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6. Musical universals:
Perspectives from infancy
Sandra E. TREHUB

The search for musical universals continues to be inspired by the pervasive belief in
language universals and their innate basis (e.g. Pinker, 1994). However, there are
increasing challenges to the notion of language universals and to Universal Grammar,
in particular. Evans and Levinson (2009) contend that misconceptions about cross-
linguistic similarity have arisen from the consideration of a relatively small set of
English-like languages. They point out that linguistic typologists have documented
important differences in sounds, meaning, and syntax in the thousands of extant
languages worldwide. Accordingly, they argue that cognitive scientists should be
attempting to account for language diversity rather than similarity. Other scholars,
including Christensen and Chater (2008), are challenging prevailing notions about the
domain-specific biological factors that are presumed to underlie language structure
and acquisition. They conceive of language as a complex cultural product that has
emerged in response to human social needs. Syal and Finlay (2011) also consider social
motivation as critical for the evolution and acquisition of language.
In the case of music, there is general acknowledgement of a universal capacity or
disposition for music but much less attention to the diverse ways of expressing that
musicality across cultures (Blacking, 1995). Even the boundary between musical and
non-musical behavior (i.e. what is music and what is not) differs across cultures (Nettl,
2005). In any case, the musical universals tentatively identified to date, including octave
equivalence, five to seven notes per octave, unequal-step scales, temporal regularity, and
repetition (Dowling & Harwood, 1984; Sloboda, 1985), are very basic as well as being
derived primarily from relatively recent forms of music. Moreover, these universals
focus largely on musical products rather than on behaviors, processes, or functions.
1. Musical universals in developmental perspective
If there is a universal disposition for music, some signs of that disposition should be
evident in early childhood. In fact, pre-verbal infants are surprisingly capable music
listeners (Trehub & Hannon, 2006). For example, they detect subtle differences in
musical pitch and timing (Trehub & Hannon, 2009) as well as global pitch and rhythm
patterns (Hannon & Trehub, 2005a; Trehub, Thorpe, & Morrongiello, 1987a; Trehub
& Thorpe, 1989). Moreover, they exhibit long-term memory for music heard regularly
6. Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy 6
(Saffran, Loman, & Robertson, 2000; Trainor, Wu, & Tsang, 2004), and they retain
more detail from vocal than from instrumental renditions (Volkova, Trehub, &
Schellenberg, 2006). By their first birthday, if not before, infants show sensitivity to
culture-specific regularities in the music around them (Hannon & Trehub, 2005b;
Soley & Hannon, 2010).
Universal disposition for musical parenting
Throughout the world music plays an important role in cultural rituals (Merker, 2009),
fostering communal identity or goals, and regulating emotion or arousal (Blacking,
1995; Trehub, Hannon, & Schachner, 2010). A cross-cultural disposition for musical
parenting is also evident. Caregivers everywhere soothe or amuse their infants with a
musical repertoire consisting of lullabies and play songs (Trehub & Trainor, 1998).
Lullabies are readily recognizable as such. For example, when nave listeners hear pairs
of foreign lullabies and non-lullabies matched on culture of origin and tempo, they
easily identify the lullabies (Trehub, Unyk, & Trainor, 1993a), perhaps on the basis of
their simplicity or repetitiveness (Unyk, Trehub, Trainor, & Schellenberg, 1992). What
is remarkable is that listeners are equally successful at identifying lullabies from
familiar musical cultures (i.e. Western European tradition) as from unfamiliar cultures
(Trehub et al., 1993a).
Although play songs also have a distinctive form, they are especially notable for their
distinctive performances in infant caregiving contexts (Nakata & Trehub, 2011;
Trehub et al., 1997). When nave listeners hear paired samples of the same song by the
same singer, one performed for an infant, the other performed informally with no
audience, they readily identify the infant-directed version (Trainor, 1996; Trehub et al.,
1997), even when the language and culture are unfamiliar (Trehub, Unyk, & Trainor,
1993b). Listeners seem to base their judgments primarily on the singers vocal tone
rather than on the measurable differences in pitch level (higher) and tempo (slower)
for infant-directed versions (Trainor, Clark, Huntley, & Adams, 1997; Trehub et al.,
1997). Performances for infants also have more timing regularity and greater
expressive variations in dynamics than typical informal performances of the same
songs (Nakata & Trehub, 2011). Mothers do not seem to have conscious didactic
goals when they sing to pre-verbal infants, but they intuitively highlight the structure
of the music, especially its timing and pitch contours.
Musical elements are also prominent in mothers speech to pre-verbal infants. For
example, maternal speech involves a greatly expanded pitch range, exaggerated pitch
contours, and considerable repetition (Fernald, 1991). There are similar pitch contours
in mothers speech across cultures (Fernald et al., 1989), but the pitch intervals are
individually distinctive (Bergeson & Trehub, 2007). These signature tunes may facilitate
maternal voice recognition.
Similarly, despite global similarities in some aspects of maternal singing, it is
individually distinctive. In fact, maternal performances of the same song on different
occasions are virtually identical in pitch level and tempo provided the infants mood is
comparable (Bergeson & Trehub, 2002). As would be expected, mothers fine-tune
6. Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy 7
their performances to infants mood or state of arousal. Maternal affect or arousal also
affects the nature of these performances. For example, maternal singing is more
expressive when mother and infant can see one another than when they are separated by
an opaque curtain (Trehub, Plantinga, & Russo, 2011, March). Heightened
expressiveness in the face-to-face context cannot be attributed to mothers dependence
on infant feedback because video feedback from the infant fails to close the
expressiveness gap.
Although spoken and sung interactions with infants are typically multimodal, featuring
gestures, touch, and movement, researchers attention has focused largely on the
acoustic features. What has escaped attention is that the visible components of
maternal speech and singing differ substantially. For example, mothers smile and
move considerably more when they sing than when they talk to infants (Plantinga,
Trehub, & Russo, 2011, June). In fact, singing mothers commonly move in time with
the music and smile almost continuously.
1.2. Universal responsiveness to musical parenting
Infants are highly receptive to singing in the maternal style, as they are to speech in
the maternal style (Cooper & Aslin, 1994; Fernald, 1985). For example, infants listen
significantly longer to infant-directed singing than to non-infant-directed singing
(Trainor, 1996), even as newborns (Masataka, 1999). When presented with audio-
visual renditions of maternal speech and singing, infants are substantially more
engaged by the singing than by the speech (Nakata & Trehub, 2004). Live maternal
singing also modulates infant arousal, as reflected in changes in cortisol concentrations
in their saliva (Shenfield, Trehub, & Nakata, 2003).
What is the essence of maternal singing for the infant audience? The simple, repetitive
structure of lullabies and play songs is likely to make some contribution. However,
expressive voice quality, facial gestures, touch, and movement seem to make a much
greater contribution. The various vocal and non-vocal features are combined to yield
performances that are irresistible to infants.
2. Implications
The available evidence is consistent with a human disposition for music listening and
learning (Trehub et al., 2010), which may capitalize on our capacity for vocal and
bodily imitation (Merker, 2009) and on our intensely social nature (Christensen &
Chater, 2008; Syal & Finlay, 2011). The cross-species disposition to care for infants
seems to include, in the human case, musical care. Although mothers are highly
selective in the music they provide for infants, they seem more focused on their
performances. In that light, it is interesting that the search for musical universals, with
some notable exceptions (e.g. Lomax, 1976b), has focused largely on musical form
6. Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy 8
rather than on style and context. A renewed focus on music from the oral tradition, as
performed in context, might yield fruitful perspectives on musical universals.
1








