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ISBN 978-960-214-989-8
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BIB§IO°PAºIA - ™YNTOMO°PAºIE™ 13-14 E. LANGRIDGE NOTI - M. PRENT

Deposition and Chronology in Hellenistic
ANAKOINø™EI™ Deposits at Geraki, Laconia 135-146

A. PIZAKH™ - I. TOYPAT™O°§OY MAPIA ™TAYPO¶OY§OY-°AT™H

H ÔÈÎÔÓÔÌ›· ÛÙËÓ ¶ÂÏÔfiÓÓËÛÔ Î·Ù¿ ™‡ÓÔÏ· ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋˜ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋˜ ·fi ÙÔ
ÙËÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÂÚ›Ô‰Ô 17-34 ÓÂÎÚÔÙ·ÊÂ›Ô ÙÔ˘ ·Ú¯·›Ô˘ TÚȯÔÓ›Ԣ AÈوϛ·˜ 147-158

IºI°ENEIA ¢EKOY§AKOY ºøTEINH ™APANTH

EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙËÓ KÂÚ‡ÓÂÈ· T·ÊÈο Û‡ÓÔÏ· ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋˜ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋˜ ·fi ÙÔ
Ù˘ A¯·˝·˜ 35-36 ÔÈÎfiÂ‰Ô ºÚ¿ÁÎÔ˘ - ¶·ÓÙ·˙‹ ÛÙË N·‡·ÎÙÔ 159-168

BA™ø T™ANTH§A
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T·ÊÈο Û‡ÓÔÏ· ·fi Ù· ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈο ÓÂÎÚÔÙ·Ê›·
TÔ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎfi ÓÂÎÚÔÙ·ÊÂ›Ô ÙÔ˘ Û˘ÓÔÈÎÈÛÌÔ‡
Ù˘ AÚÛÈÓfi˘ (ÛËÌÂÚÈÓfi AÁÁÂÏfiηÛÙÚÔ) AÈÙˆÏÔ-
Ù˘ AÁ›·˜ K˘Úȷ΋˜ ÛÙÔ A›ÁÈÔ 37-46
·Î·ÚÓ·Ó›·˜ 169-186
EPøºI§H KO§IA ™TE§§A KATAKOYTA
KÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ Ì ·Ó¿ÁÏ˘ÊË ‰È·ÎfiÛÌËÛË ·fi ·Ôı¤ÙË EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙËÓ ·ÓÙÈÎÚÈÓ‹ ÏÂ˘Ú¿
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EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi Ù· ÓÂÎÚÔÙ·Ê›· EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÔÈΛ·
Ù˘ ¶¿ÙÚ·˜. T˘ÔÏÔÁÈ΋ ÂͤÏÈÍË 57-74 ÛÙÔÓ OÚ¯ÔÌÂÓfi BÔȈٛ·˜ 201-212

AN¢PEA™ BOP¢O™ KYPIAKH KA§§I°A

T·ÊÈο Û‡ÓÔÏ· ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋˜ ·fi ÙÔ A›ÁÈÔ 75 EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ £‹‚·: OÈ ¯ÚÔÓÔÏÔÁÈΤ˜ ÂӉ›ÍÂȘ
ÙÔ˘ «KÙÈÚ›Ô˘ ÙÔ˘ £ËÛ·˘ÚÔ‡» 213-236
A. BA™I§O°AMBPOY - A. NIKO§AKO¶OY§OY -
A§E•AN¢PA XAPAMH
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EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈο ÎÂÚ·ÌÈο Û‡ÓÔÏ· ·fi ÙÔ ÓÂÎÚÔÙ·Ê›Ô
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Ù˘ ·Ú¯·›·˜ T·Ó¿ÁÚ·˜ 237-244
Î·È ÔÈ ·Ôı¤Ù˜ 76
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EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÎÙ›ÚÈÔ ÂȉÈ΋˜ ¯Ú‹Û˘ ·fi ÙËÓ ·Ó·Ûηʋ ÁÈ· ÙÔ N¤Ô MÔ˘ÛÂ›Ô Ù˘
ÛÙËÓ fiÏË Ù˘ ◊ÏȉԘ 77-90 AÎÚfiÔÏ˘ ÛÙÔ ÔÈÎfiÂ‰Ô M·ÎÚ˘ÁÈ¿ÓÓË 245-260

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·fi ÙËÓ AÓ·ÙÔÏÈ΋ §ÔÎÚ›‰· 261-266
KATEPINA ¢ANA§H
EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙÔÓ Ù¿ÊÔ 3 ÙÔ˘ Ù‡Ì‚Ô˘ KATEPINA KANTA-KIT™OY
Ù˘ TÛÔ¿ÓË-P¿¯Ë˜ ÛÙËÓ ¶‡ÏÔ 107-116 EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙË §Â˘Î›ÌÌË
K¤Ú΢ڷ˜ 267-283
VIRGINIA R. ANDERSON-STOJANOVI¨
AN¢PEA™ ™øTHPIOY
Pottery from Destruction Deposits of the
EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi Ù· KÔ˘ÏÔ˘Ú¿Ù·
Rachi Settlement at Isthmia ca. 200 BC 117-122
KÂÊ·ÏÔÓÈ¿˜ 284
VERONIKA MITSOPOULOS-LEON
KøN™TANTINA °PABANH
Untersuchungen zu Keramikproduktion KÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ÙˆÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎÒÓ ¯ÚfiÓˆÓ
und Import in Lousoi, erste Schritte 123-134 ·fi ÙÔ ŸÚÚ·ÔÓ 285

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°EøP°IO™ PH°INO™ KATEPINA TZANABAPH - KøN™TANTINO™ ºI§H™

KÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎfi ÎÈ‚ˆÙÈfiÛ¯ËÌÔ T·ÊÈο Û‡ÓÔÏ· ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋˜
Ù¿ÊÔ ÛÙÔ ÊÚ¿ÁÌ· K·Ï·Ì¿ 286 ·fi ÙËÓ ·Ú¯·›· §ËÙ‹ 445-456

