Annales d'Ethiopie

A Chinese source for Aksumite history in the 6th and 7th

centuries AD
Stuart Munro-Hay

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Munro-Hay Stuart. A Chinese source for Aksumite history in the 6th and 7th centuries AD. In: Annales d'Ethiopie. Volume
26, année 2011. pp. 99-104;

doi : 10.3406/ethio.2011.1433

http://www.persee.fr/doc/ethio_0066-2127_2011_num_26_1_1433

Document généré le 08/03/2018

Résumé
Une source chinoise concernant l’histoire aksumite aux VIe et VIIe siècles après J. C.

Cet bref article présente un document inhabituel dans le contexte de l’histoire éthiopienne : un
texte ancien écrit en Chine. Il s’agit d’un livre intitulé T’ien-fang Chihsheng shih-lu, écrit par Liu
Chai-Lien, également connu sous le nom de Liu Chih. Le livre fut publié à Shanghai en 1921 par
Isaac Mason, qui effectua une traduction de la version originale écrite en 1721-1724 et publiée en
Chine en 1779. Cet ouvrage contient un certain nombre d’informations sur les najashis, ces
souverains des Habashat ou d’Abyssinie, qui ont régné au cours de la vie du Prophète
Mohammed. Cette information provient d’une source différente de celles employées dans les
textes d’Ibn Ishaq, basés sur des comptes rendus d’Ibn Hisham et de al-Tabari décrivant la vie du
prophète. Pour ces raisons, il est utile de porter cette information à l’attention des collègues «
éthiopisants » , parmi lesquels quelqu’un étudiera peut-être les sources qui on été employées par
Liu Chih.

Abstract
This brief note discusses an unusual source for Ethiopian history ; a very late text which comes
from China. The book in question is the T’ien-fang Chih-sheng shih-lu by Liu Chai-Lien, sometimes
called Liu Chih. It was published in Shanghai in 1921 in a translation by Isaac Mason from an
original dating to c. 1721-1724 and published in China in 1779. This work contained a certain
amount of information about the
najashis, the rulers of Habashat or Abyssinia, of the period spanning Muhammad’s lifetime. This
information seems to come from a source other than the usual ones generally noted, such as Ibn
Hisham’s and al-Tabari’s accounts based on the life of the prophet by Ibn Ishaq, and though noted
briefly before it seems worth bringing more specifically to the attention of fellow éthiopisants,
among whom may be someone who can pursue the necessary sources to their origin.
 A Chinese source for Aksumite history
in the 6th and 7th centuries AD

Stuart Munro-Hay*

This brief note discusses an unusual source for Ethiopian history; a very late text
which comes from China. The book in question is the T’ien-fang Chih-sheng shih-lu by
Liu Chai-Lien, sometimes called Liu Chih. It was published in Shanghai in 1921 in a
translation by Isaac Mason from an original dating to c. 1721-4 and published in
China in 1779. This work contained a certain amount of information about the
najashis, the rulers of Habashat or Abyssinia, of the period spanning Muhammad’s
lifetime.1 This information seems to come from a source other than the usual ones
generally noted, such as Ibn Hisham’s and al-Tabari’s accounts based on the life of
the prophet by Ibn Ishaq, and though noted briefly before2 it seems worth bringing
more specifically to the attention of fellow éthiopisants, among whom may be
someone who can pursue the necessary sources to their origin.
Abyssinia features in a number of places in Liu Chih’s book. In the first note
mentioning the country, the reigning najashi of Abyssinia is said to have sent an
ambassador with gifts on sighting a star which marked the birth of the prophet.
This is evidently reminiscent of the three wise men or kings discovering the time of

