonata in D minor for organ, French suite in E major (on
pno), aria from Cantata Lobet Gott in seinen Reichen, English suite in G
major (on pno), Prelude and fugue in G major for organ

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.5. Bach)

1906 04 21 (?)
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Actus Tragicus ----- Rameau: Castor et Pollux (excerpt--act III)

Reference: Journal des Débats (22 Apr. 1906)

19060509
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Mlle Marie Philippi (voice), Mlle Boutet de
Monvel (pno), Mlle Mary Pironnay (voice), M. Plamondon (voice),
M. Jan. Reder (voice), Joseph Bonnet (organ)
Music: Bach: first choir piece from Cantata Halt'im Gedachtniss, Cantata
Schlage doch, Concerto in D minor for pno and orchestra, Cinq Chants
spirituels (Geistliche Lieder), Cantate Am Abend Aber

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.5. Bach)

19060523
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Eugène Gigout (organ), Louis Hasselmans
(vc), A. Casella (pno), M. Motte-Lacroix (pno), M. Dupré (pno), M.
Lortat-Jacob (pno)
Music: Bach: Toccata in f major for organ, Sonata for vc and pno, Canzone for
organ, Toccata and fugue in C minor for pno, lst sonata for organ,
concerto for 4 pnos (after Vivaldi)

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 220

19061116
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.S. Bach
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), George Walter (voice)
Music: Bach: Passioni selon Saint-Jean

Reference: Tablettes (15 Oct. 1906)

19061219
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting),
Music: Bach: Coffee Cantata, Brandenburg Concerto No. 4
(for vin, 2 fis and orch), Cantata Himmelskonig, sei willkommen

Reference: Notice in Original concert programme for concerts of the same society in
Nov. 1906, at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19070000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Christmas Oratorio

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3701

19070206
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), George Walter (tenor), Joseph Bonnet (organ)
Music: Bach: Cantata Sie werden aus Saba aile Kommen,lst Brandenburg
Concerto (with horns), Cinq Geistliche Lieder, Cantata Ich armer Mensch

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19070306
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Mary Pironnay (voice), Daniel
Herrmann (vin), Louis Revel (vc), M. Mondain (ob), M. Lachanaud (trp),
M. Krauss (fi), Olga Peyer (voice), M. Engel (tenor), Louis Bourgeois
(voice), Albert Schweitzer (org), A. Phili(harps)
Music: Bach: first choral number from Cantata Ihr werdet weinen undheulen,
Cantate du Printemps (translated by Mme Henriette Fuchs), 2nd
Brandenburg concerto, Cantata Halt'im Gedachtniss

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19070424
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Mme Phili(voice), M. Plamondon, Joseph
Debroux (vin), A. Phili(organ)
Music: Bach: Brandenburg Concerto no.6, Duo from the Magnificat,Concerto for
vin in A minor, Actus Tragicus

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 221

19071127
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), Éléonore Blanc (voice),
Mme de Haan-Manifarges (voice), Georges Walter, Gérard Zalsman
Reference: Bach: Saint John Passion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19071204
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conducting), George Walter (tenor), Blanche Selva (pno),
Marcel Labey (pno), Mary Pironnay (soprano), Mme Phili (voice), George
Walter (tenor), Philippe Gaubert (fi), Daniel Herrmann (vIn), Marcel
Dupré (organ)
Music: Bach: Concerto for 2 pnos in C minor, Cantata
ErwünschteFreudenlicht, 6th Sonata for fi and pno in E major,
Benedictus from the Mass in B minor, Geistliche Lieder, Brandenburg
Concerto in D major for pno, fi and vIn (no. 5)

Reference: Tablettes (Nov. 1907); original concert programme at Bn-

Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19071217
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Rouge
Performers: Blanche Selva
Music: Bach: Concerto in D Major
PLUS excerpts from Albeniz's Iberia and d'Indy's Tableaux de voyages

Reference: Tablettes (Dec. 1907)

19080000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Rameau: Platée (excerpts)

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3701

19080129
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Marie Philippi (voice), Cécile Valnor (voice), M.
Plamondon (tenor), Jean Reder, M. Mary (voice), M. Motte-Lacroix
(pno), A. Schweitzer (org), Magdeleine Trelli (voice), M. Mondain (ob.
d'a), M. Huc (ob. d'a), M. Krauss (fl), M. Lolivrel (fl), M. Bernard (trp)
Music: Bach: Le Défi de Phoebus et de Pan (Cantata), Allegro Concertant
pourorgue et orchestre, Magnificat

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 222

19080205
Venue!Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mlle Marie Philippi (voice), M. Mimart,
M. Krauss (fl), M. Mondain (ob, ob d'A), Daniel Herrmann (vIn), M. Huc
(ob d'a), Ch. M. Widor, Mme de Lausnay (pno), Mme Landormy (pno),
Mme Le Breton (pno), Mlle Hélène Léon (pno)
Music: Bach: Brandenburg Concerto no.2, aria from Cantata Vergnügte Ruh,
aria from Cantata Mein liebster Jesu, Toccata and Fugue in D minor,
Agnus Dei from the B Minor Mass, Cinq Geistliche Lieder, Concerto for
four pnos

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19080311
Venue!Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mlle R. von Ghlen (voice),
Mme de Haan-Manifarges (voice), Anton Kohmann (Tenor), Gérard
Zalsman (voice), MM. Krauss et Lolivrel (both fis), Mondain et Huc
(both ob d'a), Schweitzer (org), F. Motte-Lacroix (pno), Wanda
Landowska
Music: Bach: Cantata Wir gehn hinauf (1er aud), Italian Concerto
(onharpsichord ?), Funeral Ode/Ode Funebre

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19080414
Venue!Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach and Toonkunst (Trocadéro, Salle des Fêtes)
Performers: Choeurs de la Toonkunst, l'Orchestre du concertgebow d'Amsterdam,
Willem Mengelberg (conducting), mme Noordewier-Redingius (voice),
Mme de Haan-Manifarges (voice), M. UrIus (voice), M. Messchaert
(voice), M. Thomas Denys (voice)
Music: Bach: Saint Matthew Passion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19080506
Venue!Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mlle Gabrielle Noiriel (voice), Hans Vaterhaus
(voice), Ed. Risler (pno), Jacques Thibaud (vIn), Georges Walter (voice),
René Vierne (organ)
Music: Bach: Cantata Herr, wie du willt, lst sonata for vIn and pno, four
preludes and fuges from the WTC, a chaconne for solo vIn, Cantata Sie
werden aus Saba

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 223

19081125
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mme Mellot-Joubert (voice), Mme Altmann-Juntz
(voice), George Walter (voice), Gérard Zalsman (voice),
A. Schweitzer (org), Drouet, Neuberth (vIas d'A), Paul Krauss (fl), Louis
Revel (gamba), Germaine Chaumeil (harp), Mondain and Andraud
(oboes)
Music: Bach: Saint John Passion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19081126
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mme Mellot-Joubert (voice), Mme Altmann-Juntz
(voice), George Walter (voice), Gérard Zalsman (voice),
A. Schweitzer (org), Drouet, Neuberth (vIas d'A), Paul Krauss (fI), Louis
Revel (gamba), Germaine Chaumeil (harp),
Mondain and Andraud (oboes)
Music: Bach: Saint John Passion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach) note
this is a repeat of the concert held 1908 11 25.