BA™I§IKH §AM¶POY - ¢HMHTPA ¢PO™OY Kø™TA™ ™OYEPEº - KøN™TANTOY§A XABE§A

KÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ Ù˘ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋˜ ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘ ·fi ÙÔÓ EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙËÓ TÔ‡Ì·
ÔÈÎÈÛÌfi, ÙË ÓÂÎÚfiÔÏË Î·È ÙËÓ Â˘Ú‡ÙÂÚË £ÂÛÛ·ÏÔӛ΢ 457-461
ÂÚÈÔ¯‹ Ù˘ ·Ú¯·›·˜ º·ÓÔÙ‹˜ 287-298
VERA KRSTI¨ - PETAR POPOVI¨
COLETTE BEESTMAN-KRUYSHAAR Hellenistic Pottery from Kale Kr®evica,
Hellenistic Transport Amphorae from the Southeast Southeastern Serbia 462
Gate Complex at New Halos, Thessaly 299-310
KøN™TANTINA KA§§INTZH
™OºIA KAPA¶ANOY K‡ÏÈΘ ȈÓÈÎÔ‡ Ù‡Ô˘ ·fi ÙÔ ÓÂÎÚÔÙ·Ê›Ô
H ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙÔ ÛÙÚÒÌ· ηٷÛÙÚÔÊ‹˜ ÙˆÓ A‚‰‹ÚˆÓ 463-474
Ù˘ MÈÎÚ‹˜ OÈΛ·˜ Ù˘ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋˜ º·ÚÛ¿ÏÔ˘ 311-332
SILVANA BLA£EVSKA
¶O§Y•ENH M¶OY°IA Vardarski Rid: The Pottery from the House
KÂÚ·ÌÈο ÎÙÂÚ›ÛÌ·Ù· ·fi ÙËÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ of the Collector 475-482
ÓÂÎÚfiÔÏË ÙÔ˘ N·Úı·Î›Ô˘ 333-346
VASIL BERETI - VANGJEL DIMO
MAPIA XI¢IPO°§OY Quatre tombes du tumulus VI d’Apollonia
EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙË ÓÂÎÚfiÔÏË d’Illyrie 483-496
Ù˘ ·Ú¯·›·˜ K·Ú‡ÛÙÔ˘ E˘‚Ô›·˜ 347-362
VASILICA LUNGU
A£ANA™IA æA§TH West-Slope pontique : productions et ateliers 497-514
KÏÂÈÛÙfi ÔÈÎÈ·Îfi Û‡ÓÔÏÔ Ù˘ ‡ÛÙÂÚ˘ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋˜
K. LEVENT ZORO⁄LU
ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘ ·fi ÙËÓ EÚ¤ÙÚÈ· 363-372
Hellenistic Painted Pottery from the Central
¶O§Y•ENH A¢AM-BE§ENH
Part of Asia Minor: K›z›l›rmak Basin Ware 515-524
AÓ¿ÁÏ˘ÊÔÈ Û·ÊÔÈ ·fi ÙȘ ¶¤ÙÚ˜ ºÏÒÚÈÓ·˜ 373-380 NINA FENN
A Late Hellenistic Pottery Deposit from the
IøANNH™ AKAMATH™
Athena Sanctuary at Priene 525-532
EÎ ÙÔ˘ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈÎÔ‡ Ù˘ ¶¤ÏÏ·˜. TÔ ÎÏÂÈÛÙfi Û‡ÓÔÏÔ
ÙÔ˘ ÛÙÚÒÌ·ÙÔ˜ ηٷÛÙÚÔÊ‹˜ Î·È Ë ¯ÚÔÓÔÏfiÁËÛ‹ ÙÔ˘. ANITA GIULIANI
OÈ ¯ÒÚÔÈ A Î·È 1 381-392 New Aspects on the Chronology of Hellenistic
Lamps from Ephesos 533-538
ANA™TA™IA XPY™O™TOMOY -
¶AY§O™ XPY™O™TOMOY PATRICIA KÖGLER
KÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ‡ÛÙÂÚˆÓ ÎÏ·ÛÈÎÒÓ-ÚÒÈÌˆÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎÒÓ Feinkeramik aus Zerstörungsschichten des 1. Jhs.
¯ÚfiÓˆÓ ·fi ÙÔ ‰˘ÙÈÎfi ÓÂÎÚÔÙ·ÊÂ›Ô ÙÔ˘ ·Ú¯·›Ô˘ v.Chr. in Knidos, Südwestkleinasien 539
ÔÈÎÈÛÌÔ‡ ÛÙÔ AÚ¯ÔÓÙÈÎfi ¶¤ÏÏ·˜ 393-406
SABINE LADSTÄTTER
°EøP°IA KAPAMHTPOY-MENTE™I¢H Late Hellenistic and Early Imperial Pottery
AÈ·Ó‹: T¿ÊÔÈ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎÒÓ ¯ÚfiÓˆÓ Deposits from Ephesos. A City between Greek
·fi ÙÔ AÓ·ÙÔÏÈÎfi NÂÎÚÔÙ·ÊÂ›Ô 407-420 Traditions and Roman Innovations 540

XPY™AN£H KA§§INH CHRISTINE ROGL

XÚÔÓÔÏÔÁË̤ӷ Ù·ÊÈο Û‡ÓÔÏ· Ephesische Reliefbecher-Werkstätten
·fi ÙËÓ ¶‡‰Ó·. 2Ô˜ ·È. .X. 421-432 und ihre zeitliche Stellung 541-548

™EME§H ¶IN°IATO°§OY NATALIA VOGEIKOFF-BROGAN

Afi ÙËÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ÙÔ˘ ¢›Ô˘. Domestic Pottery from Trypitos Siteias
ŒÌ‚ÏËÌ· Ì ÔÚÙÚ¤ÙÔ ËÁÂÌfiÓ· 433-444 in East Crete 549-560

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BANNA NINIOY-KIN¢E§H - KATEPINA TZANAKAKH MARK L. LAWALL

EÁ¯ÒÚÈ· ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹ Early Hellenistic Amphoras from Two
·fi ÙËÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ AÙ¤Ú· 561-576 Closed Contexts: Kerynia Shipwreck
and Ephesos Well LB 673-682
JOLANTA M…YNARCZYK
Hellenistic Pottery Deposits at Hippos MIMIKA °IANNO¶OY§OY
of the Dekapolis. Contribution to the Study OÈ ›ıÔÈ ÙÔ˘ ÂÏÏ·‰ÈÎÔ‡ ¯ÒÚÔ˘: ™˘Ì‚ÔÏ‹ ÛÙË
of Hellenistic Ceramics Production and ¯ÚÔÓÔÏfiÁËÛË Î·È ÛÙË ÌÂϤÙË Ù˘ Ù¯ÓÔÏÔÁ›·˜
Distribution on the Sea of Galilee 577-590 Î·È Ù˘ Ù˘ÔÏÔÁ›·˜ ÙˆÓ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎÒÓ
·ÔıË΢ÙÈÎÒÓ ·ÁÁ›ˆÓ 683-696
ELENI ZIMI
Early Hellenistic Pottery from Euesperides (Mod. ™TPO°°Y§H TPA¶EZA
Benghazi) in Libya: Chronological Questions 591-600
SUSAN I. ROTROFF
PRISCILLA MUNZI Ceramic Measures in Hellenistic Athens 699-704
Laos (Italia meridionale). Le ceramiche comuni
di età ellenistica 601 NATALIA VOGEIKOFF-BROGAN
KoÈÓfiÓ KÚËٷȤˆÓ. AÓȯÓ‡ÛÈÌÔ ÛÙËÓ
ANTONIA SERRITELLA ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ Ù˘ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋˜ KÚ‹Ù˘; 705-714
La ceramica a vernice nera dal riempimento
dell’Ekklesiasterion di Poseidonia-Paestum 602 ™TE§§A ¢POY°OY
OÈ ‰ÈÂıÓ›˜ EÈÛÙËÌÔÓÈΤ˜ ™˘Ó·ÓÙ‹ÛÂȘ
MARIA E. TRAPICHLER ÁÈ· ÙËÓ EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ KÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ (1986-2005) 715-720
Glanztonware aus Velia vom letzten Drittel
des 4. bis zur Mitte des 3. Jhs. v. Chr. † Hø™ ZEPBOY¢AKH
Kontinuität und Veränderung 603-612 ™‡ÓÔ„Ë - ™˘ÌÂÚ¿ÛÌ·Ù· 721-726

ANNA A§∂•∞¡¢ƒO¶OY§OY ANAKOINø™EI™ TOIXOY

O ËÏÂÈ·Îfi˜ ˘„›Ô˘˜ οÓı·ÚÔ˜ 613-622
NIKO§AO™ BA™I§AKH™ -
FABIO MOSCA NIKO§IT™A KOYT™OYM¶E§ITH
Nuove acquisizione e ipotesi sulla diffusione EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙÔ ÓÔÙÈÔ‰˘ÙÈÎfi ÙÌ‹Ì·
delle coppe Megaresi di tipo mastoide 623-628 Ù˘ AÁÔÚ¿˜ Ù˘ ◊Ïȉ·˜ 729-738

PAOLA PUPPO ¢HMHTPIO™ H§IO¶OY§O™ -

Problematiche inerenti la produzione ¢IONY™IO™ KANE§§O¶OY§O™
e la diffusione delle coppe omeriche 629-634 EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈο Ï˘¯Ó¿ÚÈ· ·fi ÙËÓ fiÏË
Ù˘ ◊ÏȉԘ 739-746
SUSAN I. ROTROFF
The Date of the Long-Petal Bowl: XPI™TINA KAT™APOY - TøNIA MOYPTZINH
A Review of the Contextual Evidence 635-644 KÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ Ì ·Ó¿ÁÏ˘ÊË ‰È·ÎfiÛÌËÛË
·fi ÙËÓ ◊Ïȉ· 747-760
¢E™¶OINA I°NATIA¢OY
TÔ ‰È·ÎÔÛÌËÙÈÎfi ı¤Ì· ÙˆÓ Ì·ÎÚÒÓ ÂÙ¿ÏˆÓ 645-650 KA§§IO¶H §OYMIøTH-°OYP§OMATH -
§Y¢IA MA§ATAPA
ELIZABETH A. BOLLEN EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙËÓ ◊Ïȉ· Ì ÁÚ·Ù‹,
West Slope Pottery: Some Observations Â›ıÂÙË Î·È ÂÁ¯¿Ú·ÎÙË ‰È·ÎfiÛÌËÛË 761-765
on Comparative Sequences 651-660
ANITA GIULIANI
¶AY§O™ TPIANTAºY§§I¢H™ Hellenistic Pottery from the Fountain-house
H ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÔÈÓ‹: TÔ Á˘·Ï› Î·È Ô ËÏfi˜ 661-672 of Arsinoë in Messene 766