* The following text was written by the late archaeologist and historian Stuart Munro-Hay around the
year 2001 or in early 2002 and was planned by him to be published in the projected Miscellanea
Aethiopica: Essays in Honor of Richard Pankhurst. This article is listed with this bibliographical
reference in Munro-Hay’s Encyclopaedia Aethiopica article “Ancient relations between China and
the Horn” (2003:714f.). When it became more and more clear, however, that this book was not
going to be realized, Munro-Hay first thought of publishing his article in the Festschrift for Siegbert
Uhlig (of which I was a co-editor), but then decided to submit another text instead (Studia
Aethiopica, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 2004). As Munro-Hay died already in 2004, his text remained
unpublished in my collection, until it was suggested by lij Asfa-Wossen Asserate, literary executor of
Stuart Munro-Hay's estate, and me to be published by the Annales d’Éthiopie as the most appropriate
forum for this text which uncovers an unusual source on ancient Aksumite history. We are most
grateful to the editors of the Annales to have enthusiastically agreed with this suggestion. Wolbert
Smidt (Mekelle University). In the original version of the article, the author made this note: “It also
seems to me, from its obscurity and unusual provenance, to be an appropriate contribution to my
colleague Richard Pankhurst’s Festschrift, particularly considering his own delvings into the obscure
and unusual in pursuit of Ethiopian history”.
1 Liu Chih translated by Isaac Mason, 1921: 35, 47, 102, 232.
2 Munro-Hay, 1991: 92-93.

Annales d’Éthiopie, 2011, 26, 99-104 99

Stuart Munro-Hay

Jesus’ birth through the appearance of a special star – and the emperor of China
also sent messengers, Liu Chih recounts, after the meaning of a star had been
interpreted. The account has a mythological character and adds nothing of interest
to the history of Ethiopia at this period.
But the next note may be of rather greater interest. When the young
Muhammad was aged seven, that is, following tradition, about 577AD, the najashi
Saifu, ‘descendant of the gods’ ascended the throne of Abyssinia. Abd al-Muttalib,
Muhammad’s grandfather, went to congratulate the najashi on his accession, and a
speech is attributed to him which is also of some significance. The ambassador is
supposed to have said to the Ethiopian king:
“The great king, your grandfather, was a benevolent king, and his grandson
is a holy sovereign, who breaks off with flatterers, and follows what is right,
avenges the oppressed and, acting upon right principles, administers the law
equitably. Your servant is Superintendant of the sacrifices in the sacred
precincts of the True God, a son of Koreish, who, hearing that your Majesty
has newly received the great precious throne has come to present
congratulations”.
Saifu, a wise ruler, is supposed to have recognized Muhammad’s future greatness
from portents he had found in the books; he was able to prophesy that Muhammad
would have troubles.
From this account, we have the putative name of an Ethiopian king who came
to the throne in c. 577AD, who was the grandson of a certain ‘great king’. If we can
hazard a guess based on known events in Ethiopian history of the period - and if
the account has some actual basis in fact - could this ‘great king’ have been king
Kaleb, so well-known to the Arabs for his conquest of the Yemen some fifty years
before? No other Aksumite king holds so prominent a place in Middle Eastern
literature and some contemporary inscriptions confirm his conquests in the Yemen.
His reign, embracing at least the twenties and thirties of the sixth century, is
undoubtedly situated exactly at the period to be expected for the required grand-
parental relationship with a descendant commencing his reign in c. 577AD.
Procopius, a contemporary of Kaleb, indicates that Hellesthaeus (his version of
Ella Atsbeha, Kaleb’s throne name) had died and a son of his was reigning alone by
about 543AD, when Procopius was writing.3 Local legends suggest that Kaleb of
Aksum in due course abdicated his throne and retired to a monastery, to which
information Procopius adds that Kaleb’s son made a tribute arrangement with
Abreha, the Ethiopian who had by then seized power in the Yemen. Abreha’s
Marib dam inscription of 543AD mentions an embassy from the reigning najashi but
without naming him;4 a further possible mention by name of a king called ‘Ella
‘ZYN’ on the inscription of Abreha is very uncertain.5

3 Procopius, 1914: 191.

4 Hable Sellassie, 1972: 148-149.
5 Schneider, 1984: 162-163.

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 A Chinese source for Aksumite history