19081202
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), George Walter (voice), Daniel Herrmann (vIn),
MM. Blancard, Krauss (fi), Mlle Hélène Léon, René Vierne (org)
Music: Bach: concerto for vIn in A minor, Cantata Ich armer Mensch,
Sonatafor 2 fIs and pno, aria from Cantata Ich weiss dass me in Erlôser
lebt, Geistliche Lieder, Brandenburg Concerto

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19090000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Palestrina: Pope Marcellus Mass (Sanctus and Benedictus)

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3701

19090127
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mme Altmann-Kuntz, Mme Caponsacchi-Jeisler,
Louis Diémer (pno), Marcel Dupré (pno), M. Lazare-Lévy (pno), M.
Jeisler, René Vierne (organ)
Music: Bach: Cantata Widerstehe doch der Sünde for solo alto, Suite in
B minor for fI(s?) with orchestra, 3rd sonata for vc and pno, Berceuse
from the Christmas oratorio (for voice), alto solo from the Cantate des
Cloches (Schlage doc), Concerto in C major for three pnos with orchestra

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 224

19090130
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: F. Raugel (conducting), Alexandre Guilmant, Eléonore Blanc,
R. Plamondon, Mlle Blanche Lucas, Mlle T. Bossa
Music: Handel: overture to Agrippina, Psalm 16, 2nd Organ Concerto in
B-flat,Soprano aria from Judas Maccabeus, final chorus from Solomon,
Anthem XVI, Psalm for two sopranos, tenor, choir and orchestra -----
Buxtehude: two unspecified organ works ----- A. Scarlatti: aria for
Laodice from Act IV Milbridate ----- Provenzale: unspecified aria from Il
Schiavo di sua moglie ----- Schütz: final chorus to the Saint Matthew
Passion ----- Rameau: unspecified work ----- de Grigny: unspecified
organ work ----- Lulli: unspecified arias

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file--d'Indy); Tablettes de

la Schola (Feb. 1909); TSG (Jan. 1909): 20.

19090203
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Éléonore Blanc (voice), Mme Altmann-Kuntz
(voice), M. Plamondon (voice), Gérard Zalsman (voice), Schweitzer
(org), with the choir La Cécilia
Music: Bach: Mass in B Minor

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19090204
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conductor), Éléonore Blanc (voice), Mme Altmann-Kuntz
(voice), M. Plamondon (voice), Gérard Zalsman (voice), Schweitzer
(org), with the choir La Cécilia
Music: Bach: Mass in B Minor

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach).

Note this is a repeat of the performance given 1909 02 03.

19090302
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Mme Lacoste, Mme Giroux, Vincent d'Indy (Conducting),
M. Jan. Reder, M. Ch. Tournemire
Music: Handel: Concerto Grosso, Duo and Choral number from SAUL (transI.
M. Bouchor), Concerto in B-flat for organ and orchestra, Aria for
Zoroastre ----- Erlebach: Meine Seufzer, Des Prahlers Worte (vocal arias
for male voice) ----- Schütz: Dialogue du Pharisien et du Publicain (transI.
d'Indy) ----- Pachelbel: Ciacona ----- N. de Grigny: Recit de tierce en taille
----- Buxtehude: Fugue in C, Cantata Gott hilf mir ----- Ciacona:
unspecified organ work ----- Pachelbel: unspecified organ work

Reference: TSG (Jan. 1909): 20; Tablettes

(Feb. 1909); Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file--d'Indy).
 225

19090310
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mme Tilly Cahnbley-Hinken (voice), Fritz
HaasDaniel Herrmann (vIn), M. Mondain (ob), Schweitzer (organ)
Music: Bach: Cantata Liebster Jesu, Mein Verlangen, Cantata Ich will
denKreuztab gerne tragen, Cantata Nun ist das Heil
(for double choir), Cantata Wachet Auf (aIl translations by
Gustave Bret)

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19090427
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting), Henri Expert (conducting), Les Chanteurs de
la Renaissance, M. Libert (organ)
Music: Costeley: Las, je n'yrai PLUS, je n'yrai pas jouer, Mignonne allons voir si
la rose ----- Jannequin: Le moys de may, Au verd boys, La Bataille de
Marignan ----- Claude le Jeune: L'un apreste la glu, D'une colline m'y
prommenant ----- Mauduit: Voicy le verd et beau may ----- Handel:
Water music, 4th organ concerto ----- Frescobaldi: Toccata per
l'Elevazione

Reference: Notice in Tablettes (Apr. 1909), Advert in Original

programme for 2 Mar. 1909, TSG
(June 1909): 140.

19090430
Venue/Assoc.: Société Palestrina (Salle des Concerts Rouge)
Performers: Léon Saint-Requier (conducting), J. Bizet (organ), Mlle M. Pironnay
Music: Palestrina: unspecified vocal works ----- Vittoria: unspecified vocal
works ----- Schütz: unspecified vocal works, unspecified solo vocal work
(concert spirituel) ----- Lassus: unspecified vocal works ----- Carissimi:
unspecified solo vocal work ----- Noëls français ----- J.S. Bach: unspecified
organ work
PLUS organ works by C.E. Bach and W.F. Bach

Reference: Tablettes (Apr. 1909)

19090514
Venue/Assoc.: Société Palestrina (Salle des Concerts Rouge)
Performers: Léon Saint-Requier (conducting), Mlle F. Pironnay, M. E. Gibert
Music: Palestrina: unspecified vocal works ----- Vittoria: unspecified vocal
works ----- Schütz: unspecified vocal works ----- Lassus: unspecified
vocal works, unspecified solo vocal work ----- Jannequin: unspecified
chansons ----- Costeley: unspecified chansons ----- Clérambault:
unspecified solo vocal work ----- Neumark: unspecified organ work -----
Scheidt: unspecified organ work
PLUS organ work by Krebs (1713-80)

Reference: Tablettes (Apr. 1909)

 226

19090525
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: F. Raugel (conducting), Mme Gallet, Mme Frisch, M. Froelich,
M. Bonnal, M. Borrel
Music: Zweeklinck: unspecified Psalm (premiere audition) ----- Handel:
Héraklès (excerpts, premiere audition) ----- Corelli: unspecified
concerto

Reference: Advert in Original programme for 2 Mar. 1909, Tablettes

(May 1909), TSG (June 1909): 140.

19091017
Venue/Assoc.: Société Palestrina at Église de Reuil
Performers: Léon Saint-Requier, Mlle M. Pironnay, M. Sangra
Music: Vittoria: Unspecified vocal works ----- Palestrina: Unspecified vocal
works ----- Nanini: Unspecified vocal works ----- Gabrieli: Unspecified
vocal works ----- Carissimi: Unspecified vocal works ----- Lassus:
Unspecified vocal works ----- Schütz: Unspecified vocal works ----- Bach:
Unspecified vocal works ----- Handel: Unspecified vocal works

Reference: Tablettes (Dec. 1909)

19091126
Venue/Assoc.: Société Palestrina at Concerts-Rouge
Performers: Léon Saint-Requier (conducting), Mlle Fernande Pironnay,
Joseph Bizet (organ)
Music: Vittoria: 0 quam gloriosum est regnum, Gaudent in coelis ----- Boehm:
Choral and variations for organ ----- Agostino-Steffani: Concert spirituel -
---- Bach: final chorus from the Saint-John Passion ----- 1. Krebs: Prélude,
bourrée, polonaise for organ ----- Handel: aria from the Messia -----
Palestrina: Sicut cervus desiderat ----- Costeley: Allons gay, gay, bergères
PLUS W.F. Bach (Concerto in D minor for organ)

Reference: TSG (Nov. 1909): 251; (Dec. 1909): 276.