11
002_PERIEXOMENA_2_TELIKO_KASE 8-12-11 08:56 ™ÂÏ›‰·12

CHRISTINE ROGL EWDOKSIA PAPUCI-W…ADYKA -

Hellenistic Pottery from Grave Monument EVGENIA FIEDOROVNA REDINA
K3, Messene 767-774 The Black-Glazed Pottery from the Polish-
Ukrainian Excavations at Koshary (Black Sea
ME§¶OMENH AN¢PEATOY - §AM¶PINH Coast, Odessa District). First Presentation 851-859
¶A¶A°°E§O¶OY§OY - §OY´ZA ¶EPATH
EÁ¯ÒÚÈ· Î·È ÂÈÛËÁ̤ÓË ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi GEORGIY LOMTADZE - DENIS ZHURAVLEV -
ÎÏÂÈÛÙfi ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎfi Û‡ÓÔÏÔ Ù˘ ·Ú¯·›·˜ YULIA IL’INA
¶¿Ï˘ (§ËÍÔ‡ÚÈ) KÂÊ·ÏÔÓÈ¿˜ 775-780 Hellenistic Pottery from the Necropolis
of Olbia Pontica 860
EIPHNH ™BANA
EÓÛÊÚ¿ÁÈÛÙ˜ Ï·‚¤˜ ·ÌÊÔÚ¤ˆÓ I.I. VDOVICHENKO - A.L. YERMOLIN
·fi ÙËÓ ·Ú¯·›· £ÂÛÚˆÙ›· 781-790 The Hellenistic Pottery from the Rescue
Excavation of the Panticapeum in 2002-2003 861-862
CHRISTINA PAPACHRISTODOULOU - ARTEMIOS
OIKONOMOU - KONSTANTINA GRAVANI - ΔAT’YANNA EGOROVA
KOSTAS IOANNIDES Ceramic Complex of the Second Half of the 4th-
Hellenistic Pottery from Orraon: Elemental Beginning of the 3rd Century BC from the
Characterization and Grouping 791-798 Farmhouse in the Suburbs of Chaika Settlement
(North-Western Crimea) 863-868
E§I™ABET NIKO§AOY
¶‹ÏÈÓ˜ ˘Í›‰Â˜ ·fi ÙÔ ‚fiÚÂÈÔ ÓÂÎÚÔÙ·ÊÂ›Ô DENIS ZHURAVLEV
Ù˘ ·Ú¯·›·˜ ¢ËÌËÙÚÈ¿‰·˜ 799-802 Production of Late Hellenistic Pottery
in the Bosporan Kingdom 869-876
A£HNA XATZH¢HMHTPIOY
TÔÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎÒÓ ¯ÚfiÓˆÓ ºøTEINH ZAºEIPO¶OY§OY - ¶E°KY ¶ANTOY
·fi ÙËÓ K¿Ú˘ÛÙÔ E˘‚Ô›·˜ 803-812 YÛÙÂÚÔÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈÎfi˜ Ù¿ÊÔ˜ ·fi ÙËÓ K›ÌˆÏÔ 877-883

¶. A¢AM BE§ENH - ¶. °EøP°AKH - H. Zø°PAºOY VALENTINA MORDVINTSEVA

AÓ¿ÁÏ˘ÊÔÈ Û·ÊÔÈ Ì ·ÊËÁËÌ·ÙÈΤ˜ ·Ú·ÛÙ¿ÛÂȘ Silver Phalerae of the 2nd-1st Century BC
·fi ÙËÓ AÁÔÚ¿ £ÂÛÛ·ÏÔӛ΢ 813-820 in the North Black Sea Region:
Parallels with Megarian Bowls 884
A£ANA™IA KYPIAKOY
OÈ ˘‰Ú›Â˜ ·fi ÙË ™ÙÂÓfiÌ·ÎÚË TÔ‡Ì· YURIY ZAYTSEV
Ù˘ BÂÚÁ›Ó·˜ 821-832 Imported Hellenistic Pottery in the Barbarian
Necropolis of Crimea in the 2nd-1st Century BC 885-886
A£ANA™IA T™OKA
¶‹ÏÈÓÔÈ Ï‡¯ÓÔÈ Ì ·Ó¿ÁÏ˘ÊË ‰È·ÎfiÛÌËÛË A°°E§IKH °IANNIKOYPH - BA™I§IKH E. ™TEºANAKH -
·fi Ù· Õ‚‰ËÚ· 833-842 BIKTøPIA °EøP°O¶OY§OY
™ÊÚ·Á›ÛÌ·Ù· ·ÌÊÔÚ¤ˆÓ Î·È ÓÔÌ›ÛÌ·Ù· Ù˘ Kˆ
HAVA HIDRI Ù˘ ‡ÛÙÂÚ˘ ÎÏ·ÛÈ΋˜ Î·È ÂÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋˜
Red-Figure Pottery, Pottery with Relief Decoration ÂÚÈfi‰Ô˘: ™˘ÁÎÚÈÙÈ΋ ÌÂϤÙË 887-906
and Gnathia Ware of Dyrrachion 843-848
NOTA KAPAMA§IKH
CHRISTINE ROGL EÏÏËÓÈÛÙÈ΋ ÎÂÚ·ÌÈ΋ ·fi ÙË ºÔÚÙ¤Ù˙· PÂı‡ÌÓÔ˘ 907-918
An Attic Mold-made Bowl with a Royal
Portrait in the KHM, Vienna 849

ALICE WALDNER
The Pottery Evidence from the Heroon
of Ephesos. A Preliminary Overview 850

12
003_BIBLIOGRAFIA_2_TELIKO_KASE 8-12-11 08:56 ™ÂÏ›‰·13

BIμ§πO°PAºIA - ™YNTOMO°PAºIE™

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Agora XXII S.I. Rotroff, Hellenistic Pottery, Athenian and Imported Moldmade Bowls, The Athenian
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070_LAWALL_2_TELIKO_KASE 8-12-11 10:23 ™ÂÏ›‰·673

Early Hellenistic Amphoras from Two Closed Contexts:

Kerynia Shipwreck and Ephesos Well LB

Mark L. Lawall

While the chronology of Rhodian amphora stamps is relatively well-established for the period after ca.
270 BC1, the earliest period of Rhodian amphora stamping is still poorly understood. The scarcity of
published examples from Early Hellenistic closed contexts is a leading cause of this difficulty. Lingering
uncertainties as to the correct attribution of certain Early Hellenistic stamp types, particularly in
differentiating Rhodian from mainland production near Knidos, compound the problem.
With a view towards expanding the evidence related to early Rhodian chronologies, this paper brings
together the chronological and historical evidence provided by two independently datable, closed con-
texts: the Kerynia shipwreck off the north coast of Cyprus and the fill of Well LB in the Tetragonos Agora
at Ephesos. Both assemblages contain multiple examples of the early form of stamped Rhodian am-
phora; indeed, the Kerynia wreck is often cited as the type-site for the Early Hellenistic Rhodian am-
phora. The evidence from these two contexts alone cannot resolve the ongoing difficulties surrounding
the earliest Rhodian stamps, but their evidence should be taken into account by more comprehensive
efforts in this area2. The present study describes both the external, non-ceramic, evidence constraining
their likely closing dates and the ceramic linkages between the assemblages that keep both within a nar-
row chronological frame.

1 See Finkielsztejn 2001. I thank Susan Katzev and Peter Scherrer for the invitations, information, and assistance concerning

the material I report in this paper. Theophani Seroglou provided very useful feedback and information concerning relevant finds
from Rhodes. The work could not have been accomplished without frequent reference to the Virginia Grace papers in the archive
of the American School of Classical Studies, and for access to this archive I thank Natalia Vogeikoff-Brogan. Throughout this
paper, I am using the Greek spelling Kerynia except in cases where the spelling Kyrenia appears as part of a published title. All
drawings are by the author except: Pl. 283, nos 485 and P133; photographs are by the author except Pl. 282 no. 433 (by S.W.
Katzev) and the photographs from Ephesos Well LB are by Niki Gail. Research towards this paper was funded by the Social Sci-
ences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
2 I learned, for example, at the Aigio conference, that Angeliki Yiannikouri and her colleagues are currently involved in just

such a more comprehensive effort to catalogue the finds of Rhodian stamps on Rhodes.