The Ge‘ez hagiographies and other traditional accounts mention Gabra Masqal
and Israel as two sons of Kaleb who inherited the crown after him; sometimes they
include a third name, Constantine, as well. We have one inscription of a king,
W‘ZB, who refers to himself as ‘son of Ella Atsbeha’, confirming that at least one
son of Kaleb really did become king of Aksum after him.6 The historian Procopius
also confirms this.
The coinage of Aksum supplies further material evidence for Kaleb’s successors.
A gold coin type of Kaleb,7 die-linked with one of Alla Amidas,8 indicates that at
least one of the later coin-issuing rulers of Aksum was either a direct successor, or
even associated with Kaleb on the throne. This is perhaps not unexpected, since
Kaleb seems to have left Africa to join the Yemen expedition in person, and may
well have left his heir already invested as co-ruler of Aksum rather than simply as
regent. To add to this suggestion from the coinage, an inscription of Sumuyafa
Ashwa, the Himyarite appointee installed by Kaleb in Himyar as successor to the
conquered Jewish king Yusuf Asar, mentions Kaleb by name as Ella A(t)sbeha,
alluding to the rulers of Aksum in the plural as nagast and amlak, which might well
support the theory that Alla Amidas was a co-ruler.9
In these circumstances – if we credit this very late and second-hand account,
and add what inferences are possible from the coinage – we might suggest that the
sons of Kaleb, one previously a co-regent with his father at the time of the Yemeni
expedition, reigned until c. 577AD, when a grandson, called Saifu, succeeded.
But Liu Chih has even more to offer. At a later stage in his book, he mentions
that najashi, the king of Abyssinia who received the Muslim emigrants in the fifth
year of Muhammad’s prophetship, 615-616 AD, was the grandson of king Saifu.
This najashi is the famous Ashama ibn Abjar, who, according to Ibn Ishaq,10 only
succeeded after the reign of an uncle who had usurped the throne from his father
(who was, presumably, given the patronymic supplied, the najashi Abjar).
The king ruling at the time of the hijra to Abyssinia is mentioned elsewhere in
the book, similarly with confirmation of his descent:
“The king (of Abyssinia) had succeeded his father and grandfather in ruling
that country, and he treated his people well: he was a follower of the Faith,
and a protector of those Moslems who migrated to his country. The night
before his death he admonished his sons and ministers that they should
always be true to the Faith and protect Mohammed and his followers, and
not allow anyone to encroach upon the two forbidden states, Mecca and
Medina. When the Prophet heard of his death he had an altar made, and led
forth his followers and did obeisance towards the south, and mourned for
him”.

6 Schneider, 1974: 88-92.

7 Type 110 in Munro-Hay & Juel-Jensen, 1995; also see Kaleb AV 4 in Munro-Hay (1984: 124).
8 Type 113 in Munro-Hay & Juel-Jensen, 1995.
9 Ryckmans, 1976: 96-99.
10 Guillaume, 1955: 153-154.