19091126
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mlle Elsa Homburger, Maria Philippi, Georg
Baldszum, Fritz Haas, Mlle de Nocker, MM. Huc et Fossé (obs d'A),
MM. Andraud et Durivau (ob da Caccia), Krauss (fl), Schweitzer (organ)
Music: Bach: The Christmas Oratorio

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 227

19091217
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conductor), Gérard Hekking-de-Nancy (vc),
Alfred Casella (pno and harpsichord), Tilly Cahnbley-Hinken (voice), M.
Van Oort (voice), Daniel Herrmann (vIn), Krauss (FI), Desmont (vc),
Mondain (ob)
Music: Bach: Concerto for fI, ob, viola d'a, viola da gamba and continuo,
Sonata in G major for vc and pno, Cantata Weichet Nur, betrübte
Schatten for solo soprano, suite in C major for solo vc, Coffee Cantata

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19100107
Venue/Assoc.: Société Palestrina at Concerts Rouge
Performers: Léon Saint-Requier (conducting), Mme J. Lacoste (voice)
Music: Vittoria: unspecified motets ----- Costeley: unspecified noëls
Anon: unspecified noëls français ----- Unspecified noëls for organ -----
Gregorian monody ----- Handel: unspecified aria from Messiah

Reference: Tablettes (Jan. 1910), TSG

(Jan.-Feb. 1910): 15.

19100121
Venue/Assoc.: Société Palestrina at Concerts Rouge
Performers: Léon Saint-Requier, M. Gébelin
Music: Lassus: unspecified ----- Gabrieli: unspecified ----- Schütz: unspecified
---- Carissimi: unspecified ----- Bach: unspecified
PLUS Franck

Reference: TSG (Jan.-Feb. 1910): 15; Tablettes (Jan. 1910)

19100211
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Pedormers: Gustave Bret (conductor), Mary mayrand (voice), Mme Altmann-Kuntz
(voice), Plamondon (voice), Otto Brands (voice), Daniel Herrmann
(vIn), Mondain and Fossé (both ob d'A), Schweitzer (org)
Music: Bach: Mass in B minor

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19100216
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Pedormers: Félix Raugel (conducting), E. Borrel (vIn), Mlle Fanny Malnory (voice),
M. Tricon (pno), Ch. Quef (organ), M. G. Jourde (voice), Mlle Lucie
Hamelle (voice)
Music: Schütz: Exauce-moi for 2 vv (Geistliche Chorwerk for 2 vv), Story of
Jesus at the Temple ----- Buxtehude: Cantata Gott hilf mir ----- Handel:
organ concerto in G minor, aria for Kaleb and choir from Joshua, prelude
to Act III and sleearia from Semele, choral number from Solomon
PLUS pieces by Hasse and Rust

Reference: Tablettes (Feb. 1910), TSG (Jan.-Feb. 1910): 15.

 228

19100225
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), de Nocker (voice), Altmann-Kuntz (voice),
George Baldzun (voice), M. Geist (voice), Neuberth et Derenaucourt
(vIas d'a), Desmonts (gamba), Krauss (fI), Mondain and Andraud (obs),
Mme Tardieu-Luiguini (lute), Schweitzer (organ)
Music: Bach: Saint John Passion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19100316
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: E. Borrel, Félix Raugel (conducting),
Music: Handel: Passion (excerpts) ----- Schütz: Die sieben Wort -----
Sweelink: unspecified psalm

Reference: Tablettes (Feb. 1910) and (Mar. 1910); TSG (Jan.-Feb. 1910): 15.

19100420
Venue/Assoc.: Société G.F. Haendel (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: E. Borrel, Félix Raugel (conducting)
Music: Vivaldi: concerto for 4 vIns ----- Leonardo Leo: concerto for 4 vIns -----
Clérambault: Poliphème (solo cantata)
PLUS Fasch: unspecified ----- Montec1air: Pan et Sirinx (solo cantata)

Reference: Tablettes (Apr. 1910)

19100423
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel (Trocadéro)
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanters de la Renaissance, Chanteurs de Saint-
Pierre de Besançon. Félix Raugel (conducting), Mme Mellot-Joubert
(voice), Marthe Philip (voice), M. R. Plamondon (voice), Mr. G. Mary
(voice), Alexandre Guilmant (organ), Achille Philip, Eugène Borrel
(vIn), Henry Choinet (cello), total 400 performers
Music: Handel: Messiah (all), Organ concerto in F

Reference: Tablettes (Apr. 1910), TSG (May 1910): 109.

19100429
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conductor), Maria Philippi (voice),
Magdeleine Trelli (voice), Krauss (fI): Desmonts (vc),
Andraud (ob d'a), Albert Schweitzer (organ)
Music: Bach: Cantata for the 22nd Sunday after Trinity, Cantata forthe 18th
Sunday after Trinity, Cantata for the 16th Sunday after Trinity

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn-Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 229

19100511
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel (Trocadéro)
Performers: Schola Cantorum, Chanters de la Renaissance, Chanteurs de Saint-
Pierre de Besançon. Félix Raugel (conduding), Mme Mellot-Joubert
(voice), Marthe Philip (voice), M. R. Plamondon (voice), Mr. G. Mary
(voice), Alexandre Guilmant (organ), Achille Philip, Eugène Borrel
(vIn), Henry Choinet (cello), total 400 performers
Music: Handel: Messiah (aIl), Organ concerto in F

Reference: TSG (May 1910), 109. A repeat performance of the concert given 23 Apr.

19100525
Venue/Assoc.: Société G.F. Haendel (Salle de l'Union)
Performers: Mlle Élisabeth Delhez-Thébault, Mme Philip, M. Paulet,
M. Mary, Alexandre Cellier (organ), Louis Vierne (organ),
Félix Raugel (conducting)
Music: Handel: Heracklès (excerpts),Esther (arias for Haman and
recit for Assuérus, Anthem XVI for vocal quartet and soli
PLUS WF Bach.

Reference: Tablettes (May 1910), TSG (May 1910): 110.

19100601
Venue/Assoc.: Société G.F. Haendel at Trocadéro
Performers: Raugel (conducting)
Music: Handel: Messiah (aIl)

Reference: Tablettes (May 1910)

19101114
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel at Notre-Dame-de-Ia-Croix
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting), Eugène Gigout (organ)

Reference: Tablettes (Dec. 1910)

19101118
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mme M. Lauprecht van Lammen (voice),
Joseph Bonnet (organ), M. Demetrio Floresco (voice),
Daniel Herrmann (vIn), Mondain (ob), Krauss (fi)
Music: Bach: Suite in C major for 2 oboes, bassoon and string orchestra,
Wedding Cantata 0 Holder Tag, Fantaisie and Fugue in G minor
(organ), concerto in E major for vIn, Cantate Burlesque Nous avons un
nouveau gouverneur

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn-Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 230

19101119
Venue/Assoc.: Arnold Spoel at Salle Gaveau
Performers: Arnold Spoel (conducting)
Music: Palestrina: unspecified popular piece ----- Lassus: unspecified
popular piece ----- A. Valerius: unspecified popular piece ----- Valotti: 0
vos omnes
PLUS Lotti, Mozart, Cherubini, Saint-Saëns

Reference: Tablettes (Nov. 1910)

19101122
(Saint Cecilia' s Day)
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel (Saint-Eustache)
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting)
Music: Handel: Dettingen Te Deum, Halleluja from Messiah ----- J.S. Bach:
Toccata in F for organ ----- Leclair: Largo for vIn ----- Josquin: unspecified
motets
PLUS Franck and Widor

Reference: Tablettes (Dec. 1910), TSG (Nov. 1910): 248.