673
070_LAWALL_2_TELIKO_KASE 8-12-11 10:23 ™ÂÏ›‰·674

MARK L. LAWALL

The Kerynia Cargo

The Kerynia shipwreck was excavated under the direction of the late Michael Katzev in 1968 and 1969
with occasional dives as late as 19723. The conservation of the hull and artifacts was completed just prior
to the division of Cyprus in 1974. Since then the ship and its cargo have remained in the Kerynia museum.
Katzev designated 11 different “Types” of amphora from the wreck. Reconsideration of the material
in 2004, assisted by new neutron activation analyses4, has led to minor changes in his working typology.
To facilitate cross-referencing to earlier publications or archival material, I have indicated Katzev’s
numerical type designations alongside my current geographical labels (in the format ‘K Type #’).
By far the largest single contributor to the cargo is Rhodes. Most of the Rhodian jars belong to a
mushroom rimmed, conical body type (K Type I, Pl. 281). Just over 300 jars (301 toes were present; 314
substantial upper parts of these jars) of this Rhodian type were found in the cargo5. Of these, 38 or 39 are
stamped (the uncertainty rests with the attribution of one stamp type that may belong to the Turkish
mainland instead of Rhodes proper). There are at least five pairs of names on these Rhodian jars and
there is only one point of overlap between these pairs (Table 1). Assuming that one of the names in each
pair is an eponym, there must be at least four different years represented in these Rhodian jars. But stud-
ies of such early Rhodian stamp chronologies are still in their relative infancy6, and it is very difficult to
move beyond this basic statement.

TABLE 1. Legible Rhodian stamp types and pairings from the Kerynia shipwreck

Handle 1 Handle 2 Interpretation

ARI ARI ARI refers to the fabricant

ARI ARI refers to the fabricant
ARIS / TI ARISTI may be the same fabricant as ARI
DIO / ARI ARI is the eponym; DIO is the fabricant
ARI DIO
NIKA / TIMO NIKA is the fabricant, TIMO is the eponym
IVN IVN is the fabricant
IVN TIMO IVN is the fabricant, TIMO is the eponym
TIMAR ALE TIMAR is the fabricant, ALE is the eponym
PA monogram with GO DA DA is the eponym

3For preliminary reports on the wreck, see M.L. Katzev, The Kyrenia shipwreck, Expedition 11.2 (1969), 55-59; idem, A
Greek Ship is Raised, Expedition 12.4 (1970), 6-14; and Swiny - Katzev 1973. The best photograph of the general amphora cargo
and the finewares is found in M.L. Katzev, Cyprus Ship Discovery, The Illustrated London News (June 1974), 72.
4 The new sampling and analysis program was carried out by the Brookhaven Nuclear Laboratory with results provided in a

very timely fashion by Jeffery Speakman.

5 These numbers should not be interpreted too literally since it is known that the wreck was disturbed prior to its scientific

excavation; while four jars from private collections are included in these counts, more may exist (S.W. Katzev, pers. comm.).
6 For example, despite the detailed coverage from second quarter of the 3rd century (Rhodian period IB), Gérald Finkiel-

sztejn provides only a list of the most likely eponyms in the earliest period and does not explore the identities (whether eponym or
fabricant, which brief abbreviation goes with which complete name), see Finkielsztejn 2001, 54-55. A recent attempt to specify the
early Rhodian chronology is offered by Kats 2002.

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The most common stamp reads ARI (Pl. 281, nos 454, 758, 310), and this stamp can appear on both
handles. Amphoras in this group tend to have a rounded upper edge of the rim, flat lower surface, a
bulged neck and rounded shoulders. The consistency of form and the doubling of the stamp might indi-
cate that Ari… is the fabricant. One other abbreviation, DIO, is paired with ARI either in the format of
DIO over ARI together in one rectangular field or separated between two rectangular stamps. The form
of the rim on jars stamped with DIO can differ noticeably from the consistent rim form seen on jars
stamped by ARI alone (Pl. 281, no. 339). Would Ari… or those in his workshop make such a different
form when all his/their other jars are so consistent? Ari… as found with Dio… may be an eponym.
Two other jars in the cargo, with a rounded profile like the standard ARI series, carry a slightly more
extended ARI% with what appears to be the continuation TI (second line retrograde, Pl. 281, no. 342).
Perhaps this name is to be restored as ÉArist¤vn. In period Ib, the name is clearly an eponym, preceded
by §p‹ and followed by, or paired with, known fabricants7. And yet, the name also appears in numerous
arrangements on earlier mushroom-rimmed jars on Rhodes. On the best preserved of these, the neck and
handles are noticeably shorter than those on the Kerynia form of Rhodian amphora8. These shorter
necks belong to the subsequent phase of Rhodian amphora development, so it is difficult to consider all
of these names beginning with Aristi… as referring to the same person in the same year as indicated by
the Kerynia jars (that they are all the same eponym)9. The name could refer to one fabricant working over
a longer period as the form of Rhodian amphoras change.
The possibility that Aristi… can be a fabricant is further strengthened by an example from Rhodes
in which Aristi is on the upper line and Timo is on the line below10. In the Kerynia cargo, TIMO is paired
with both IVN (but on separate stamps, Pl. 281, nÔ. 428) and NIKA (together on one stamp with TIMO
again on the bottom line). Likewise, a stamp found at Naukratis reads NIKA on the line over ALEJ11. The
argument that the upper line in these cases should be the fabricant depends in part on the identification
of IˆÓ, also paired with TIMO, as a fabricant. Ivn is paired with Aris/tokr/athw (in a rectangular
stamp) on a jar from Rhodes, and Aristokrates, too, is a later known eponym12. IVN can also appear
alone, just as occurs often with ARI (above). In addition, jars stamped by IˆÓ seem to show considerable
development of form through time as might be expected over the life of a long-lived workshop13. If IˆÓ is
a fabricant, then the following conclusions become very likely. Timo… becomes an eponym and Nika… is

7 Finkielsztejn 2001, 56 and 188, table 17.

8 E.g., MS 827 in the Rhodes Museum.
9 Examples include a stamp with a circular field and the name divided as ÉAri/st¤v/now (Rhodes, Kakoula property exca-

vations, no. 85); Aristi in a rectangular stamp on one line (Rhodes MS 827); Ari/sti in a rectangular stamp (I.B. Brashinskiy,
Grecheskiy keramicheskiy importy na Nizhnem Donu v V- III vv. do n.e., Leningrad 1980, 199, no. 764, fig. 34); Ari/sti is paired
with the name Kle/ago (Rhodes MS 269 – Maria Savvatianou-Petropoulakou made various visits to Rhodes to record the
stamps and jars in the museum’s collections and assigned MS numbers as she worked on jars that in many cases did not yet have
official numbers from the museum).
10 From Rhodes, published in IG XII, 1, no. 1259.
11 Theophani Seroglou pointed out this pattern to me (and it is clear in notes from Michael Katzev based on a meeting with

Virginia Grace February 5 1982, that he was thinking along the same lines). So long as the possibility is allowed that there is more
than one person indicated by Ari… here, then one can be the eponym and one can be the prolific fabricant. The stamp of Nika
over Alej is found in Grace’s files (found at Naukratis, now in the British Museum, BM 93 [1955, 9-20, 93]). The name Nika… is
also paired both with Aris… and Damv… (on which see below).
12 This jar is referred to by Grace - Savvatianou-Petropoulakou 1970, 292 and V. Grace, Revisions in Early Hellenistic

Chronology, AM 89 (1974), 197, note 16.

13 Noted by Grace in her file on early Rhodian amphoras and their shapes. Cf. Calvet 1982, 26-27, no. 60 suggesting that IVN

may be an eponym.

