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2006/1 - Volume 49
ISSN 0079-726X | ISBN 2130557716 | pages 227 à 278
Attachement
Trouble des conduites
Agressivité
Facteurs de risque
Prévention
LES FACTEURS
DE RISQUE FAMILIAUX ET
ENVIRONNEMENTAUX
DES TROUBLES DU COMPORTEMENT
CHEZ LE JEUNE ENFANT :
UNE REVUE DE LA LITTÉRATURE
SCIENTIFIQUE ANGLO-SAXONNE
Antoine GUEDENEY1
Romain DUGRAVIER2
INFLUENCES PSYCHOSOCIALES
La pauvreté
La pauvreté est bien entendu un facteur majeur depuis
longtemps reconnu. La puissance de ce lien a conduit à une
stigmatisation des pauvres comme présentant le plus grand
risque d’avoir des enfants délinquants, en particulier au
XIXe siècle. Les études portant sur les facteurs de risques psy-
chosociaux ont été les premières à mettre en évidence ce
risque, mais aussi ses limites. En 1979, Rutter argumente sur
le fait que ce n’est pas un facteur de risque en particulier,
mais le nombre des facteurs de risque qui va conduire à la
psychopathologie chez l’enfant. Dans l’échantillon d’enfants
âgés de 10 ans qu’il étudie, ce risque passe de 2 % dans les
familles sans facteur de risque ou avec un seul, à 20 % dans
les familles présentant 4 facteurs de risque ou plus. De même
dans l’étude de Philadelphie menée par Sameroff et coll.
(1982), le niveau des problèmes de comportement est directe-
ment proportionnel au nombre de facteurs de risque.
La pauvreté, si elle est rarement un facteur isolé, n’a
d’influence qu’en fonction des autres facteurs de risque.
Sameroff et coll. (1982) montrent que les enfants de familles
les plus pauvres ont le même devenir que ceux des plus aisées
s’ils partagent les mêmes facteurs de risque, et le même deve-
nir positif s’il ne survient pas d’autres facteurs de risque
socio-économiques. Comme l’indique Mac Leod (1998), la
262 Antoine Guedeney, Romain Dugravier
des pairs. Dans ce modèle, le rôle des pairs est une consé-
quence qui n’explique pas la délinquance.
En résumé, le modèle de l’influence par les pairs voit
cette association comme nécessaire et causale, alors que le
modèle des influences et des caractéristiques individuelles le
considère comme un épiphénomène ou comme un élément de
facilitation.
Dans l’étude de Woodward et Fergusson (1999) basée sur
l’étude longitudinale de Christchurch, en Nouvelle-Zélande,
la variable la plus influente pour expliquer l’association entre
les troubles avec les pairs et les troubles ultérieurs de
l’ajustement était l’étendue des problèmes de comportement
précoces de l’enfant, suggérant que le rôle des pairs dans les
troubles du comportement ne soit pas directement causal.
Exposition à la violence
Barletto-Becker et Mac Closquey (2002) ont examiné
l’impact de la violence familiale sur le développement de la
tension et les problèmes de comportement chez les garçons et
les filles. La violence familiale était en lien avec les problèmes
d’attention et de comportement, mais chez les filles unique-
ment. Les filles qui avaient ces difficultés dans l’enfance
n’étaient pas forcément à risque pour une délinquance future.
Mais la violence familiale vécue pendant l’enfance avait un
effet direct sur la délinquance des filles.
Là encore, les études contrôlées permettent d’indiquer
l’existence possible de chemins spécifiques pour les garçons et
les filles ; il semble que la délinquance chez les filles requière
un degré plus élevé de risque et de facteur de risque que chez
les garçons.
Les troubles attentionnels semblent être un catalyseur des
troubles du comportement à la fois pour les garçons et pour
les filles. L’absence de problème de comportement chez les fil-
les qui subissent des attitudes parentales excessivement dures
ou des abus pendant l’enfance ne signifie pas pour autant
qu’il n’y ait pas de risque de délinquance.
Miller et coll. (1999) ont étudié des garçons de 6 à 10 ans
exposés à être des témoins de scènes de violences. Ils rappor-
tent un lien entre le fait d’avoir assisté à de telles scènes et
Les facteurs de risque familiaux et environnementaux 265
Rôle de la fratrie
La présence dans la famille d’un enfant avec un trouble
sévère du comportement peut avoir une influence sur sa
fratrie (Farington et coll., 2001). Une étude de Brody et coll.
(2003) montre l’importance du fait d’avoir un frère ou une
sœur avec des troubles du comportement sur les plus jeunes.
À l’inverse, le fait d’avoir des frères et sœurs aux bonnes per-
formances académiques représente un facteur de protection
dans la famille. Le concept de « continuité cumulative »
(Caspi et coll., 1989) permet d’interpréter l’influence du
voisinage, de la fratrie et des pairs délinquants. La conti-
nuité cumulative décrit les façons par lesquelles le dévelop-
pement du comportement antisocial, dans un contexte
donné, influence la sélection de types d’environnement qui
vont ultérieurement le renforcer. Dans cette perspective, les
comportements antisociaux sont « maintenus par l’ac-
cumulation progressive de leur propre conséquence » (Caspi
et coll., 1989). Ainsi, les enfants qui présentent des compor-
tements antisociaux à la maison ont plus de chance de cher-
cher des affiliations avec des pairs du même âge et plus âgés
qui partagent les mêmes normes antisociales et les mêmes
comportements. Les quartiers les plus désavantagés sont
aussi ceux dans lesquels il y a la plus grande accumulation
de bandes d’enfants avec des troubles du comportement
antisocial, et de ce fait un risque plus élevé pour les enfants
de ce quartier de les rejoindre. Cependant, les différents
quartiers ne sont pas homogènes. Certains quartiers sont
organisés de façon à promouvoir la santé mentale des
enfants et des adolescents à travers un certain nombre de
266 Antoine Guedeney, Romain Dugravier
EN CONCLUSION
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