19101216
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conductor), Anna Kaempfert (voice), Povla Frisch
(voice), Georg Baldzun (voice), Wolfgang Geist (voice), Krauss and
Leducq (fIs), Mondain and Balout (obs d'a), Hans Boell (organ)
Music: Bach: Saint Matthew Passion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn-Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19101220
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel (Salle de Union)
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting), M. Jacob (organ), Borrel (vIn),
Mme Mellot-Joubert, M. Paulet, M. Yvain, M. Choinet.
Music: Handel: Ode to Saint Cecilia, Allegro (excerpted arias and
choralnumbers), unspecified concerto for harp ----- Rameau: Fêtes de
Polymnie ----- Nicolas Lebègue: noëls for organ ----- Tartini: vIn sonata

Reference: Tablettes (Dec. 1910), TSG

(Jan. 1911): 7.

1911 00 00
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Handel: Israel in Egypt

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. 11, 3701, TSG (Feb. 1911): 39.
 231

1911 0126
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Expert
Performers: POSSIBL Y: Mme Philip, Mme Tremblay, M. Gibert, M. Pineau,
M. Tremblay
Music: POSSIBL Y Monteverdi ----- Lully ----- Rameau

Reference: Tablettes (Feb. 1911)

1911 0202
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Expert
Performers: POSSIBL Y: Mme Philip, Mme Tremblay, M. Gibert, M. Pineau,
M. Trembaly
Music: POSSIBL Y Monteverdi ----- Lully ----- Rameau

Reference: Tablettes (Feb. 1911)

1911 02 9
Venue/Assoc.: Concerts Expert
Performers: POSSIBL Y: Mme Philip, Mme Tremblay, M. Gibert, M. Pineau,
M. Trembaly
Music: POSSIBL Y: Monteverdi ----- Lully ----- Rameau

Reference: Tablettes (Feb. 1911)

1911 0317
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Mary Mayrand (voice), Mme Altmann-Kuntz
(voice), Georg Baldzun (voice), W. Geist (voice), H. Vaterhaus (voice),
Daniel Hermann (vIn), Krauss (fi), Desmonts (gamba), Mondain and
Balout (obs d'a), Schweitzer (organ)
Music: Bach: Saint Matthew Passion

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn-Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

1911 04 or 0500
Venue/Assoc.: Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
Music: J.S. Bach: B Minor Mass

Reference: TSG (May 1911): 125.

1911 05 05
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Marcella Pregi (voice), Mme Altmann-Kuntz
(voice), Plamondon (voice), Jean Reder (voice), Alfred Cortot (pno), M.
Mary, Krauss (fi), Mondain (ob d'a), Schweitzer (organ), Hélène Léon
(pno)
Music: Bach: Ode Funèbre (cantata?), Concerto in F minor for pno,
Cantata LeDéfi de Phoebus et de Pan

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Musique, (file Société J.S. Bach)

 232

1911 0602
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel at Salle Gaveau
Performers: Félix Raugel (Conducting), Mme Mellot-Joubert, Mme Phlip,
Mlle Thébault, Mlle Malnory, M. Plamondon, M. Mary
Music: Handel: Saul

Reference: Tablettes (June? 1911): 113.

19111206
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel at Salle Gaveau
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting), mme Jan.e Arger (voice),
Mme Marguerite Delcourt (harpsichord), M. de Bruyn (gamba),
M. Fossé (ob), E. Borrel (vIn)
Music: unspecified Cantates française du XVIIIe siècle

Reference: Tablettes (Dec. 1911): 23.

19120000
Venue/Assoc.: Société des concerts du Conservatoire
Music: Bach: Cantata for the Feast of Saint John the Baptist

Reference: Lavignac II, vol. Il, 3701

19120228
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting), Mme Mellot Joubert, Mme Philip,
M. Plamondon, M. G. Mary, M. Joseph Bonnet (organ)
Music: Handel: Messiah

Reference: Tablettes (Jan. 1912): 61; (Dec. 1911): 23.

19120327
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting), Henri Chainet (harpsichord),
M. Lejealle (organ)
Music: Purcell: Dido and Aeneas ----- Locatelli: Introduzione teatrali
----- unspecified harpsichord works
PLUS Pergolesi: Stabat Mater

Reference: Tablettes (Mar. 1912): 103; (Dec. 1911): 23.

19120500
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting)
Music: Handel: Judas Maccabeus

Reference: Tablettes (Dec. 1911): 23.

 233

19121122
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conductor), Marie de Wienawska (voice),
Mme Croiza (voice), Georges Walter (voice), Gérard Zalsman (voice)
Music: Bach: The Saint John Passion

Reference: Original programme at Bn-Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19121213
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conductor), Elsa Homburger, Martha Stapelfeldt,
Antoni Kohman, Jan. Reder, Daniel Hermann, Desmonts, Vieux (vIa),
Mondain (ob d'a), Hélène Léon (pno), Mme Georges de Lausnay (pno),
Ph. Gaubert (fi), Alexandre Cellier (org)

Music: Bach: Eole apaisé, Cantate de la Réformation Ein fest Burg,

Brandenburg Concerto no. 5

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Musique, (file Société J.S. Bach).

1913 03 07
Venue/Assoc.: Société G. F. Haendel
Performers: Félix Raugel (conducting), Mme Povla Frisch (voice),
M. Andlauer (organ)
Music: Handel: Dettingen Te Deum, Coronation Anthem, Héraklès
(selected arias), unspecified organ concerto

Reference: Tablettes (Feb. 1913): 68.

19130307
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond),
Music: Bach: The Saint Matthew Passion

Reference: Original notice at Bn-Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

19130400
(season closer)
Venue/Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (cond), Paderewski (pno)
Music: Bach: pno works

Reference: Original notice at Bn--Musique (file Société J.S. Bach)

 234

1914 02 05
Venue!Assoc.: Arthur Hartmann and Claude Debussy (Salle des Agriculteurs)
Performers: Arthur Hartmann and Claude Debussy
Music: Bach: concerto in E major for vIn, and ciaconna for solo vIn -----
Corelli: Adagio et Allegro ----- Geminiani: Sarabande
PLUS Grieg, Debussy and Paganini

Reference: Original programme at Bn--Opéra (file programmes, Salle des

Agriculteurs, PRO.B. 6)

19140212
Venue!Assoc.: Concerts Chaigneau (Salle des Agriculteurs)
Performers: Thérèse Chaigneau-Rummel, Walter Morse Rummel,
Jane Bathori-Engel, MM. Hennebains et Delangle, Louis Aubert,
Mme Joachim Chaigneau, M. Le Guillard, Mlle Fernande Desnoyers,
Mme Piazza-Chaigneau
Music: Bach: Concert in c minor for two [pnos 1----- Lulli: Air d'Arétuse -----
Handel: sonata no. 6 in D major for two fIutes
PLUS Aubert, Chausson and Boellmann

Reference: Original concert programme at Bn--Opéra (file programmes, Salle des

Agriculteurs, PRO.B. 6)

19140218
Venue!Assoc.: Société Palestrina (Schola Cantorum)
Performers: Léon Saint-Requier (conducting), Chanteurs de Saint-Gervais, M.
Decaux, Quatuor Le Feuve, Mme Proche-Charpentier, Mlle F. Pironnay,
M. Brochard, M. Gibert, M. Mondain, M. N. Carrouy.
Music: J.S. Bach: Prelude and Fugue in C Minor for organ, Toccata in F Major,
Cantata Bleib bei uns
PLUS d'Indy: L'Étranger, Act II, scene ii ----- Chausson:La Légende de
Sainte Cécile ----- Franck: L'Ange gardien.