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a fabricant. When Nika… appears over Alej…, the lower line is the eponym. Aristi… should be
another fabricant since the name appears over Timo…. If the pattern is correct, that the eponym should
appear on the second line of a two-line stamp in this early period, then the even more abbreviated ARI,
appearing below DIO, should be an eponym. This possibility that ARI abbreviates an eponym is supported
by A481 from the Rhodes Museum on which NIKA (fab.) appears in the line above ARIS14. But these
arguments leave us with Ari (at times followed by ÛÙÈ) as fabricant and Ari (at times followed by s) as an
eponym. Given the frequent appearance of names starting with ARIS… on Rhodian stamps, it is not sur-
prising that short abbreviations might be so inspecific15.
The remaining pairs of names in the Kerynia cargo may be classified as follows. It may be tempting to
equate ALE at Kerynia with the Alej…(eponym) paired underneath Nika…(fabricant) noted above
from the Benachi collection16. ALE is paired at Kerynia with TIMAR, an abbreviation that could refer to
an eponym. At least two different dies expand TIMAR to §p‹ Timãrxou17. TIMAR, in the same format as
seen at Kerynia, is found in combination with DAMV, a name Grace interpreted as a fabricant18. DAMV
is itself paired with NIKA (in usual “fabricant” position on the top line of a two-line stamp)19. If NIKA is
the fabricant and DAMV must be the eponym, then TIMAR should be a fabricant. The identity of DAMV
is further important in the interpretation of the Kerynia stamps in that if DA, in the final pair, is to be
equated with DAMV… (eponym?), then the accompanying PA monogram with GO(?) below should be
the fabricant20.
Many difficulties remain in sorting eponyms from fabricants in this earliest period of Rhodian stamp-
ing. The preliminary conclusions offered here are summarized in Table 1. Most importantly for the
nature of the Kerynia cargo, as I noted earlier, the stamps require a minimum span of four years for the
production dates of the jars in the cargo.
A second relatively large group is comprised of roughly 25 fractional jars (K Type III; Pl. 282, nÔs 374,
390). These show a roughly rounded rim similar to those found on Later Hellenistic Rhodian jars. None
are stamped, but neutron activation analysis of the fabric suggests Rhodian provenance21. The Rhodian
provenance is further supported by the fact that these jars were found mixed together with the full-size
Rhodian cargo.
A similar rounded rim also appears on four full size jars (or fragments) (included in K Type II; Pl.
282, nÔ. 433). NAA confirms the Rhodian identification in the absence of stamps. While the co-existence

14 Information from the notes of Michael Katzev.

15 Aristion, Ariston, Aristokrates, and Ariste[ides] are all names that appear on early Rhodian stamps. Aristion, see note 8;

Ariston I, listed in Period Ia by Finkielsztejn 2001; Aristokrates, see note 11; Ariste[ides] is Grace’s expansion of a stamp found at
Kaunos (KK23/8/93)
16 Kats (2002) and Monakhov (2003, 114-115) likewise consider TIMAR as a fabricant.
17 Both examples are in the Benachi collection in Alexandria. There is a strong chance that this longer stamp refers to a later

name than those involved with the Kerynia ship. TIMA preceded by §p‹ appears on the same stamp with the fabricant Euphron
(Ephesos, Basilika Ki 23/1965 S a/65).
18 The pairing is listed in Virginia Grace’s card file.
19 For DAMV paired with NIKA, see J.G. Milne, Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire 18. Greek

Inscriptions, Oxford 1905, 126, no. 26095; and in Benaki collection, 1958-59.
20 I thank Th. Seroglou for raising this possible expansion of DA. It is also possible that the DA should be expanded to

DAMO as is commonly found on 4-letter early Rhodian stamps (see Calvet 1982, no. 11 with references).
21 I have not seen close parallels for these jars, but Michael Katzev reported seeing a similar jar in the lobby of the Cactus

Hotel on Rhodes (Katzev notes July 13 and Oct. 1 1982). The hotel example differs from the wreck examples in the conical, knob-
like toe very much like the toes seen on jars stamped by Mikythos (and others in the period after the Kerynia wreck).

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of multiple rim forms is recognized for slightly later periods, the Kerynia wreck gives a clear indication of
the earlier co-existence of triangular and rounded rims22. These jars, too, were found mixed in with the
main cargo.
A few other jars closely resemble the Rhodian types but are not Rhodian. For example, a narrow
rounded rim jar likely belongs to the Knidos-area prow-stamp group (though this one is not stamped) (K
Type II; Pl. 282, nÔ. 029)23. NAA results show this as a non-Rhodian fabric.
Also from the southern Aegean are roughly seventeen shorter necked, round-body mushroom rim
jars (K Type X; Pl. 2, nÔ. 130 and other toes). At least ten are stamped with the letter O on one handle24.
The fabric is dark grayish tan in color, soft to the touch, and quite micaceous. The toe form is appropriate
to a region bounded by Samos and Ephesos continuing at least as far south as Kos25. There is some varia-
tion in the toe forms present among these jars, and this variation, like the range of eponyms in the Rho-
dian stamped jars, may indicate a range of years of production.
Three other mushroom rim types show different rim and neck forms (K Types IX, X, XI; e.g., Pl. 282,
nÔ. 212). As with the preceding group, these mushroom rim jars also likely come from the southeastern
Aegean. NAA results suggested Paros as the place of manufacture for the jar illustrated in Pl. 282 (nÔ.
212), which is stamped with the letters FI26.

22 See Grace 1963, 322-323, with fig. 1.2-4; Finkielsztejn 2001, 49.
23 Grace 1971, pl. 1.15 illustrates one prow-stamped jar, at the time thought to be Samian. For evidence that these jars were
produced near Knidos on the Turkish mainland, see Chr. Börker, Die Herkunft der Schiffsbug-stempel, in: J.-Y. Empereur - Y.
Garlan (eds), Recherches sur les amphores grecques, BCH Suppl. XIII, Athens 1986, 473-478; J.-Y. Empereur, Producteurs d’am-
phores dans les ateliers de Resadiye (péninsule de Cnide), Araflt›rma Sonuclar› Toplant›s› 6 (1988), 160, fig. 3; N. Tuna - J.-Y.
Empereur - E. Doger - A. Desbat, Rapport sur la première campagne de la fouille franco-turque de Resadiye (péninsule de
Cnide) juillet 1988, De Anatolia Antiqua 1 (1991), 43, figs. 9 and 13.
24 This is a raised circular stamp on a circular field; another example is P29276 from Athenian Agora deposit P6:7 closed early

mid-3rd century. Wide incuse circle stamps, roughly a centimeter or more in diameter, appear on Erythraian jars of the late 5th
century and on jars of the Sporades, see D. Carlson, Cargo in Context: The Morphology, Stamping, and Origins of the Amphoras from
a Fifth-Century BC Ionian Shipwreck, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 2004, 82-83; small incuse circles (often 0.5 cm
in interior diameter) or partial circles appear on an immense chronological and geographical range of amphoras, impressed on the
handle, neck, toe, or even the interior of the base of the jar (and yet, despite such variation in placement, date, and place of ma-
nufacture, these small circles are often considered to be typical amphora stamps, see Meyza 2004, 284, figs. 58-61; C.J. Eiseman -
B. Ridgeway, The Porticello Shipwreck: A Mediterranean Merchant Vessel of 415-385 B.C., College Station 1987, 41-42). To correct
a reference to comments attributed to me by H. Meyza, I do not consider markings with a raised circle (as is clear in his fig. 61) to
be in the same group as the small incuse circles, half-circles, and small holes. Such problematic markings appear on Chian,
Corinthian, Sporadean, Mendean, Thasian, and Knidian amphoras, with examples spanning the Late Archaic through Hellenistic
periods; see M. Lawall, Transport Amphoras and Trademarks: Imports to Athens and Economic Diversity in the 5th c. BC, Ph.D. dis-
sertation University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1995, passim.
25 The Samian provenance of the Kerynia jars is supported by past and recent NAA studies, and the attribution of the general

form is supported by stamped fragments published by Grace 1971; Ephesian production of similar toes is indicated by finds from
the Tetragonos Agora (M. Lawall, Archaeological Context and Aegean Amphora Chronologies: A Case Study of Hellenistic
Ephesos, in: J. Eiring - J. Lund (eds), Transport Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean, Acts of the International Collo-
quium at the Danish Institute at Athens, September 26-29, 2002, Athens 2004, 171-188 and a final report is in preparation); for Kos,
see V. Georgopoulou, Kˆ·ÎÔ› ·ÌÊÔÚ›˜ ·fi ÙËÓ K·Ú‰¿Ì·ÈÓ· (AÚ¯·›· AÏ¿Û·ÚÓ·) Ù˘ Kˆ, in: G. Kokkorou-Alevra et al. (eds),
IÛÙÔÚ›· - T¤¯ÓË - AÚ¯·ÈÔÏÔÁ›· Ù˘ Kˆ, A ¢ÈÂıÓ¤˜ EÈÛÙËÌÔÓÈÎfi ™˘Ó¤‰ÚÈÔ, Athens 2001, 107-114.
26 For amphora production on Paros, see Empereur - Picon 1986. The form of the FI-stamped jar might place it with

Empereur and Picon’s Type I.