101
Stuart Munro-Hay

Without trying to tie things in too firmly on such flimsy evidence, it is of interest to
note that the Aksumite kings who issued coins after Kaleb, and the kings now
known to have been attributed to the period by certain Arab sources, match closely
in numbers. It has been suggested elsewhere11 that Ashama ibn Abjar could have
been the last actual ruling king of Aksum, as distinct from the continuing line of the
najashis of Habashat who would have had their capitals at other places. Ashama
died, according to Muslim tradition, in 630 AD. According to one interpretation of
the legend about the tomb of ‘Ahmad Nagash’ at Wuqro, it was this ruler who was
buried there, not at Aksum itself.12
In another paper dealing with the coinage13 it was proposed for numismatic reasons
that King Alla Amidas (known from his gold coins) and King Wazena (bronze coins)
might be the same ruler using different names. Similarly, that Ella Gabaz (gold coins)
and W‘ZB (inscription from Aksum), be identified. This would marry two ‘Ella’-names
found on the gold coins, with two personal names – and it is known that these different
types of name were possessed conjointly by Aksumite kings – reducing four rulers from
previous lists to only two. Incidentally the same paper identified yet another ruler
known from gold coins, Allamiruis, with Alla Amidas as well, the result merely of a
badly-written coinage legend; a yet further reduction of the number of kings represented
by the coinage. If these identities are admitted, bearing in mind Alla Amidas’ firm
association through a die-link with Kaleb, and W‘ZB’s filiation in his inscription, these
two might be the sons of Kaleb enshrined in the Ge‘ez texts as Gabra Masqal and
Israel. The identification of Alla Amidas - Wazena as one king could also explain the
curious ‘Ella ‘ZYN’ of Abreha’s inscription, if this interpretation is to be taken seriously,
and if the ‘ain stands for a waw.
For various numismatic reasons, discussed at large elsewhere14, the coinage
sequence seems to proceed with Ioel, Hataz (‘Iathlia’), Israel, Armah and Gersem,
or perhaps the order should be Gersem, Armah. It has been suggested that Hataz
and Iathlia are likely to be the same king, with the Ge’ez name Hataz badly written
in Greek as ‘Iathlia’ based on some such rendering as ‘Iathaza’. Of these kings,
Israel, with his one gold and one bronze issue, may have ruled only briefly, or
perhaps in association with Hataz or Gersem, whose gold coins so closely resemble
his. Numismatically, Israel seems to come after the immediately post Kaleb
sequence, but there is no reason why his name should not be at the root of the later
Ge’ez tradition that a king Israel was one of Kaleb’s sons.
Following the basic outline we now have from Liu Chih’s work, if the coinage
sequence is correct Saifu could perhaps be identified with Ioel. The name Sayfa,
Sayfa Arad etc. appears in the Ge’ez king-lists in late Aksumite times, and is perhaps
associated, though the lists are very confused and bear little or no relationship to
the known names from the coinage. The next king would presumably be Abjar,
followed by his usurping brother, and then the najashi Ashama ibn Abjar.

11 Munro-Hay, 1991: 261-262.

12 Tamrat, 1972: 34-35.
13 Munro-Hay, 1984; Munro-Hay, 1989.
14 Munro-Hay, 1991; Munro-Hay & Juel-Jensen, 1995.

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 A Chinese source for Aksumite history

At the moment all this remains no more than an intriguing possibility. It is not
impossible that the whole story is simply a confusion arising from a mixture of sources
concerning the najashi, a popular figure in Muslim legends, with the name Saifu
originating perhaps from Sayf Dhu Yazan, a prominent character in the Himyar wars of
Kaleb’s time. On the other hand there may be some real basis for the Ethiopian royal
descent outlined by Liu Chih. Evidently, the vital element for the historical authenticity
of this information from Liu Chih comes down to his own sources.
Liu Chih’s True Annals of the Prophet of Arabia was based, apparently, on an older
book of records of the prophet found at Ts’eng Liu. What this book was has
remained uncertain. However, at the ‘Islam in China’ Symposium at Harvard
University in April 1989, Donald Leslie presented a paper discussing the account of
the sending of the envoy Saad Ibn Abi Waqqas to China, of which a record is also
preserved by Liu Chih. Discussing sources, it appears almost certain that Liu Chih
used as his main source the Targamah i Maulud I Mustafa a translation into Persian in
760/1358 by Afif, the son of the original author (in Arabic) Said b. Masud b.
Muhammad al-Kazaruni, who died in 758/1357. This pushes the possible source of
the information about the Ethiopian rulers back another four hundred or so years;
but as yet this work has not yet been checked – and I am certainly not competent to
check it – nor have the sources used by al-Kazaruni himself been traced.
The information given by Liu Chih cannot be taken as in any way definitive
until further research into his own and al-Kazaruni’s sources is undertaken.
Nevertheless, it adds something to the received accounts (whether historical or
legendary) of the relationships between the Arabs and the Ethiopians at the time of
the prophet. It also offers some potential clues for the chronology of a very obscure
period of Aksumite/post-Aksumite history.