Reference: Tablettes (Feb. 1914): 57; TSG (Dec. 1913), 280; (Apr. 1914), 88.
With a talk entitled L'Art Spiritualiste given by d'Indy

19140327
Venue!Assoc.: Société J.-S. Bach (Salle Gaveau)
Performers: Gustave Bret (conductor), Germaine Emo (voice), Maria Freund (voice),
George Walter (voice), Roelens-Collet (voice), Daniel Herrmann (vIn),
Desmonts (vc), Blanquart (fI), Mondain (ob d'a), A. Cellier (organ)
Music: Bach: The Saint Matthew Passion

Reference: Original programme at Bn-Musique (file, Société J.-S. Bach)

 Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Aichinger, Motet Assumpta est Maria 1893, At pitch. Proske ProskejMDjM ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Gregor v. 2 scored for SSA; D
Bordes SSA or
~

'B<> Aichinger, Antiphon Ave Regina 1893, At pitch ProskejMDjM ProskejMD 3 (Ratisbon, 1859)
CI Gregor v. 2 D
"-
CI
..s;:: Aichinger, Motet Factus Est Repente 1893, At pitch Proske/MD Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
~ Gregor v. 2
(TJ

èn
CI)
Aichinger, Antiphon Regina Coeli 1893, Up a Min. 3rd ProskejMD Proske/MD 3 (Ratisbon, 1859)
~
0
l-< Gregor v. 2
I:Q
rtl l-< Aichinger, Antiphon Salve Regina 1893, Up a Min. 3rd Hettrick Proske/MD 3 (Ratisbon, 1859)
.....X .....0 Gregor v. 2
~ (TJ
CI)
1:: 1.1
QI
0..
l-<
::s0 Allegri, Gregorio Motet Miserere mei Deus 1895, At pitch Zillinger MoskowajRMA 2 (Paris, 1843)
0.. v. 6
< (/)

~ Anerio, Felice Motet Christus factus est 1893, Not in Proske

....::s v. 2
1::
CI)
U1
Anerio, Felice Motet Ave maris stella 1894, Not in Proske.
..c:
.... v.4
1::
CI)

....
CI)
CI) Anerio, Felice Motet Pie Jesu 1895, Not in Proske !
•

....1:: v. 6
Z
Animuccia, Mass Missa Conditor 1895, Up a Maj. 3rd Torchi (Kyrie and Gloria only)
Giovanni aime siderum v. 5

Asola, Motet Christus factus est 1894, Up a Min. 2nd ProskejMD ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Giammatteo v.4
\0 Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
(")
N for Compar'n

Brissio, Motet In medio ecclesiae 1893, At pitch. For SAT. Proske/MD Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Giovanni v. 2 orTBB
Francesco
Cardoso, Frei Motet Angelis suis 1895, At pitch Alegria (PM) Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Manuel v. 6

Carpentras Mass Missa A l'ombre 1895, At pitch Seay

[Genet, Elzear] d'un buissonnet v. 5

Carpentras Motet Gabriel angelus 1895, At pitch Seay

[Genet, Elzear] v. 6

Casciolini, Motet Stabat Mater 1895,

Claudio v. 6

Clemens non Motet Tu es Petrus/Ego 1893, Up a Min. 2nd Kempers Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854);
papa, Jacobus pro te rogavi v. 2 Commer/COMB 3 (Berlin, 1844-58)

Clemens non Motet Erravi sicut 1894, Up a Min. 3rd Kempers Commer/COMB 5 (Berlin, 1844-58)
papa, Jacobus ovis/Delicta v. 4
juventutis meae
Clemens non Motet Tristitia obsedit 1894, Up a Min. 3rd Kempers Commer/COMB 5 (Berlin, 1844-58)
papa, Jacobus v. 4

Clemens non Motet Beata es virgo 1894, At pitch Kempers

papa, Jacobus Maria/Ave Maria v.4
(attr. )
Constantini, Motet Ego sum panis 1895, Up a Min. 3rd Proske/MD Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Alexandro vivus v. 6

Corsi, Giuseppe Motet Adoramus te 1893,

v. 2 1
r--
('f") Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
N for Compar'n

Croce, Giovanni Motet Ego sum pauper et 1895, At pitch. Scored ProskejMD ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
dolens v. 6 forTIBB
Gabrieli, Andrea Motet Angeli Archangeli 1893, Up a Maj. 3rd ProskejMD ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
v. 2
Gabrieli, Andrea Motet Sacerdos et 1893, Up a Maj. 3rd ProskejMD ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
pontifex v. 2
Gabrieli, Andrea Motet Filiae Jerusalem 1894, At pitch ProskejMD ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
v.4
Goudimel, Mass Missa Le bien que 1894, At pitch Pidoux-
Claude j'av v. 3 Hausler

Goudimel, Motet Videntes stellam 1895, Up a Maj. 3rd Pidoux-

Claude magi v. 6 Hausler
1

Guerrero, Mass Missa Puer qui 1894, At pitch Cistero

Francisco natus est v. 3

Guerrero, Motet Ave Virgo 1895, Up a Min. 3rd Cistero Eslava Y ElizondojLSH 1-2 (Madrid
Francisco sanctissima v. 6 1869); Pedrell (Barcelona 1894)

Hasler, Leo Motet Cantate Domino 1895, Scored for men ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
v. 6 only

Hollander, Motet Laudate Dominum 1895, At pitch; Scored Lincoln incipits CommerjCOMB 5 (Berlin, 1844-58)
Christian v. 6 for women only

Ignotus Motet Laudate dominum 1895,

v. 6
00 Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
~
N for Compar'n

Josquin des Prez Motet Ave Christe 1893, Up a Min. 3rd. Smijers Commer/COMB 8 (Berlin, 1844-58)
[doubtful] immolate v. 2

Josquin des Prez Motet Ave Maria 1893, At pitch. Order of Smijers Mald 2 (1866);Eitner PubATPM 16-
v. 2 vocal entries 18 (Leipzig, 1888)
changed
Josquin des Prez Motet Miserere mei 1893, Up a Maj. 2nd Smijers
v.2
Josquin des Prez Motet Ave verum 1894, Down a Min. 2nd. Smijers Eitner PubAPTM 16 (Leipzig, 1888).
v. 4 Missing "0
Dulcis, 0 pia"

Josquin des Prez Motet Stabat Mater 1895, Up a Maj. 2nd Smijers Mald 3 (1867)
v. 6
Kerle, Jacobus Mass Missa Regina coeli 1894,
de v. 3

la Rue, Pierre de Motet o salutaris hostia 1895, Up a Maj. 2nd Davidson Ambros 1862-82;
v. 6
Lassus, Orlande Mass Missa Douce 1893, Up a Maj. 3rd Hermelink
de Mémoire v. 1

Lassus, Orlande Motet Pulvis et umbra 1893, Up a Min. 3rd Berquist

de sumus v.2

Lassus, Orlande Mass Missa Pro defunetis 1894, Up a Min. 3rd Hermelink
de v. 3

Lassus, Orlande Motet Domine convertere 1894, Up a Maj. 2nd Haberlj Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
de v. 4 Sandberger
------_ ... -------
0\ Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
~ Composer Genre 1