1
Acknowledgements ! Preparation of this paper was assisted by grants from the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council and the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada.

Abstracts / Rsums


6. Sandra E. TREHUB
Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy
The search for musical universals has been inspired, to a considerable extent, by the
apparent presence of language universals and the related presumption that some
aspects of linguistic knowledge are innate. To date, however, scholars of music have
failed to provide a convincing set of musical universals. It may comfort such musical
scholars to know that the consensus on language universals is rapidly evaporating. For
example, Evans and Levin (2009) argue that the 60008000 extant languages differ
radically in their sound composition, meanings, and syntax, so the challenge of
cognitive science is to account for linguistic diversity. Others have raised questions
about the domain-specific biological endowment that is thought to underlie language
structure (Christensen & Chater, 2008) and the acquisition of language (Chater, Reali,
& Christensen, 2009). Instead of considering languages as being shaped by the human
brain, these authors contend that languages are shaped and re-shaped by language
users and learners. Similar considerations undoubtedly apply to musical systems across
cultures. Nevertheless, there are important differences, which are elaborated in the
paper. According to Merker (2009), music is a critically important human ritual, which
has its biological basis in our capacity and motivation for vocal and bodily mimesis.
Although mimesis is not a uniquely human skill, our skill level greatly outstrips that of
any other species. Developmental and cross-cultural similarities and differences in the
form and function of musical rituals are considered.
Les universaux musicaux : perspectives partir de la petite enfance
La recherche duniversaux musicaux sest inspire, dans une large mesure, de
lapparente prsence duniversaux du langage et de la prsomption qui lui est lie que
des aspects de la connaissance linguistique sont inns. ce jour cependant, les
spcialistes de la musique nont pas russi fournir un ensemble duniversaux
musicaux convaincants. De tels spcialistes pourraient tre rconforts de savoir que
le consensus sur les universaux du langage sest rapidement vapor. Par exemple,
Evans et Levin (2009) soutiennent que les 6000 8000 langues existantes diffrent
radicalement dans leur composition sonore, leurs significations et leur syntaxe, de telle
sorte que le dfi des sciences cognitives est de rendre compte de la diversit
linguistique. Dautres ont soulev les questions du fondement biologique susceptible
Abstracts / Rsums 10
de sous-tendre la structure du langage (Christensen & Chater, 2008) et de lacquisition
du langage (Chater, Reali, & Christensen, 2009). Au lieu de considrer les langues
comme formes par le cerveau humain, ces auteurs soutiennent que les langues sont
formes et re-formes par les usagers et les apprenants. De telles considrations
sappliquent sans aucun doute aux systmes musicaux travers les cultures.
Nanmoins, dimportantes diffrences existent, qui sont dtailles dans la
contribution. Selon Merker (2009), la musique est dune importance critique pour le
rituel humain, qui a son fondement biologique dans notre capacit et notre motivation
pour la mimesis vocale et corporelle. Bien que la mimesis ne soit pas une comptence
uniquement humaine, notre niveau de comptence dpasse largement ceux des autres
espces. Les similitudes dveloppementales et transculturelles et les diffrences dans la
forme et la fonction des rituels musicaux sont examines.




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