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MARK L. LAWALL

A matching pair of small jars presents a problem in terms of place of origin (K Type VI; Pl. 283, nÔ.
783). The profiles seem very much like 4th-century amphoras of the north Aegean27. Virginia Grace
thought they were Parian; and NAA results support Grace’s suggestion28.
The few remaining jars on the ship appear to come from the eastern Mediterranean. For one quite
rotund jar (K Type IV; Pl. 283, nÔ. 411), NAA results suggested Palestine as a possible source, but the
sharp rim and articulated toe continue Cypriote 4th-century practices loosely imitating jars from north-
ern Greece29. A fragment of the top of a jar (Pl. 283, nÔ. 485), unfortunately in poor preservation, resem-
bles published jars from Kourion30.
From the Levantine coast, one jar shows a rounded shoulder and broad handles similar to jars from
Early Hellenistic Palestine (Pl. 283, nÔ. P113)31. A more fragmentary example shows the sharply cari-
nated shoulder and small twisted handles typical of Phoenician manufacture (Pl. 283, nÔ. P133)32. These
jars, and fragments of two others of similar type, were found in the stern of the ship, not in the main cargo.

27 E.g., M. Lawall, Ilion before Alexander: Amphoras and Economic Archaeology, StTroica 12 (2002); and idem, Amphoras

without Stamps: Chronologies and Typologies from the Athenian Agora, ™T EÏÏKÂÚ, 449-450; S. Yu. Monakhov, Zametki po
lokalizatsii keramicheskoy tary. II: Amphory i amphornye kleyma polisov severnoy Egeidy, AMA 10 (1999), 129-147; and Mon-
akhov 2003, pls 55-56 and 59-66.
28 For a preliminary study of Parian fabrics, see I.K. Whitbread, Greek Transport Amphorae: A Petrological and Archaeological

Study, Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 4, Oxford 1995, 224-233. He notes (p. 227) that earlier cluster analyses placed a Parian
sample within a Thasian group. It remains to be seen if these Kerynia samples can be compared specifically to northern Aegean
control groups. There have been few excavations or surveys with published Parian amphora types; see note 19; and see E. Vander-
pool - J.R. McCredie - A. Steinberg, Koroni: A Ptolemaic Camp on the East Coast of Attica, Hesperia 31 (1962), 33, no. 7, pls 18-
19, with a jar stamped Manou, attributed to Paros (by Grace 1963, 321, note 7; and Grace - Savatianou-Petropoulakou 1970, 358;
followed by Empereur - Picon 1986, 505). Other Parian jars carry the ethnic ‘Parion’ and, at times, a brief abbreviation (e.g., FR);
see for examples M. Lawall, Studies in Hellenistic Ilion: The Lower City. The Transport Amphoras, StTroica 9 (1999), nos 62 and
82; I.B. Zeest, Keramicheskaya tara bospora, Moscow 1960, 107, pl. 25.55; V. Grace, Stamped Amphora Handles found in 1931-
1932, Hesperia 3 (1934), no. 220; however, these later jars bear no resemblance to the pair from Kerynia.
29 See for examples of such toes (on taller, probably earlier amphoras), see J. Deshayes, La nécropole de Ktima, Paris 1963, pls

20.1, 65.8-9, 66.14; and Gjerstad et al. 1935, Marion Tomb 72, pl. 76, Marion tomb 43, pl. 54, Marion tomb 45, pl. 57, Marion Tomb
34, pl. 48, Marion tomb 31, pl. 47. I thank Jolanta M¬ynarczyk for confirmation that such a form is not found in the region of
ancient Palestine.
30 See similar examples in Meyza 2004, figs. 5 and 6; and D.T. Ariel - G. Finkielsztejn, Amphora Stamps and Imported

Amphoras, in: A. Kloner (ed.), Maresha Excavations Final Report I, Subterranean Complexes 21, 44, 70, Jerusalem 2003, 143-144,
Cy1. The fabric of the Kerynia example is inexplicably black throughout and crumbly, though Meyza notes that the fabric of Kou-
riote amphora may fire dark grey.
31 See N.L. Lapp, The Late Persian Pottery, in: P.W. Lapp - N.L. Lapp (eds), Discoveries in the Wadi ed-Daliyeh (AASOR 41),

Cambridge Mass. 1974, pls 18-19, 72, 73, 76; J. M¬ynaczyk, Sha’ar ha-Amakim: A Hellenistic and Roman Site in Lower Galilee,
Centenary of Mediterranean Archaeology at the Jagiellonian University 1897-1997, Cracow 1999, fig. 6.12-13; A. Berlin - K.W. Slane,
Tell Anafa II,I, The Hellenistic and Roman Pottery. The Plain Wares and the Fine Wares, JRA Suppl. 10.2, Portsmouth RI 1997, pl.
58, PW 484 and 487, pl. 62, PW 503bisA; Stern 1995, figs. 6.35.10, 6.36.12, 6.37.1, 6. 37.6; and for analyses of the fabrics of such jars,
see D.T. Ariel et al., A Group of Stamped Hellenistic Storage Jar Handles from Dor, IEJ 35 (1985), 135-152. A. Berlin, Between
Large Forces: Palestine in the Hellenistic Period, Biblical Archaeologist 60 (1997), 24 gives a clear distinction between the broad
handles of the Palestinian/Judean jars and the Phoenician jars (see below); and an overview of this type will be found in Berlin
Hellenistic period (332-63 BCE) – Local forms, in The Ancient Pottery of Israel (forthcoming).
32 See Stern 1995, figs. 6.38.1-2; J. Elgavish, Archaeological Excavations at Shikmona. Field Report no. 1, The Levels of the Per-

sian Period, Seasons 1963-1965, Haifa 1968, [in Hebrew], pl. 40.51; and for the general development of Phoenician amphoras over
many centuries, see D. Regev, The Phoenician Transport Amphora, in: J. Eiring - J. Lund (eds), Transport Amphorae and Trade in
the Eastern Mediterranean, Acts of the International Colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens, September 26-29, 2002, Athens
2004, 337-352, though on p. 344-345 Regev downplays the continuation of the carinated shoulder form into the Hellenistic period.

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The date of the Kerynia wreck is provided by two legible coins, one of Antigonos Monophthalmus
minted between 316 and 301 BC, and the other of Demetrios Poliorcketes minted between 306 and 29433.
During this same general period when Demetrios was minting the coin type found at Kerynia, Cyprus was
under his control and not under the control of the Ptolemies. Irwin Merker suggests that the Kerynia
ship, a ship involved in trade with the Aegean, Cyprus and the Levant but lacking Ptolemaic coins, should
not have sunk too long after 294. Merker reasonably assumes that had the ship sunk well after 294 (when
the Ptolemies had re-established control of the eastern Mediterranean) then the wreck assemblage
should have included Ptolemaic coins. Such consideration of the coins coincides well with a C14 date of
the almonds from the wreck of 288±62 BC34. The Kerynia wreck tends to be dated ca. 300 BC. As early as
1967, Virginia Grace initially suggested a date in the last third of the 3rd century35, and her notes from
1968 narrow the dates for the group that includes the Kerynia stamps to 331-323. A few years later, how-
ever, Grace’s revisions to the Rhodian chronology, lowering the sequence by ca. 20 years and bringing it
more into line with the evidence from Koroni (determined by 1971, published in 1974), moved the Kery-
nia stamps’ group much closer to ca. 300 BC. Now, Gérald Finkielsztejn’s further lowering of parts of the
Rhodian chronology raises the possibility that the Kerynia wreck should date later than ca. 300 BC36.
Indeed, Finkielsztejn tentatively proposes only starting the first period of Rhodian stamping ca. 294
BC37. The numismatic evidence requires a date of sinking after 301, so the question becomes how long
after that date is the latest of the Rhodian stamps. The material from Ephesos Well LB brings further his-
torical evidence constraining the range of dates for this early period of Rhodian production.