N for Compar'n

Lassus, Orlande Motet Nos qui sumus in 1894, Up a Maj. 3rd Berquist
de hoc mundo v.4
i
Lassus, Orlande Motet Pauper sum ego 1894, Up a Maj. 3rd Berquist
de v.4

Lassus, Orlande Motet Psaumes de 1894, Up a TT Berquist Moskowa/RMA 6 and 9 (Paris, 1843)
de Pénitence: Domine v.4 Note: Verses 10-13 of the 5th parte
ne in furore tuo; in vol. 6. Moskowa down a Min. 3rd.
Beati quorum
remissae su nt; De
profundis clamavi.
(lst, 2nd and 6th
partes)

Lassus, Orlande Motet Timor et tremor 1894, Up a Maj. 2nd Berquist Commer/COMB 8 (Berlin, 1844-58)
de v.4

Lassus, Orlande Motet Adoramus te 1895, At pitch. Berquist

de Christie v.6 Rescored for 3
sopranos,
Berquist shows
CTB.
Lassus, Orlande Motet Christe Dei Soboles 1895,
de v. 6

Lassus, Orlande Motet De ore prudentis 1895, Up a Maj. 3rd Berquist

de procedet v.6

Lassus, Orlande Motet Ego dixi: Domine 1895, Down a Maj. 2nd Haberlj Proske/MD?
de miserere mei v. 6 Sandberger
~ Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Lassus, Orlande Motet Ego sum resurectio 1895, Up a Min. 3rd Haberlj ProskejMD?
de et vita v. 6 Sandberger

Lassus, Orlande Motet Iniquos odio habui 1895, Up a Maj. 2nd Haberlj ProskejMD?
de v. 6 Sandberger
Lassus, Orlande Motet In pace in idipsum 1895, Up a Maj. 2nd. Haberlj ProskejMD?
de v. 6 Rescored for TIB, Sandberger
Haber! shows
CTB
Lassus, Orlande Motet Intende voci 1895, Up a Maj. 3rd HaberljS ProskejMD?
de orationis v. 6 andberger

Lassus, Orlande Motet o Maria clausus 1895, Down a Min. 2nd Haberlj ProskejMD?
de hortus v. 6 Sandberger

Lassus, Orlande Motet Quare tristis es 1895, At pitch Haberlj ProskejMD?

de anima v. 6 Sandberger 1

Lassus, Orlande Motet Regina Coeli 1895, Up a Maj. 2nd. Haberlj MoskowajRMA (Paris, 1843); Mald
de v. 6 Moskowa at pitch Sandberger 24 (Brussels, 1888)

Le Maistre, Motet Estote prudentes 1895, At pitch Lincoln incipits CommerjCOMB 8 (Berlin, 1844-58)
Matthaeus v. 6

Lotti, Antonio Mass Missa 1895, Not among ?Moskowaj10 and 11 (Paris, 1843)
v. 5 the 8 Note: possibly excerpts in vols. 10
published in and 11; ProskejMD 1 (Ratisbon,
DDT 5. 1853)
Morales, Mass Missa Quaeramus 1894, At pitch Anglès (MME)
Cristo bal de cum pastoribus v. 3
------ ---- --- ~- ----- - L_ - - ------ - _ .. _- ------- --- -- --- -
-
~
Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n
1

Morales, Motet Verbum iniquum 1895, Up a Maj. 3rd Anglès (MME) Pedrell (1894); Eslava Y 1

Cristobal de v.6 Elizondo/LSH (Madrid, 1869)

Nanini, Giovanni Motet Diffusa est gratia 1893, At pitch with Moskowa Moskowa/RMA 6 (Paris, 1843)
Maria v. 2 Moskowa 1

Nanini, Giovanni Motet Hodie christus 1893, Up a TT Schuler/RRMR Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854).
Maria natus est v. 2 (1969) Note: Proske/MD is up a P4 from
Schuler
Nanini, Giovanni Psalm De profundis 1895, not in Schuler
Maria setting v.6

Palestrina, Motet Ad te levavi oculos 1895, At pitch Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni meos/Miserere v. 6 1907); Commer and Becker/MS 15
Pierluigi da nostri Domine (Berlin, 1842-46)

Palestrina, Motet Adoramus te 1895, Down a 5th. Casimiri Moskowa/RMA 1 (Paris, 1843);
Giovanni Christe v. 6 Scored for men's Commer and NeidhardtjMS 12
Pierluigi da voices in Bordes; (Berlin, 1842-46); De Witt et
CCAT in Casimiri al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-1907);
Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854);
Schôberlein and Riegel/SLCG 2
~ .. ~ï""'"
~ Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Palestrina, Antiphon Alma redemptoris 1893, Not the one from Casimiri LückjSACK 2 (Trier, 1859); Lück and
Giovanni materjTu quae v. 2 Venice 1584 OberhofferjSACK2nd ed. 4 (Leipzig,
Pierluigi da genuisti published in 1884-85); De Witt et al/GPPW 5
Casimiri (Leipzig, 1862-1907);
Alfieri/RMS2nd ed. 2 (Rome, 1872);
ProskejMD 3 (Ratisbon, 1859): This
is not the same piece as found in
Casimiri or Bordes. ProskejMD says
it is from Venice 1596. Possibly not
the same piece as found in the other
editions

Palestrina, Motet Assumpta est 1894, At pitch Haberl De Witt et al/GPPW 6 (Leipzig,
Giovanni MariajQuae est ista v.4 1876); Alfieri/RMS 7 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da 46)

Palestrina, Motet Ave Maria 1895, Up a TT Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig,

Giovanni v.6 1875); Chrysander-BellermannjDT 1
Pierluigi da (Bergedorf bei Hamburg, 1869-71)

Palestrina, Motet Coenantibus illis 1893, At pitch Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 2 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni v. 2 1907); Alfieri/RMS 2 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da 46); de la FagejVM (Paris, c. 1840)

Palestrina, Motet Congratulamini 1894, Up a Min. 3rd Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni mi hi v.4 1907); Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon,
Pierluigi da 1854); Chrysander-BellermannjDT 1
(Bergedorf bei Hamburg, 1869-71)
~ Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Palestrina, Offerator Dextera Domini 1894, Up a Min. 3rd Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 9 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni y v.4 1907);
Pierluigi da

Palestrina, Motet Dies sanctificatus 1895, At pitch Casimiri Moskowa/RMA 10 (Paris, 1843); De
Giovanni v. 6 Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Pierluigi da 1907); Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon,
1854); Chrysander-Bellermann/DT 1
(Bergedorf bei Hamburg, 1869-71);
Lück and Hermesdorff/SACK2nd ed.
3 (Leipzig, 1884-85) 1

Palestrina, Motet Domine quando 1895, Up a Min. 3rd Casimiri

Giovanni veneris (prima pars v. 6
Pierluigi da only) 1

Palestrina, Motet Dum aurora finem 1895, At pitch Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni daret v. 6 1907); Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon,
Pierluigi da 1854); Chrysander-Bellermann/DT 1
(Bergedorf bei Hamburg, 1869-71)

Palestrina, Motet Ego sum panis 1895, Up a Maj. 3rd Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni vivus ... Patres v. 6 1907);
Pierluigi da vestri .
Palestrina, Motet Exaudi Domine 1895, Up a Maj. 3rd Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni preces v. 6 1907); Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon,
Pierluigi da 1854); Chrysander-Bellermann/DT 1
(Bergedorf bei Hamburg, 1869-71)