Bibliography
Chih L., 1921, True Annals of the Prophet of Arabia (T’ien-fang Chih-sheng shih-
lu), in Mason I. (ed.), The Arabian Prophet. A Life of Mohammed from Chinese and
Arabic Sources. A Chinese-Moslem work by Liu Chai-Lien, Shanghai.
Guillaume A., 1955, Life of Muhammed. A Translation of Ibn Ishaq’s Sirat Rasul Allah,
London, Oxford University Press.
Munro-Hay S., 1984, The Coinage of Aksum, Butleigh & New Delhi.
Munro-Hay S., 1984, Aksumite Chronology: Some Reconsiderations, Jahrbuch für
Numismatik und Geldgeschichte, Band XXXIV, 107-126.
Munro-Hay S., 1989, Aksumite Chronology: Some Reconsiderations, in Proceedings of the
Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, vol. 2, Addis Ababa, 73-88.
Munro-Hay S., 1991, Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity, Edinburgh
University Press.
Munro-Hay S. & Juel-Jensen B., 1995, Aksumite Coinage, London, Spink and Sons.
Procopius, 1914, History of the Wars, Dewing H. B. (ed.), London, Loeb.

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Stuart Munro-Hay

Ryckmans J., 1976, L’inscription sabéenne chrétienne Istanbul 7608 bis, Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, 108 (2), 96-99.
Schneider R., 1974, Trois nouvelles inscriptions royales d’Axoum, IV Congresso
Internazionale di Studi Etiopici, Accademia dei Lincei, Rome.
Schneider R., 1984, Review of Y. M. Kobishchanov, Axum, Journal of Ethiopian
Studies, 17, 148-174.
Sergew Hable Selassie, 1972, Ancient and Medieval Ethiopian History to 1270, Addis
Ababa, Addis Ababa United Printers.
Tadesse Tamrat, 1972, Church and State in Ethiopia 1270-1527, Oxford, Clarendon Press.

Abstract / Résumé
Munro-Hay S., 2011, A Chinese source from Aksumite history in the 6th and 7th
centuries AD, Annales d’ Éthiopie, 26, 99-104.

This brief note discusses an unusual source for Ethiopian history; a very late text
which comes from China. The book in question is the T’ien-fang Chih-sheng shih-lu by
Liu Chai-Lien, sometimes called Liu Chih. It was published in Shanghai in 1921 in a
translation by Isaac Mason from an original dating to c. 1721-1724 and published in
China in 1779. This work contained a certain amount of information about the
najashis, the rulers of Habashat or Abyssinia, of the period spanning Muhammad’s
lifetime. This information seems to come from a source other than the usual ones
generally noted, such as Ibn Hisham’s and al-Tabari’s accounts based on the life of
the prophet by Ibn Ishaq, and though noted briefly before it seems worth bringing
more specifically to the attention of fellow éthiopisants, among whom may be
someone who can pursue the necessary sources to their origin.
Keywords: Liu Chih, najashi, Aksum, Muhammad (Prophet).

Une source chinoise concernant l’histoire aksumite aux VIe et VIIe siècles après
J.C. – Cet bref article présente un document inhabituel dans le contexte de l’histoire
éthiopienne : un texte ancien écrit en Chine. Il s’agit d’un livre intitulé T’ien-fang Chih-
sheng shih-lu, écrit par Liu Chai-Lien, également connu sous le nom de Liu Chih. Le
livre fut publié à Shanghai en 1921 par Isaac Mason, qui effectua une traduction de la
version originale écrite en 1721-1724 et publiée en Chine en 1779. Cet ouvrage
contient un certain nombre d’informations sur les najashis, ces souverains des
Habashat ou d’Abyssinie, qui ont régné au cours de la vie du Prophète Mohammed.
Cette information provient d’une source différente de celles employées dans les textes
d’Ibn Ishaq, basés sur des comptes rendus d’Ibn Hisham et de al-Tabari décrivant la
vie du prophète. Pour ces raisons, il est utile de porter cette information à l’attention
des collègues « éthiopisants », parmi lesquels quelqu’un étudiera peut-être les
sources qui employées par Liu Chih.
Mots-clefs : Liu Chih, najashi, Aksum, Mohammed (Prophète).

104