Ephesos Well LB

Well LB in the Tetragonos Agora at Ephesos was originally dug (only 3 m. deep), filled and covered dur-
ing the leveling operations to build the new Agora. This work occurred after Lysimachos’ capture of Eph-
esos in or by 294, but probably during the time when he re-established the city under the new name, Arsi-
noeia (attested in 289), built a new city wall, and forced the population to move to the new site38. There
were earlier chances for the Classical village of Smyrna to have been abandoned as various military forces
used the nearby harbor of Ephesos39. And yet, the spreading of so much fill with so much earlier pottery

33 I thank Susan Katzev and Irwin Merker for this information about the coins from the wreck.
34 Swiny - Katzev 1973.
35 This opinion is recorded in the notes of M.L. Katzev dated November 1967.
36 Finkielsztejn 2001, 183-184 offers only preliminary discussion of the relevant period IA, but proposes a starting date ca.
294.
37 Finkielsztejn 2001, 48, especially note 53.
38
On Lysimachos at Ephesos, see Polyaenus 4.7.4 and 4.17; Frontinus 3.3.7; Strabo 14.1.21, and Diodorus 20.106ff. For the
chronology of his activities, see Lund 1992, 92. Strabo has a problematic tendency to lump all major physical and governmental
changes to Hellenistic cities as being the work of one important person (see Lund 1992, 125-126; and C.B. Rose, The 1996 Post-
Bronze Age Excavations at Troia, StTroica 7 (1997), 93-101 and idem, The Temple of Athena at Ilion, StTroica 13 (2003), 31-35 on
the city wall at Ilion attributed to Lysimachos by Strabo but not built until the third quarter of the 3rd century).
39 On the topography of the region of Ephesos in these years, see P. Scherrer, Bemerkungen zur Siedlungsgeschichte von

Ephesos vor Lysimachos, in: H. Friesinger - F. Krinzinger (eds), 100 Jahre Österreichische Forschungen in Ephesos, Akten des Sym-
posions Wien, 1995, Vienna 1999, 379-388; and P. Scherrer, Einführung in die Siedlungsgeschichte, in: F. Krinzinger (ed.), Die
Ägaïs und das westliche Mittelmeer: Beziehungen und Wechselwirkungen 8. bis 5. Jh. v. Chr., Akten des Symposions Wien, 1999,
Vienna 2000, 45-47; and on the history of the site in this period, see D. Knibbe, Ephesus EFESOS: Geschichte einer bedeutenden
antiken Stadt und Portrait einer modernen Grossgrabung im 102. Jahr der Wiederkehr des Beginnes österreichischer Forschungen
(1895-1997), Frankfurt 1998.

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MARK L. LAWALL

over the Classical and earlier remains of the village point towards a large scale reorganization and
rebuilding on the site. The fill of Well LB, therefore, should have been deposited sometime between 294
and 281, with the more likely periods being the late 290s down to ca. 287 and again from ca. 285 to 28140.
The fill of this shallow well consisted of large parts of six amphoras, many smashed into very small
pieces. The types present are as follows: two complete Rhodian jars of the Kerynia form (Pl. 284a); the
top of a Chian jar (Pl. 284b41); a Corinthian Type B amphora – likely from Kerkyra or thereabouts (Pl.
284c42); a Samothracian toe (Pl. 284d43); and a Samos area jar top also similar to those seen at Kerynia
(Pl. 284e). Other artifacts from the fill include a Classical-type kantharos44, two Ephesian(?) coins with
the mint magistrates Pelephos and Hekataios of the late 4th or early 3rd centuries45, and an intact fig-
urine of Kybele46.
One of the two Rhodians (Pl. 284a) carries two stamps: LU/[SI] on one handle and NI/K[A] on the
other.47 If this Nika… is the same fabricant as the one attested at Kerynia, then Lu[si… becomes a
eponym. The name, Lusi/max..., is spelled out on a fragment preserving the Kerynia-style rim in the
Benaki collection in Alexandria48. This co-occurrence of Rhodian fabricants strengthens the likelihood,
already arguable by the similar shapes of the jars in the two assemblages, that the Kerynia wreck and the
Well LB deposit are very close in date to one another.

Kerynia, Ephesos Well LB and early Rhodian chronology

The Kerynia shipwreck and the Ephesian well provide complementary constraints on the early Rhodian
chronology. For Kerynia, the wreck can date no earlier than 301 BC and it is unlikely to date much
beyond 294. With a span of at least four years represented by the Rhodian stamps, the jars themselves
may date as early as 304 (or even slightly earlier if we do not have consecutive years represented). If the
wreck occurred in 301 or 300, then the career of NIKA the fabricant extends earlier by at least four years

40 The gap at 286 is inserted to reflect Demetrios Poliorketes’ brief recapture of Ephesos in that year; see Lund 1992, 102-103.
41 For Chian amphoras of the late 4th to early 3rd centuries, see Monakhov 2003, 20-23, his variant V-C. Other examples
include M. Irimia - N. Cheluta-Georgescu, Amfore antice aparute intr-un mormint tumular de la Topalu (jud. Constanta), Pon-
tica 15 (1982), fig. 1, dated by accompanying Thasian stamps; Gjerstad et al. 1935, Vouni tomb 11, dated Cypro Classic II, as late as
ca. 325; and H.-D. Bader, Mengenanalyse der hellenistischen Keramik der sog. Tempelterrasse, Kaunos, Südwest-Türkei, PhD disser-
tation Philipps-Universität, Marburg, 1993, Taf. 34, 20940.
42 This type is also referred to as Corinthian Type B. For the most recent statement of the problematic provenance of this

type, see I.K. Whitbread, Clays of Corinth: The Study of a Basic Resource for Ceramic Production, in: C.K. Williams III - N.
Bookidis (eds), Corinth, the Centenary 1896-1996, Corinth XX, Princeton 2003, 8-9. For similar forms from datable early 3rd-cen-
tury contexts, see C.G. Koehler, Corinthian A and B Transport Amphoras, Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1978, pls 32-34.
I am very grateful to Katerina Kanta-Kitsou and Eirene Svana, both of whom I met in Aigio, for very kindly hosting my brief visit
to Kerkyra in 2005.
43 The identification is based on similarity in terms of form and fabric with finds from Samothrace or jars stamped as from

Samothrace. See XÚ. K·Ú·‰‹Ì·-M¿ÙÛ·, EÚÁ·ÛÙ‹ÚÈÔ ·Ú·ÁˆÁ‹˜ ·ÌÊÔÚ¤ˆÓ ÛÙË ™·ÌÔıÚ¿ÎË, ° EÏÏKÂÚ, 355-362.
44 This kantharos is illustrated by G. Langmann - P. Scherrer, ÖJh 62 (1993), 14, fig. 3.
45 Coins M92/1 and M92/3; I thank Christine Rogl for passing along this information from Stefan Karwiese.
46 For preliminary reports on this well and its contents, see G. Langmann, ÖJh 61 (1991-1992) Grabung, 5-6, and F. Soykal,

Eine spätklassische Terrakottastatuette den Kybele aus Ephesos, BerMat ÖAI 5 (1993), 53-56.
47 The restoration of NI/K[A] is based on comparison with an example from Corinth (C-1988-44) and examples in the

Benaki collection (documentation in the Grace archives). The second line of the stamp reading LU is missing. The suggested
restoration is supported by finds from Athens (Agora SS 7481; Kerameikos KGA 1520) and Delos (TD 1519).
48 From the Grace archives. Grace classified this Lysimachos as a fabricant.