/'
~ Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Palestrina, Motet Exsultate Deo 1893, Up a Maj. 3rd Casimiri De Witt et aljGPPW 4 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni v. 2 1907); Alfieri/RMS 2 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da 46); de la FagejVM (Paris, c. 1840);
Lück and HermesdorfffSACK2nd ed.
3 (Leipzig, 1884-85)

Palestrina, Motet Innocentes pro 1895, Up a Maj. 3rd. Haberl De Witt et aljGPPW 7 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni Christe v. 6 CCCA in Haberl; 1907); Alfieri/RMS 7 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da SSAA in Bordes 46)

Palestrina, Motet Loquebantur variis 1894, Down a Min. 2nd Casimiri De Witt et aljGPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni linguis v.4 1907); ProskefMD 2 (Ratisbon,
Pierluigi da 1854); LückjSACK 2 (Trier, 1859);
Lück and HermesdorffjSACK2nd ed.
3 (Leipzig, 1884-85); Chrysander-
BellermannjDT 1 (Bergedorf bei
Hamburg, 1869-71); West (London,
1876) with English text

Palestrina, Mass Missa Ascendo ad 1893, At pitch Casimiri De Witt et aljGPPW 21 (Leipzig,
Giovanni Patrem v. 1 1862-1907); Proske et aljMDyr2 1
Pierluigi da (Ratisbon, 1865)
Palestrina, Mass Missa Brevis 1893, At pitch Casimiri De Witt et aljGPPW (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni v. 1 1907); ProskefMD 1 (Ratisbon,
Pierluigi da 1853); Alfieri/RMS 1 (Rome, 1841-
46); Alfieri/RMSGPP (Rome, 1876);
Rockstro (London, 1890)
-----
~
Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Palestrina, Mass Missa 0 regem 1893, At pitch Casimiri Alfieri/RMS 1 (Rome, 1841-46);
Giovanni coeli v. 1 Alfieri/RMSGPP 1 (Rome, 1876); de
Pierluigi da la Fage/CMCS (Paris, c. 1840)

Palestrina, Mass Missa Papae 1894, Down a Maj. 2nd. Casimiri [no editor identified] (Augsburg, c.
Giovanni Marcelli v.3 At pitch with 1840); Moskowa/RMA 1 (Paris,
Pierluigi da SACK2nd ed. 1843); Proske (Mainz, 1850); De
Witt et al/GPPW 11 (Leipzig, 1862-
1907); Alfieri/RMS 1 (Rome, 1841-
46); Alfieri/RMSGPP (Rome, 1876);
Proske et al/MDyr2 1 (Ratisbon,
1865); Commer and Neidhardt/MS 5
(1842-46) incomplete; de la
Fage/CMCS (Paris, c. 1840);
Lück/SACK 1 (Trier, 1859); Lück and
Hermesdorff/SACK2nd ed. 2
(Leipzig, 1884-85); Goldschmidt
(London, 1881)

Palestrina, Mass Missa Salve Regina 1895, At pitch Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 24 (Leipzig,
Giovanni v. 5 1887);
Fierluioi da
Palestrina, Mass Missa Sine nomine 1895, Critical edition Marvin does
Giovanni v. 5 not examined not list a
Pierluigi da critical edition
for this mass
Palestrina, Motet! Ne recorderis 1895, Critical edition De Witt et al/GPPW (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni Motet in peccata mea v. 6 not examined 1907); AlfierijRMS 7 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da messa 46)
-- . .• r _ ... _- 1

/
~ Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Palestrina, Motet o admirabile 1894, At pitch Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni commercium v.4 1907); Alfieri/RMS 2 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da 46)

Palestrina, Motet o rex gloriae 1895, At pitch Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni v. 6 1907); Chrysander-Bellermann/DT 1
Pierluigi da (Bergedorf bei Hamburg, 1869-71)

Palestrina, Motet Peccantem me 1893, Up a Min. 2nd Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 2 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni quotidie v. 2 1907); Alfieri/RMS 2 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da 46)
Palestrina, Responso Resps: In monte 1893, Up a Min. 3rd Moskowa/RMA 7 (Paris, 1843) Note:
Giovanni ry/ ies oliveti; Tristis est v. 2 from Moskowa In monte oliveti and Tristis est
Pierluigi da, anima mea; Ecce (in Monte and anima only; De Witt et al/GPPW 32
attr. [Ingeneri] vidimus eum Tristis) (Leipzig, 1862-1907);

Palestrina, Resp. Resps: In monte 1893, Up a Min. 3rd Moskowa/RMA 7 (Paris, 1843) Note:
Giovanni oliveti; Tristis est v. 2 from Moskowa In monte oliveti and Tristis est
Pierluigi da, anima mea; Ecce (in Monte and anima only; De Witt et al/GPPW 32
attr. [Ingeneri] vidimus eum Tristis) (Leipzig, 1862-1907);
1

Palestrina, Resp. Resps: Omnes 1893, Up a Min. 3rd Moskowa/RMA 7 (Paris, 1843) Note: !

Giovanni amici mei; Velum v. 2 from Moskowa Vinea mea electa only; De Witt et
Pierluigi da, templi; Vinea mea (Vinea mea al/GPPW 32 (Leipzig, 1862-1907);
i
attr. [Ingeneri] electa electa)

Palestrina, Resp. Resps: Omnes 1893, Up a Min. 3rd Moskowa/RMA 7 (Paris, 1843) Note:
Giovanni amici mei; Velum v.2 from Moskowa Vinea mea electa only; De Witt et
Pierluigi da, templi; Vinea mea (Vinea mea al/GPPW 32 (Leipzig, 1862-1907);
attr. [Ingeneri] electa electa)
--
~
Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Palestrina, Resp. Resps: Recessit 1894, Critical edition De Witt et al/GPPW 32 (Leipzig,
Giovanni Pastor noster; 0 v.4 not examined 1862-1907) i
Pierluigi da, vos omnes; Ecce 1

attr. [Ingeneri] quomodo moritur

iustus !

Palestrina, Resp. Resps: Sicut ovis 1893, Critical edition De Witt et al/GPPW 32 (Leipzig,
Giovanni ad occisionem; v. 2 not examined 1862-1907) ;
Pierluigi da, Jerusalem surge;
attr. [Ingeneri] Plange quasi virgo

Palestrina, Motet Sicut cervus 1895, Up a Min. 3rd Casimiri Moskowa/RMA 10 (Paris, 1843)
Giovanni desiderat v. 6 Note: also in A-fiat; De Witt et
Pierluigi da al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-1907);
Rimbault/CACM 3 (London, 1847);
Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)

Palestrina, Motet Stabat Mater 1894, At pitch as Schering De Witt et al/GPPW 6 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni v.4 compared to the 1907); Alfieri/RMS 6 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da Schering edition. 46); Moskowa/RMA 1 (Paris, 1843)

Palestrina, Hymn Tantum Ergo 1894, Critical edition De Witt et al/GPPW 6 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni (excerpted from a v. 4 not examined. 1907); Alfieri/RMS 6 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da 4vv Pange Lingua) 46); Moskowa/RMA 1 (Paris, 1843)
[ considered
ISDuriousl
Palestrina, Motet Tribulationes 1895, Up a Min. 2nd Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 4 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni civitatum v. 6 1907); Alfieri/RMS 2 (Rome, 1841-
Pierluigi da 46)
- - - -~ _._~._----------_. _ _._--_ .. -
00
Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
~ for Compar'n

Palestrina, Motet Veni sponsa Christi 1893, At pitch Casimiri Moskowa/RMA 10 (Paris, 1843); De
Giovanni v. 2 Witt et al/GPPW 5 (Leipzig, 1862-
Pierluigi da 1907); Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon,
1854); Chrysander-Bellermann/DT 1
(Bergedorf bei Hamburg, 1869-71)

Palestrina, Hymn Vexilla Regis 1895, At pitch. Extra Casimiri De Witt et al/GPPW 8 (Leipzig, 1862-
Giovanni prodeunt v. 6 chant after "0 1907); Proske/MD 3 (Ratisbon,
Pierluigi da Crux" 1859): This is not the same piece as
found in Casimiri or Bordes

Pitoni, Giuseppe Motet Christus factus est 1893, At pitch Proske/MD Proske/MD 3 (Ratisbon, 1856)
Ottavio v. 2

Richafort, Jean Motet Christus 1894, Up a 4th Lincoln Eitner/PubATPM 16-18 (Leipzig,
resurgens/Mortuus v.4 incipits; See 1873-1905) ,
,
est enim Elzinga
Schütz, Heinrich Motet Verba mea auribus 1894,
percipe v. 4

Schütz, Heinrich Motet Quoniam ad te 1894,

clamabo v.4 1

Soriano, Mass Missa Nos autem 1895, Proske/SNMP (Ratisbon, 1857)

Francesco gloriari v. 5

Soria no, Passion St. Matthew 1895, Down a Min. 2nd Proske/MD. Proske/MD 4 (Ratisbon, 1862)
Francesco Passion v.6

Soria no, Motet St. John Passion 1895,

Francesco v.6

(
~ Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
for Compar'n

Viadana, Motet o sacrum 1894,

Ludovico convivium v. 4
Viadana, Motet Dixit Dominus 1895,
Ludovico v. 6

Viadana, Motet Magnificat 1895,

Ludovico v.6

Victoria, Tomas Mass Missa Ave Maris 1893, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da Stella v.1
Victoria, Tomas Mass Missa Ave Maris 1893, At pitch Pedrell
Luis da Stella v.1
Victoria, Tomas Mass Missa Pro defunctis 1893, Up a Min. 3rd Pedrell Proske et aljMDyr2 1 (Ratisbon,
Luis da v.1 except Graduai is 1865)
down a Maj. 2nd;
"Versa est"
missing

Victoria, Tomas Mass Missa Quarti toni 1893, Up a Maj. 3rd Pedrell Proske/MD 1 (Ratisbon, 1853)
Luis da v. 1

Victoria, Tomas Motet Dum complerentur 1893, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da dies Pentecostes; v. 2
Dum ergo esse nt

Victoria, Tomas Motet Estote fortes in 1893, Up a Min. 2nd Pedrell Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da belle v.2 from Pedrell;
Down a Min 2nd
from Lincoln
incipit
o
V) Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
('l
for Compar'n

Victoria, Tomas Motet Gaudent in coelis 1893, Up a Maj. 3rd Pedrell Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da v. 2
Victoria, Tomas Motet Iste sanctus pro 1893, Up a Maj. 3rd Pedrell Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da lege Dei v. 2

Victoria, Tomas Hymn Jesu dulcis 1893, At pitch. Pedrell Lueck/SACK (Trier, 1859);
Luis da, attr. memoria v. 2 Moskowa at pitch Hermesdorff/SACK (Leipzig, 1884-
[Von May 85); Moskowa/RMA 2 (Paris, 1844);
considers d'artigue/LM 1 (Paris: 1857);
spurious] Rochlitz/SVG 2 (Mainz, 1835)

Victoria, Tomas Motet a magnum 1893, Up a Min. 3rd Pedrell Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da mysterium v.2
Victoria, Tomas Motet a quam gloriosum 1893, Up a Maj. 2nd Pedrell Moskowa/RMA 10 (Paris, 1843);
Luis da v. 2 Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854); 1

Eslava Y Elizondo/LSH 1-2 (Madrid,

1869) 1

Victoria, Tomas Motet a vos omnes 1893, Down a Maj. 3rd Pedrell Moskowa/RMA 6 (Paris, 1843)
Luis da v. 2
1

Victoria, Tomas Resp. Resps: Amicus 1893, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da meus osculi; Judas v. 2
mercator pessimus;
Unus ex discipulis

Victoria, Tomas Resp. Resps: Eram quasi 1893, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da agnus; Una hora v. 2
non potuistis;
Seniores populi
- --- - - ----

/
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.-<
\1') Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
C'I for Compar'n

Victoria, Tomas Resp. Resps: Tanquam ad 1893, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da latronem; Tenebrae v. 2
factae sunt;
Animam meam
dilectam
Victoria, Tomas Resp. Resps: Tradiderunt 1893, At pitch Pedrell
Luis da me; Jesum tradidit v. 2
impius;
Caligaverunt oculi
mei
1

Victoria, Tomas Resp. Resps: Recessit 1893, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da pastor noster; 0 v. 2 1

vos omnes; Ecce

quomodo moritur 1

Victoria, Tomas Resp. Resps: Astiterunt 1893, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da reges terrae; v. 2
Aestimatus sum;
Sepulto Domino
,
Victoria, Tomas Mass Missa 0 quam 1894, Up a Min. 3rd Pedrell Proske/SNMP (Ratisbon, 1857)
Luis da gloriosum est v. 3

Victoria, Tomas Motet Domine non sum 1894, Up a Min. 2nd Pedrell Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da dignus v.4

Victoria, Tomas Motet Duo seraphim 1894, Up a 4th Pedrell Proske/MD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da clamabant v.4

(
N Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
V)
N for Compar'n

Victoria, Tomas Motet Ecce sacerdos 1894, At pitch Pedrell ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da magnus v.4

Victoria, Tomas Motet Hic vir despiciens 1894, At pitch Pedrell ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da v.4

Victoria, Tomas Hymn Pange lingua, Nobis 1894, Nobis datus at Pedrell ProskejMD 3 (Ratisbon, 1859): This
Luis da datus; Tantum v.4 pitch; the is not the same piece as found in
ergo Tantum ergo was Casimiri or Bordes; ProskejSNMP ,

not part of this (Ratisbon, 1853-61)7

hymn in Pedrell.
The only other 1

Tantum listed is
a 5vv hymn. No
resemblance
between this and
Bordes's 4vv
Tantum

Victoria, Tomas Resp. Popule meus 1894, Down a Maj. 2nd Pedrell ProskejMD 2 (Ratisbon, 1854)
Luis da v. 4

Victoria, Tomas Motet Vere languores 1894, Down a Maj. 2nd Pedrell MoskowajRMA 10 (Paris, 1843);
Luis da nostros v.4 Eslava Y ElizondojLSH (Madrid,
1869)
Victoria, Tomas Mass Missa Pro defunctis 1895, At pitch. No Pedrell
Luis da v. 5 graduai
. -

(
C"'l
\1') Composer Genre Title of Work Vol. Modifications? Edition Used Appearances in 19th-C editions
N for Compar'n

Victoria, Tomas Motet Ave Maria 1895, Down a Min. 3rd Pedrell
Luis da v. 6 and scored for
men's voices
(SATB in Pedrelli)

Victoria, Tomas Psalm? Deus in adjutorium 1895,

Luis da v.6

Victoria, Tomas Motet Dies irae 1895,

Luis da v. 6

Victoria, Tomas Motet St. John Passion 1895, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da v. 6

Victoria, Tomas Motet St. John Passion 1895, At pitch Pedrell

Luis da v. 6