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EARLY HELLENISTIC AMPHORAS FROM KERYNIA SHIPWRECK AND EPHESOS WELL LB

(since his name is paired with four eponyms all possibly related to names on the Kerynia wreck). But in
that case the presence of (the same?) NIKA at Ephesos/Arsinoeia most likely after 294 creates a six-year
or greater gap in known pairings of NIKA and eponyms despite the close resemblance of the jars in the
two groups. Alternatively, if the Kerynia wreck date is lowered to 294 or even 290, then the ‘known’ career
of NIKA more easily accommodates both the period preceding the wreck and the terminus post quem of
294 for the paired eponym LUSI from the Ephesian well.
Such a placement of all of the Kerynia eponyms within the 290s works reasonably well with Fin-
kielsztejn’s discussion of the early Rhodian chronology. He suggested that the start of name stamps
should occur after the use of a coin stamp whose type appears no earlier than 304. His preliminary count
of 24 Period IA eponyms (includes Kerynia) gives a starting date of 294. The suggestion here of having
the Kerynia eponyms likely near or just after 294 fits well with the idea that Rhodian name stamping
starts sometime after 304 and likely close to 294. Placing the wreck within the first decade of the 3rd cen-
tury (as opposed to the very end of the 4th) likewise matches Finkielsztejn’s suggestion that the Rhodian
amphora type from the wreck continues in use into the first decade of the 3rd century.
These conclusions place the Rhodian stamps contemporary with the Kerynia shipwreck slightly ear-
lier than has been suggested in the recent work by Vladimir Kats and Sergei Monakhov. Kats and Mon-
akhov suggested a date for TI/MAR in the period 285-280 BC. The same stamp with TI/MAR in a circle
seen at Kerynia is also attested at the Zelenskoe kurgan on the east side of the entrance to the Sea of
Azov49. The majority of stamped amphoras in this kurgan are from Sinope from Niculae Conovici’s
groups IIc and IId, dated from the late 4th century to ca. 296 BC50. Nikolai Fedoseev dates the same
stamps to the late 4th century51. Four Thasian jars fall into the same chronological range as the Sinopean
amphoras (using Conovici’s Sinopean chronology)52. There is also one Chersonesan amphora with the
stamp Prutãniow toË ÉAr¤stvnow, and Vladimir Stolba has recently suggested a date in the period
289-275 for this name53. Kats and Monakhov both use this single, latest stamp as evidence that TIMAR
was active in the period 285-280. It seems far more likely that the Rhodian stamped fragment coincides in
date with the other Aegean imports and other jars more generally, that is back in the 290s54.
The Kerynia shipwreck and Well LB from Ephesos, thus, provide useful independent evidence for
the dating of early Rhodian amphoras, and this evidence matches well with conclusions based on the
intrinsic evidence provided by the stamps themselves (as offered by Finkielsztejn).

49 Monakhov 1999, 477-484.

50 The stamps are listed by Monakhov 1999, 479-480; for the dating see Conovici 1998, 51.
51 Fedoseev 1999, table 3.
52 Alkeides (Avram 1996, dates to ca. 305), Deinopas (Avram dates to 296), Aristomenes (Avram dates to 294), and perhaps

Pythion II (Avram dates to 292).

53 Stolba 2005, 169.
54 A second Pontic tumulus, the Chertomlyk kurgan, includes the more extended version of the same Rhodian name,

TIMAR[X]O`U` (Monakhov 1999, 362-369). While the tumulus group in general tends to be dated to the 340s-330s BC, a Cher-
sonesan stamp of Xanthos is dated by Stolba (2005, 168) to 321-304 (Kats’ date is 315-300), and a Sinopean stamp of Borys is dated
by Conovici (1998, 38 and 51) to 283-280 (cf. Fedoseev 1999, proposing 304 BC). In this case, a date in the 280s would work just as
well as a date in the 290s; however, the evidence from Zelenskoe militates against such a late date.

681
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MARK L. LAWALL

BIBLIOGRAPHY - ABBREVIATIONS

Avram 1996 A. Avram, Histria VIII, Les timbres amphoriques 1, Thasos, Bucarest 1996.
Calvet 1982 Y. Calvet, Kition-Bamboula I. Les timbres amphoriques, Paris 1982.
Conovici 1998 N. Conovici, Histria VIII, Les timbres amphoriques 2, Sinope, Bucarest 1998.
Gjerstad et al. 1935 E. Gjerstad - J. Lindros - E. Sjöqvist - A. Westhølm, The Swedish Cyprus Expedition,
Finds and Results of the Excavations in Cyprus, 1927-31, v. 2, Stockholm 1935.
Empereur - Picon 1986 J.-Y. Empereur - M. Picon, Des ateliers d’amphores à Paros et à Naxos, BCH 110
(1986), 495-511.
Fedoseev 1999 N. Fedoseev, Classification des timbres astynomiques de Sinope, in: Y. Garlan (éd.),
Production et commerce des amphores anciennes en Mer Noire, Colloque international
organisé à Istanbul, 25-28 mai 1994, Aix-en-Provence 1999, 27-47.
Finkielsztejn 2001 G. Finkielsztejn, Chronologie détaillée et révisée des eponymes amphoriques rhodiens, de
270 à 108 av. J.-C. environ. Premier bilan, BAR International Series 990, Oxford 2001.
Grace 1963 V. Grace, Notes on the Amphoras from the Koroni Peninsula, Hesperia 32 (1963),
319-334.
Grace 1971 V. Grace, Samian amphoras, Hesperia 40 (1971), 52-95.
Grace - Savvatianou- V. Grace - M. Savvatianou-Petropoulakou, Les timbres amphoriques grecs, Délos
Petropoulakou 1970 XXVII, 277-382.
Kats 2002 V.I. Kats, Reviziya khronologii rannikh keramicheskikh kleym Rodosa, AMA 11
(2002), 153-167.
Lund 1992 H.S. Lund, Lysimachus: A Study in Hellenistic Kingship, London - New York 1992.
Meyza 2004 H. Meyza, Kouriaka Again: Amphora Stamps from the Kourion Acropolis Excava-
tions, in: J. Eiring - J. Lund (eds), Transport Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern
Mediterranean, Acts of the International Colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens,
September 26-29, 2002, Athens 2004, 273-284.
Monakhov 1999 S.Yu. Monakov, Grecheskiye amfory v prichernomor’e. Kompleksy keramicheskoy tary
VII-II vekov do n. e., Saratov 1999.
Monakhov 2003 S.Yu. Monakhov, Grecheskiye amfory v Prichernomor’ye: Tipologiya amfor vedyzhikh
tsentrov-eksporterov tovarov v keramicheskoy tare, Moscow - Saratov 2003.
Stern 1995 E. Stern (ed.), Excavations at Dor, Final Report IB, Areas A and C: The Finds, Qedem
Reports 2, Jerusalem 1995.
Stolba 2005 V.F. Stolba, Hellenistic Chersonesos: Towards Establishing a Local Chronology, in:
V.F. Stolba - L. Hannestad (eds), Chronologies of the Black Sea Area in the Period c.
400-100 BC, Black Sea Studies 3, Aarhus 2005, 153-177.
Swiny - Katzev 1973 H. Swiny - M.L. Katzev, The Kyrenia Shipwreck: A Fourth-Century B.C. Greek
Merchant Ship, in: D. Blackman (ed.), Marine Archaeology, London 1973, 339-359.

Mark L. Lawall
Classics Department
University of Manitoba
220 Dysart Rd
Winnipeg MB R3T 2M8
CANADA

682
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MARK L. LAWALL ¶π¡∞∫∞™ 281

758 310 454

454

342 428
339

454

Amphoras from the Kerynia shipwreck from Rhodes.

057_LAWALL_film 7-12-11 11:19 ™ÂÏ›‰·282

¶π¡∞∫∞™ 282 MARK L. LAWALL

374

390

029

433

130 212

Amphoras from the Kerynia shipwreck and the adjacent mainland (no. 029).
057_LAWALL_film 7-12-11 11:19 ™ÂÏ›‰·283

MARK L. LAWALL ¶π¡∞∫∞™ 283

783 411 485

P113

P113

Amphoras from the Kerynia shipwreck.

057_LAWALL_film 7-12-11 11:19 ™ÂÏ›‰·284

¶π¡∞∫∞™ 284 MARK L. LAWALL

Amphoras from Well LB, Tetragonos Agora excavations, Ephesos.